THE  UNIVERSITY 


OF  ILUNOIS 
UBRARY 


37S 

B2S4s 

1873 


Return  this  book  on  or  before  the 
Latest  Date  stamped  below. 


University  of  Illinois  Library 


APR  2 


m 2 3 


L161— H41 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
• in  2017  with  funding  from,  ' 

University  of  Illinois  Urbane-Champaign  Alternates 


https://archive.org/details/superiorinstructOObarn 


'i. 


S>' 


/■' 


■ *'  / 


{, 


P; 


■ '".  J ' ■■':v  '■'  U 

■ \(i  ..-t 


'■;S 


'1; 


t 


s - j 


'y>U^  it 


, . < 

v ■■  V, 


TiiEnF'^-yrF  t:-e 
"EG  18  1933 

!JN!VfR$!iY  OF  i.LliMGlS 


NATIONAL  EDUCATION. 


AN  ACCOUNT 


HISTORY,  ORGANIZATION,  ADMINISTRATION,  STUDIES,  DISCIPLINE  AND 
STATISTICS  OF  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  OF  EVERY  GRADE  AND  FOR 
ALL  CLASSES  IN  DIFFERENT  COUNTRIES. 


By  henry  BARNARD,  LL.D. 


NOW  READY. 

FAementary  and  Secondanj  Instruction  in  the  German  States  : Anhalt,  Austria,  Baden,  Bava- 
ria, Brunswick,  Hanover,  Hesse-Cassel,  Hesse- Darmstadt,  Liechtenstein,  Lippe-Detmold,  Lippe- 
Schaumburg,  Luxemburg  and  Limberg,  Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  Mecklenburg-Strelitz,  Nassau, 
Oldenburg,  Prussia,  Reuss,  Saxony,  Saxe  Altenburg,  Saxe-Coburg,  Saxe-Meiningen,  Saxe-Wei- 
mar,  Waldeck,  Wurtemberg,  and  the  Free  Cities,  \with  a general  summary  of  the  Educational 
Systems  and  Statistics  for  the  whole  of  Germany.  856  pages.  Price,  $4.50.  Sewed  and  in 
paper  covers. 

Elementary  and  Secondary  Instruction  in  Switzerland  (each  of  the  23  Cantons),  France,  Bel- 
gium, Holland,  Denmark,  Norway  and  Sweden,  Russia,  Turkey,  Greece,  Italy,  Portugal  and 
Spain.  800  Pages.  Price,  $4,50.  Sewed  and  in  paper  covers. 

Scientific  and  Industrial  Edt, cation  in  Austria,  Baden,  Bavaria,  Brunswick,  Free  Cities,  Han- 
over, Nassau,  Prussia,  Saxony,  Saxon-Principalities,  Wurtemberg,  France,  Belgium,  Hollands 
Denmark,  Norway,  Sweden,  Russia,  Switzerland,  Italy.  800  Pages.  Price,  $4.50, 

Special  Instruction  in  Great  Britain,  with  an  Appendix  containing  selected  Chapters  from 
the  Report  on  Scientific  and  Industrial  Education  in  other  European  States  with  particular  refer- 
ence to  Drawing,  and  Systems  of  Technical  Schools.  500  Pages.  Price,  $3.00. 

Superior  Instruction  in  different  countries:  Universities  of  Germany,  Past  and  Present; 
History  of  Higher  Teaching  in  Athens,  Rome,  and  Alexandria;  Early  Christian  Schools;  Uni- 
versities of  Bologna  and  Paris;  Revival  of  Classical  Studies  in  Italy,  the  Netherlands,  &.c. ; 
Present  Condition  of  Universities  and  Colleges  in  Europe  and  the  United  States.  1 Volume, 
800  pages.  $4.50. 

Military  Schools  and  Special  Instruction  in  the  Science  and  Art  of  War  by  Land  and  Sea, 
in  France,  Prussia,  Austria,  Bavaria,  Italy,  Switzerland,  Russia,  Great  Britain,  and  the  United 
States.  1 Vol.  960  pages,  $4.50. 


NATIONAL  EDIICATION, 


The  subscriber  will  begin  early  in  1871,  to  print  under  the  general  title  of  National 
Education,  a scries  of  volumes  designed  to  embrace  a comprehensive  survey  of  the  His- 
tory, Organization,  Administration,  Studies,  Discipline,  and  Statistics  of  Public  Schools 
of  different  grades  and  for  all  classes,  and  of  other  Institutions  and  Agencies  for  the  Educa- 
tion of  the  people,  and  for  the  public  service  generally  in  different  Countries.  The  series 
will  embrace — 

Parts  I and  II.  Elementary  and  Secondary  Instruction. 


Volume  I.  The  German  States. — Viz : Anhalt,  Austria,  Baden,  Bavaria,  Brunswick,  Hanover, 
Ilesse-Cassel,  Ilesse-Darmstadt,  Liechtenstein,  Lippe-Detmold,  Lippe-Shaumberg, 
Luxemburg,  Mecklenburg,  Nassau,  Oldenburg,  Russia,  Eeuss,  Saxony,  Saxe-Al- 
tenburg,  Saxe-Coburg,  Saxe-Meiningen,  Saxe- Weimar,  Schwarzburg,  Waldeck, 
Wurtemberg,  and  the  Free  Cities,  together  with  a Summary  of  the  Educational 
Systems  and  Statistics  for  the  whole  of  Germany. 

II.  Switzerland,  France,  Belgium,  Holland,  Denmark,  Norway  and  Sweden,  Russia, 
Turkey,  Greece,  Italy,  Portugal,  Spain. 

III.  Great  Britain  and  the  American  States — with  a comparison  of  the  systems  and  con- 
dition of  Public  Schools  of  the  Elementary  and  Secondary  Grades  in  the  United 
States,  with  those  of  the  more  advanced  States  of  Europe. 

Part  III.  Universities,  Colleges,  and  other  Institutions  op  Superior  In- 
struction IN  DIFFERENT  COUNTRIES. 


Part  IY.  Professional,  Class,  and  Special  Instruction. 


Volume  I. 


II. 

III. 

IV. 

V. 

VI. 
VII. 


Scientific  and  Technical  Schools  preparatory  to  the  occupations  of  Agriculture,  Architecture, 
Commerce,  Engineering,  Manufacturing,  Mechanics,  ISIining,  Navigation,  &c. 

Normal  Schools,  Teachers  Institutes  and  Associations,  and  other  Agencies  for  the  Profession- 
al Training  and  Improvement  of  Teachers. 

Military  Schools  and  Courses  of  Instruction  in  the  Science  and  Art  of  War  by  Land  and  Sea. 

Preventive  and  Reformatory  Schools  and  Agencies  for  Neglected,  Truant,  Vicious,  and  Crimi- 
nal Children  and  Youth. 

Professional  Schools,  Associations, and  Legal  Requirements  respecting  the  Practice  of  Law, 
Medicine,  and  Theology. 

Female  Education  : or  Public  Schools  and  other  Institutions  for  the  Education  of  Girls. 

Institutions  and  Special  Instruction  for  the  Exceptional  Classes — the  Deaf-mute,  Blind, 
Feeble-minded,  Orphan,  &c. 


Part  V.  Institutions  for  Supple»ientary  Instruction. 

To  provide  for  the  Deficiencies  or  the  Continuance  of  the  Instruction  given  in  Regular  Schools, 
(such  as  Libraries,  Lectures,  Special  Classes.) 

Part  VI.  Societies  and  Museums  for  the  Advancement  op  Arts,  Educa- 
tion, Literature,  and  Science. 


Part  VII.  Catalogue  of  the  best  Publications  on  Schools  and  Education 
I IN  Different  Countries. 

I TERMS : 

Each  Volume  will  be  complete  in  itself,  and  will  contain  at  least  seven  hundred  pages,  of  the  same  size 
type  and  paper,  as  the  American  Journal  of  Education,  and  will  be  forwarded  by  mail,  express,  or  other- 
wise, according  to  the  directions,  and  at  the  risk  and  expense  of  the  person  ordering  the  same. 

Orders  will  be  received  for  any  one  of  the  Volumes  in  advance  of  publication  at  $3.50  per  copy  sewed 
and  in  paper  cover,  for  which  at  least  $4.50  will  be  charged  after  pubheation. 

Persons  ordering  any  volume  will  be  notified  when  the  same  is  ready  for  delivery  and  it  will  be  forward, 
ed,  on  receiving  the  subscription  price  according  to  the  above  terms. 

HENRY  BARNARD,  Publisher  of  American  Journal  of  Education.* 

Hartford,  Conn 


^ii^frior  lustructiott 


AN  ACCOUNT 


0 F 


r? 

r-^  181 


uNivt5isnv  Of  i 

UNIVERSITIES  AND  OTHER  INSTITUTIONS 


OF 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTI-ON 


IN  DIFFERENT  COUNTRIES. 


By  henry  BARNARD,  LL.  D., 

LATE  UNITED  STATES  COMJIISSIONER  OF  EDUCATION. 


REVISED  EDITION. 


HARTFORD: 

OFFICE  OF  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  EDUCATION. 

LONDON  : TRUUNER  & CO.,  PATERNOSTER  ROW. 


37? 

1^7'' 


PREFACE. 


This  volume  is  composed  of  chapters  on  Superior  Instruction  in 

0 different  countries,  which  have  appeared  as  articles,  original  and 

6 selected,  in  successive  numbers  of  the  American  Journal  of  Edu- 

cation^  in  prosecution  of  a plan  announced  in  the  original  prospectus 

01  of  that  periodical,  to  give  a comprehensive  survey  of  the  whole 

Q field  of  systems  and  institutions  of  education  in  different  ages, 

ri  under  different  conditions  of  government  and  religion.  They  are 

issued  in  this  form  as  contributions  only  to  the  material  for  a 
historical  development  of  this  department  of  public  instruction. 

HENRY  BARNARD. 

Hartford,  Conn.,  July,  1873. 


-■a 

o 


851873 


■ 

rt* 


D®«*r  ■ ' vt  '/ 

V^v'.  • .•'-/rvi'v.-  ^*. 

fc?  .#.■ 


■T>- 


'-y^’ 


■' 


• V.v\  HiT'  A --t 

.f-.  ■ - / . ill.  \./  i\  , ,v  w i 


*K^.3=^  • . .,  ' :'£^ 


■"  fli 


- -,  ' ■ 


% 

V--,  /{  '■‘!;tru<^f 


' ill  a 

■■V.  InK  fiiitfjjti'rtli  ,*'.i»lrjiJti'.  .,4  ■•>{■{■  i\  :'\^ 

' **'<  VivA'^viM,  ’ftilX  W 

r:“'-  • ^ ,•>♦^<  <»»■  f *‘>*!Kty<j>n>rjf'  jf  ':<V  .'<  if'UiO*  tlii  ♦ 

:C  ‘ ,.  ■ • ''‘‘V.  ■'  ■ J > ■ '''\  --^ 

',sf  >«».  «:i<tf;:,  ;■  : ' T' ^ ^ 

iL^yy  'iV’-^^-Mrv.''  '■I* 

w i«’V  -iti'ii  *>i  ‘^^VrG.  V v1’'^  ‘ '''^’^’ 


Eti-''' 


r-ky^--  r .' 

yfcv'.^'T 


liMAVriAH  YjlV?5lii 


• r 


‘ 4^\. 


W.  . • 


r^iy  ' ..  ^'.\ 

r- 


-/i 


‘ -ys,  „ , 

\ i'rt, 


^'py 


I 


>vY'>. 


>:♦■■■  V,.' 


■^;v  .' 


■ '■  mis??  ■■  ■■  : 


CONTENTS 


1.  Germany 1-448 

11.  Italy 449-682 

III.  Netherlands 689-752 

lY.  France 758-882 

Y.  Switzerland 888-848 

YI.  Denmark,  Norway,  Sweden 849-864 

YII.  Eussia 865-880 

YIII.  Greece  and  Turkey 881-896 

IX.  Spain  and  Portugal 897-912 

X.  Great  Britain 918-944 

XL  American  States 945-992 

Index  to  Superior  Instruction 988-1000 


■rt', 


».  -r/.  ■■.  '.? 


' r'^.’r-  ■ ' • '■-' 

■V»;f;*‘:  - 


I. ; /n  'J  • V‘  :■*  -cTjj 


■^y 


l-^sp- 


■f.'‘  • ■• 


. ■ : .'.*  •‘i,.  : i 

'-'■  ’«  ■<•  ■-  ■■  !•-.  M . V^' 


A,  i ''. 


5 .>,  .«■  ■_♦•>.■;;>• 


•V. 


r .,... 

•'SdiQ^O 

..  ...  •.  V 

.V..’.- 

i-08  - '. 

088  8v’"'  •.  • * * '. 

ciOB  V.-..  .s,’.,. 

■ .f 

VOO  ,<:>t*0  . •;  , . ..^.  ,. , 




>•■9 


» if  ‘ ■ 


,<:  .( 

‘ > 


, I I 


\ : 1 .»v.? 

y... yja,tt.  jr  ^ ■’ 

. , . . ,>  .Ilf 

i-v^...  ..  , ..,■■■ ..'..j-iz^.i'-r 

: . , / . . . / \ :'f  \,- 

. , ...Vi  VVX  /.7r><f  1 ^ /.  ff  ■ ■ -* 

. A . .>  v- . . ,ntV^ 

.V  ...;',!  'iVSyi:  V r/.‘i<^  .{XI,  rf 

{ /.  . -.  'V '*.w^f>  ;-X!'>v' 

v! .'.  ^ .f . . . { . 

, 


I 


m 


i'  - t'*; 


- ' ,r,'  V;  ■'■’,-;’ii:ry'‘ 

■ »■■■;  '".  ■ 'v  vi<i  ll'affk 


- J'.'.'  ' ; Vi,  Jr.i 

( ,.  r ' v.,i4 


■>  V''  :,,f  -..^ 


/'u  /•; 


•' ..'.JHi>T4>‘;  , 1., 

t»;'.!,'  ■ ■■-  .■>-<^*,n4''ij 


'4"7''  <U  'i:  ■ ’ 


.rr*^4 

■ : .41 
( 


1 


sif 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


INTRODUCTION. 

In  the  further  prosecution  of  a comprehensive  survey  of  the 
educational  institutions  of  different  countries  in  their  historical 
development  and  present  condition,  we  have  reached  the  close  of 
our  studies,  for  the  present,  in  the  department  of  Superior  Instruc- 
tion— meaning  by  that  term  the  highest  formal  instruction 
recognized  in  the  system  of  public  schools  in  each  State. 

To  the  individual  thinkers,  to  the  discoveries,  suggestions,  and 
inspirations  of  a few  teachers,  to  the  sagacity  of  the  master-builders 
of  social  order,  acting  in  advance  of  the  general  intelligence  of 
their  age  and  country,  does  society  owe  its  superior  instruction  ; 
and  in  the  aims,  motives,  methods,  and  institutions  of  such  men 
must  we  find  the  clue  of  its  progressive  development. 

.This  instruction,  so  far  as  it  is  systematized  in  different  countries, 
will  be  found  to  differ  in  tlie  organization  and  administration  of  the 
institutions  to  which  it  is  committed,  as  well  as  in  the  subjects  and 
methods,  by  which  it  is  given — according  to  the  conditions  of  the 
government  and  people,  by  whom  and  for  whom  it  has  been  pro- 
vided, and  the  state  of  the  elementary  and  secondary  schools  on  which, 
as  a basis,  the  colleges  and  universities  of  the  country  must  rest. 

In  every  country,  and  in  every  stage  of  their  development, 
colleges  and  universities  have  owed  their  organization  to  the  State, 
or  to  the  Church ; and  to  the  latter  only  when  it  usurped,  or  at  least 
exercised  the  functions  of  the  former.  To  the  State,  in  its  supreme 
or  its  delegated  authority,  (either  of  municipalities  or  special  cor- 
porations created  by  it),  or  to  the  Church,  when  associated  with  the 
State,  or  in  some  of  its  many  denominational  organizations,  has 
their  administration  been  committed,  so  that  each  institution  reflects' 
and  imparts  a special  political  and  religious  character  and  influence. 
From  this  general  statement  should  be  excepted  our  State  Univer- 
sities and  Schools  of  Science  organized  on  the  basis  of  national 
land  grants,  and  a few  European  institutions,  avowedly  liberal ; but 
even  these  institutions  can  hardly  be  said  to  be  neutral  in  the 

(9) 


X 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


political  and  religious  influence,  at  least,  which  their  professors 
exert  on  the  students.  Setting  the  State  institutions  aside,  nearly 
all  the  colleges  were  chartered  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  securing 
the  contributions,  endowments,  and  students  from  particular  States, 
and  from  particular  religious  denominations. 

The  subject  of  superior  instruction,  in  its  connection  with  the 
clerical,  legal,  and  medical  professions,  and  the  institutions  gener- 
ally classed  in  this  department  (the  colleges  and  universities  of 
different  countries),  can  not  now  be  studied  without  reference  to  the 
wants  of  other  controlling  occupations  of  modern  society,  and  the 
institutions  which  have  been  called  into  existence  to  meet  them — 
the  engineers  for  roads,  bridges,  mines,  the  designers  and  con- 
structors of  machinery  by  which  the  forces  of  nature  are  made  to 
do  the  work  of  human  brains  and  human  muscles  in  all  forms  of 
manufacturing  and  mechanical  industry,  and  the  special  demands  of 
agriculture,  architecture,  commerce,  and  navigation,  and  the  poly- 
technic, technical,  and  special  schools,  which  are  the  creations  of  the 
present  century,  and  most  of  them  of  the  last  twenty -five  years. 
These  subjects  have  already  been  treated  with  considerable  fullness 
in  separate  chapters,  which  are  now  embodied  in  special  treatises.* 
To  the  thoughtful  study  of  the  history  and  present  condition  of 
institutions  designed  for  the  highest  culture  of  literature,  science, 
and  art,  in  different  countries,  with  a view  to  the  establishment 
and  further  advancement  of  similar  institutions  in  our  own,  this 
volume  is  now  issued  as  a contribution. 

* Elementary  and  Secondary  Instruction  in  the  German  States : Anhalt,  Austria,  Baden, 
Bavaria,  Brunswick,  Hanover,  Hesse-Cossel,  Hesse-Darmstadt,  Liechtenstein,  Lippe-Detmold, 
Lippe-Schaumburg,  Luxemburg  and  Limberg,  Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  Mecklenburg-Strelitz, 
Nassau,  Oldenburg,  Prussia,  Reuss,  Saxony,  Suxe-Altenburg,  Saxe-Coburg,  Saxe-Meiningen, 
Saxe-Weimar,  Waldeck,  Wurtemberg,  and  the  Free  Cities,  with  a general  summary  of  the  Edu- 
cational Systems  and  Statistics  for  the  whole  of  Germany.  856  })ages.  Price,  $5.50. 

Elementary  and  Secondary  Instruction  in  Switzerland  (each  of  the  23  Cantons),  France,  Bel- 
gium, Holland,  Denmark,  Norway  and  Sweden,  Russia,  Turkey,  Greece,  Italy,  Portugal,  and 
Spain.  875  pages.  Price,  $5.50. 

Scientific  and  Industrial  Education  in  Austria,  Baden,  Bavaria,  Brunswick,  Free  Cities, 
Hanover,  Nassau,  Prussia,  Saxony,  Saxon-Principalities,  Wurtemberg,  France,  Belgium,  Holland, 
Denmark,  Norway,  Sweden,  Russia,  Switzerland,  Italy.  880  pages.  Price,  $5.50. 

Special* Instruction  in  Chreat  Britain,  yvitti  an  Appendix  containing  selected  Chapters  from 
the  Report  on  Scientific  and  Industrial  Education  in  other  European  States  with  particular  refer- 
ence to  Drawing,  and  Systems  of  Technical  Schools.  Price,  $3.00. 

Scientific  and  Technical  Instruction  in  the  United  States  : Report  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Education  for  1867-8.  $2.00. 

Military  Schools  and  Special  Instruction  in  the  Science  and  Jirt  of  War  by  Land  and  Sea, 
in  France,  Prussia,  Austria,  Bavaria,  Italy,  Switzerland,  Russia,  Great  Britain,  and  the  United 
States.  960  pages.  Price,  $5.50. 

Mormal  Schools,  and  other  Seminaries,  Institutes,  and  Jlgencies  for  Professional  Training 
and  Improvement  of  Teachers  in  Different  Countries.  (In  press). 

School  Codes  of  Motions.  (In  press). 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


Superior  Instruction  : Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  Universi- 
ties of  Germany,  with  an  account  of  the  Systems  and  Institutions  of 
Superior  Instruction  in  other  countries.  912  pages.  $5.60.  Repub- 
lished from  Barnard’s  American  Journal  of  Education,  with  additions. 

CONTENTS. 


1.  GERMAN  STATES. 

Pass. 

iNTRODUCTrON 3 

I.  The  German  Universities.  From  the  German  of  Karl  von  Raumer 9 

I.  Historical 9 

1.  Introduction.  Universities  of  Salerno,  Bologna,  and  Paris 9 

2.  List  of  German  Universities,  with  date  of  their  foundation 10 

3.  The  German  Universities  in  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  centuries 11 

A.  Charters,  or  Letters  of  Foundation 11 

B.  The  Pope  and  the  Universities 12 

C.  The  Emj)eror  and  the  Universities 16 

D.  Organization  of  the  earliest  German  Universities 17 

a.  The  Four  Nations.  Four  Faculties.  Rector.  Chancellor.  Endowments.  18 

b.  The  Four  Faculties 20 

1.  Faculty  of  Arts ’. 20 

2.  Faculty  of  Theology 21 

3.  Faculty  of  Canon  and  Civil  Law 24 

4.  Faculty  of  Medicine 26 

c.  Customs  and  Discipline 27 

4.  University  of  Wittenberg  and  its  relations  to  the  earlier  Universities 30 

5.  History  of  the  Customs  of  the  Universities  in  the  Seventeenth  Century. 37 

A.  The  Deposition 42 

B.  Pennalism ' 52 

6.  History  of  the  Universities  in  the  Eighteenth  Century 52 

A.  Nationalism.  National  Societies., 52 

B.  Students’ orders 56 

7.  History  of  the  Universities  in  the  Nineteenth  Century 58 

Introduction  ; the  author’s  academical  experience 59 

A.  Entrance  at  Halle,  1799;  a preliminary  view 59 

B.  Gottingen ; Easter  1801  to  Easter  1803 59 

C.  Halle;  Easter  1803  to  Sept.  1805 68 

D.  Breslau;  1810  to  1817 76 

a.  Establishment  of  the  Jena  Burschenschaft,  July  18,  1816.  Wartburg  Festi 

val,  Oct.  18,  1817 80 

b.  Establishment  of  the  general  Burschenschaft,  in  1818 91 

E.  Breslau,  1817  to  1819 92 

a.  Sand 102 

b.  The  consequences  of  Sand’s  crime.  Investigations.  Breaking  up  of  the 

societies.  Destruction  of  the  Burschenschaft 124 

F.  Halle,  1819  to  1823 136 

Conclusion 153 

n.  Appendix 355 

I.  Bull  of  Pius  II.,  creating  University  of  Ingoldstadt 157 

II.  List  of  Lectures  in  the  Faculty  of  Arts  in  1366 159 

III.  Bursaries 160 

IV.  The  ‘‘  Comment  ” of  the  National  Societies 161 

V.  Statutes 165 

A.  Constitution  of  the  General  German  Buischenschaft 165 

B.  The  Jena  Burschenschaft 168 

VI.  The  Wahburg  Letters. 183 

VII.  Bahrdt  with  the  iron  forehead 186 

VIII.  Substance  of  Tubingen  Statutes  for  organizing  a students*  committee 187 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


xii 

Pass. 

IX.  Extract  from  an  Address  of  Prof.  Heyder,  at  Jena,  in  1607 188 

X.  Synonyms  of  “ Beanus  ” 191 

XI.  Meyfart’s  **^retimis”  or  Student  Life  in  the  Sixteenth  Century 191 

XII.  Grant  of  Privileges  by  Leopold  1.  to  the  University  of  Halle J92 

XIII.  Works  referred  to 5253 

XIV.  The  Universities  in  the  summer  of  1853 198 

III.  Academical  Treatises 201 

1.  Lecture  system.  Dialogic  instruction 5201 

2.  Examinations 5206 

3.  Obligatory  lectures.  Optional  attendance.  Lyceums.  Relations  of  the  philo- 

sophical faculty  and  their  lectures,  to  those  of  the  professional  studies 213 

4.  Personal  relations  of  the  professors  and  students 5229 

5.  Small  and  large  universities.  Academies 236 

6.  University  instruction  in  elementary  natural  history 241 

7.  Student  songs 245 

Conclusion 049 

Index 255 

11.  The  German  Universities  compared  with  those  of  France  and  England. 

By  Prof.  H,  Von  Sybel,  Bonn 259 

French  idea  of  Superior  Instruction.  Renan 260 

Isolated  courses  and  Lectures.  College  of  France 260 

English  idea  of  Superior  Instruction 260 

Continuation  of  Subjects  and  Methods  of  Grammar  Schools 260 

German  union  of  original  Research  and  thorough  Instruction 262 

Relations  of  Universities  to  Gymnasia 262 

Defects  of  German  Universities 266  . 

III.  Universities  of  the  Middle  Ages.  By  Prof.  Charles  Savigny,  Berlin 271 — ^330 

Introduction.  Influence  on  the  civilization  of  Europe 273 

1.  Universities  of  Italy.  Origin  and  Peculiarities 275 

(1.)  Bologna.  Earliest  Statutes.  Rector.  Faculties.  Nations.  Degrees....  275 

(2.)  Padua.  (3 ) Pisa.  (4.)  Vicenza.  (5.)  Vicelli.  (6.)  Arezzo 275 

(7.)  Ferrara.  (8.)  Rome.  (9.)  Naples.  (10.)  Perugia.  (11.)  Modena,  Pavia,  296 

2.  Universities  of  France 309 

(1.)  Paris.  Oldest  Documents.  Peculiarities.  Teachers.  Colleges 309 

(2.)  Montpellier.  (3.)  Orleans.  (4.)  Other  French  Universities 316 

3.  Universities  of  England,  Scotland,  Spain,  Portugal 324 

Remarks  on  the  older  universities .' 325 

Name.  Relations  to  the  Church  and  State.  Chancellor 327 

Law  Lectures.  Subjects.  Relation  of  Students  to  Teachers 327 

IV.  Universities — Past  and  Present,  by  Dr.  Dollinger,  Munich 331 

Meaning  and  origin  of  the  University 333 

Characteristic  features  of  the  ancient  Schools  of  Italy  and  France 334 

Late  development  of  the  German  High  School 335 

Rapid  Multiplication.  Religious  Agitation.  Thirty  Years’  War 337 

New  University  without  territorial  circumspection 343 

Reorganization  of  the  University  of  Vienna 345 

Common  bond  of  all  Faculties  and  Sciences 347 

University  organization  and  Teaching  in  other  European  States 348 

France — Great  Britain — United  States — Italy 349 

Spain — Holland— Scandinavia — Russia 350 

Universities — the  seed-beds  and  workshops  of  German  thought 351 

German  Faculty  of  Historical  Research 353 

Quadruple  Task  of  German  High  Schools 355 

Contributions  to  Scientific  and  Literary  Production 357 

Chief  acquisition  of  University  Training  in  the  Historical  Sense 359 

V.  Statistics — Faculties,  Professors,  Students 361 

VI.  Historical  Development  OF  Particular  Institutions 385 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  xiii 

II.  ITALY. 

I.  Historical  Development  of  Superior  Instruction 453 

1.  Higher  Education  in  Ancient  Greece 453 

State  policy — The  Sophists — Public  Life — Attic  Oratory 456 

Schools  of  Athens — Plato,  Socrates,  Aristotle 462 

Museum  of  Alexandria — its  Rector,  Professors,  Students 464 

Rhodes — Antioch — Tarsus 466 

2.  Higher  Education  among  the  Romans 467 

Teachers  of  Rhetoric  and  Grammar.  Study  of  Greek 469 

Personal  Influence.  Unconscious  Tuition  of  Eminent  Men.  Etruvia 474 

Athenaeum  of  the  Capital.  University  of  Athens 475 

Professors,  appointment,  salaries  and  assistants 477 

Sophists  of  the  later  Roman  Empire.  Mode  of  Instruction 481 

3.  Effects  of  Christianity  on  Academic  study 486 

Octagon  or  Tetradision  of  Constantine 487 

Theological  Seminaries — Alexandria — Constantinople 488 

Roman  Law  at  Rome  and  Berytus 489 

Rule  of  the  Ostrogoths — German  element 490 

4.  Differences  between  Ancient  and  Modern  Academic  Institutions 492 

Corporate  privileges— Academic  degrees 463 

Faculty  of  Arts,  associated  with  Theology  and  Law 495 

Special  Sciences — Canon  Law — Medicine — Roman  Law 500 

Influence  of  Byzantine  Greeks — Platonic  element — Arabic  culture 505 

Internal  Economy  of  Ancient  and  Modern  Academic  life 506 

Emancipation  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts — Classical  Learning 507 

Notes — Museum  of  Alexandria — Literary  Clubs,  or  Symposia 510 

11.  Christian  Schools — ^as  distinguished  from  Pagan 513 

St.  Mark  at  Alexandria — Catechetical  School 5/5 

PantajDus — Clement — Origen  at  Alexandria  and  Caesarea 516 

Cassiodorus  in  Italy — Sacred  Studies — Trivium  and  Q.uadrivium 521 

Monastic  Institutions  in  the  East — Rule  of  St.  Basil 522 

Religious  Orders  of  the  West — Christian  Women 523 

St.  Benedict  and  tlie  Benedictines 525 

Monte  Casino — Summary  of  the  Benedictine  Rule 528 

Monasteries  as  Schools  and  Refuges  of  Civilization 535 

in.  Revival  of  the  Languages  and  Literatures  of  Greece  and  Rome 541 

1.  Literary  studies  of  the  Middle  Ages — Intellectual  Life..... 545 

Trivium,  Q.uadrivium,  Mathematics,  Astronomy,  Natural  History 548 

Roger  Bacon — Lay  of  Nibelungen 549 

2.  Dante  and  Boccaccio — Use  of  the  Vernacular 550 

Petrarch — precursor  of  Philological  Poetry — aversion  to  scholasticism 556 

3.  Growth  of  Classical  Learning — Florence 565 

John  of  Ravenna  and  Chrysoloras — Guarino  and  Vittorino  di  Feltre 567 

Cosmo  di  Medici — Lorenzo — Pope  Nicholas  V. — First  printed  books 570 

Platonic  Academy  at  Florence — Marsitius,  Ficinus,  George  of  Trebezond 572 

Francis  Philelphus — Poggius — Laureutius  Valla — Bessarion — Gaza 573 

Lorenzo  di  Medici — Landinus — Politianus — Picus,  Count  of  Mirandola 577 

Leo  X. — the  dark  side  of  his  Pontificate — Machiavelli  and  Ariosto 586 

Retrospect— Influence  on  Germany,  France,  and  England 592 

IV.  Superior  Instruction  in  the  Kingdom  of  Italy 595 

I.  Historical  notice  of  existing  Universities 597 

1.  State  Universities. 598 

Bologna,  Cagliari,  Catania,  Genoa,  Maceralta,  Messina,  Modena,  Naples,  603 
Palermo,  Parma,  Padua,  Pavia,  Pisa,  Sassari,  Siena,  Turin 609 

2.  Non-governrnent  Universities 616 

Camerino,  Ferrara,  Perugia,  Urbino 616 

3.  Superior  Institutes 619 

4.  Higher  Learning  in  the  city  of  Rome 622 

II.  Administration,  Faculties,  Professors,  Students,  and  Statistics 621 

III.  Teaching  Orders  of  the  Catholic  Church 641 


xiv 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTlOxN 


III.  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

1.  Historical  Development (JTS 

1.  Schools  and  Institutions  of  the  Church 677 

2.  Instruction  of  Eminent  Teachers 685 

3.  Universities 705 

11.  Superior  and  Professional  Instruction 713 

I.  Holland. — II.  Belgium 713 

IV.  FRANCE. 

I.  Historical  Development 723 

1.  Schools  and  Institutions  of  the  Church 723 

2.  Universities  and  Colleges 729 

3.  Imperial  University 737 

11.  Superior  and  Professional  Instruction 745 

1.  Faculties — (1  ) Literature  and  Science.  (2.)  Theology.  (3.)  Law.  (4.)  Medicine.  745 

2.  Institutions  outside  of  the  Faculties.  (1  ) College  of  France.  (2.)  Oriental  Lan- 

guages, &c 747 

3.  Practical  School  of  Higher  Studies 749 

HI.  Statistics  of  Institutions  and  Expenditures 757 

Guizot’s  Ministry  of  Superior  Instruction 767 

V.  SWITZERLAND. 

I.  Historical  Development 803 

II.  Cantonal  Institutions  of  Superior  Instruction 805 

VI  DENMARK,  NORWAY,  SWEDEN. 

I.  Historical  Development 811 

II.  Institutions  of  Superior  Instruction 812 

1.  Denmark. — 11.  Norway. — HI.  Sweden 812 

VII.  RUSSIA. 

I.  Historical  Development 819 

II.  Institutions  and  Statistics  of  Superior  Instruction...., 825 

VHI  GREECE  AND  TURKEY. 

I.  Historical  Development 835 

II.  Institutions  and  Statistics  of  Superior  Instruction 835 

1.  Greece. — II.  Turkey 837 

IX  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL. 

I.  Historical  Development 843 

1.  Institutions  of  the  Church 843 

2.  Arabic  Culture 845 

3.  Universities 849 

II.  Institutions  and  Statistics  of  Superior  Instruction 853 

I.  Spain. — II.  Portugal 859 

X.  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

I.  Historical  Development 867 

II.  Institutions  of  Superior  Instruction 871 

I.  England. — II.  Scotland. — HI.  Ireland 871 

XL  AMERICAN  STATES. 

I.  Historical  Notice 883 

il.  Institutions  of  Superior  and  Professional  Instruction 885 

1.  United  States. — H.  British  Dominion. — HI.  Other  American  States....  885 


EUROPEAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


XV 


CURONOLOQICAL  LIST  OF  UNIVERSITIES. 


1100,  Salerno  (confirmed). 

1119,  Bologna. 

1130,  O.'ctbrd  ; University  College  1249. 
1100,  Modena. 

1180,  Paris. 

1196,  Montpellier,  confirmed,  1289. 

1200,  Ravenna. 

1204,  Vicenza. 

1209,  Palencia ; tr.  1237  to  Salamanca. 

1215,  Arezzo, 

1224,  Naples  (reorganized  1234-1238). 

122.5,  Padua. 

1228,  Vercelli. 

1225,  Verrich. 

1233,  Toulouse,  closed  1790. 

1239,  Salamanca.  {See  1209,  Palencia.) 

1240,  Siena. 

1248,  Piacenza. 

1245,  Rome. 

1246,  Angers,  closed  1700. 

1257,  Cambridge  (St.  Peter’s  College). 

1260,  Camerino,  reorganized  in  1727. 

1260,  Lyons,  closed  1790. 

1260,  T'rivisa. 

1264,  Ferrara  (1230). 

1276,  Reggio. 

1279,  Coimbra  (transferred  to  Lisbon  in 
1290,  restored  in  1300). 

1290,  Macerata. 

1290,  Lisbon,  closed  1307. 

1292,  Gray  (transferred  to  Dole  in  1423). 
1300,  Lerida. 

1303,  Avignon.  Boniface  VIII. 

1305,  Orleans,  closed  1790. 

1318,  Perugia. 

1332,  Cahors.  Pope  Jean  XXII. 

1339,  Grenoble ; transferred  to  Valencia,  1452. 
1344,  Palermo. 

1344,  Pisa. 

1846,  Valladolid. 

1348,  Prague. 

1349,  Perpignan,  closed  1790. 

1354,  Huesca. 

1361,  Pavia. 

1364,  Craeow. 

1364,  Anjou.  Louis  II.  duke  d’  Anjou. 

1365,  Vienna.  Archduke  Rudolph  IV. 

1365,  Orange.  Raymond  V. 

1368,  Geneva. 

1385,  Heidelberg. 

1388,  Cologne. 

1392,  Erfurt. 

1400,  Carovai. 

1405,  Turin. 

1409,  Leipsic.  Pope  Alexander  V. 

1409,  Aix.  Pope  Alexander  V. 

1413,  St.  Andrews.  Pope  Benedict  XIII. 
1419,  Rostock.  (See  Butzow,  1760.) 

1423,  Dole.  Joined  to  Besaneon  inl691. 
1426,  Louvain. 

1431,  Poitiers.  Pope  Eugene  IV. 

1434,  Messina. 

1436,  Caen.  Henry  IV.  of  England. 

1438,  Florence. 

1445,  Catania  (1437,  by  Sicilian  parliament). 
1452,  Valence.  {See  1339,  Grenoble.) 

1452,  Basle. 

1454,  Glasgow  (1450). 


1456,  Greifswald. 

1457,  Freiburg. 

1460,  Nantes.  Pope  Pius  II. 

1469,  Offen  ; transferred  to  Tyrnau,  1635. 
1469,  Bourges. 

1472,  Ingoldstadt;  tr.  to  Landshut,  1802. 
1472,  Siguenza. 

1472,  Treves,  closed  1798. 

1472,  Bordeaux.  Loins  XL  of  France. 

1474,  Saragossa. 

1475,  Copenhagen. 

1476,  Upsala. 

1477,  Tubingen.  Count  Eberhard. 

1477,  Mentz. 

1482,  Parma. 

1482,  Valencia  (1492). 

1494,  Alcala  of  Henases. 

1494,  Aberdeen,  King’s  College. 

1499,  Toledo. 

1.502’  Wittenberg,  joined  to  Aalle  in  1815. 
1504,  Seville. 

1506,  Frankfort  on  the  Oder;  joined  to 
Breslau  in  1811. 

1506,  Aberdeen. 

1512,  St.  Andrews  (new  college  1537). 

1527,  Marburg. 

1531,  Santiago. 

1533,  Baeza. 

1538,  Strasburg,  new  constitution  1872. 

1539,  Nimes. 

1544,  Konigsberg. 

1548,  Rheims.  Henry  II.  of  France. 

1549,  Messina. 

1549,  Gandia. 

1549,  Dillingen. 

1552,  Orihuela. 

1552,  Almagro. 

1558,  Jena. 

1564,  Besangon,  closed  1790. 

1565,  Estella. 

1570,  Wilna. 

1572,  Saragossa. 

1572,  Douay,  closed  1667. 

1572,  Pont-a-Mousson,  closed  1790. 

1574,  Urbino. 

1575,  Leyden. 

1576,  Helmstadt ; dissolved  1809. 

1576,  Altorf;  dissolved  1809 
1578,  Evusa. 

1580,  Oviedo. 

1580,  Klausenburg. 

1581,  Olmutz,  closed  1853. 

1582,  Edinburg.  James  VI. 

1582,  Wurzburg. 

1585,  Franeker,  closed  1811. 

1586,  Gratz. 

1590,  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 

1592,  Paderborn. 

1594,  Zamosk,  closed  1832. 

1596,  Barcelona. 

1599,  Parma. 

1600,  Harderwik,  closed  1811. 

1606,  Cagliari  (revived  in  1764) 

1607,  Giessen. 

1614,  Groningen. 

1615,  Paderborn.  {See  1592.) 

1618,  Molsheim. 

1619,  Stadthagen. 


xvi 


EUROPEAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


1621,  Einteln  ; dissolved  in  1809. 

1623,  Salzburg. 

1625,  Mantua. 

1632,  Osnabruck. 

1632,  Dorpat. 

1635,  Munster ; transferred  to  Rome  in  1818. 

1635,  Tyrnau.  {See  1469,  Often.) 

1636,  Utrecht. 

1636,  Linz. 

1638,  Bamberg. 

1640,  Abo  ; transferred  to  Helsingfors  1827. 

1654,  Herborn. 

1655,  Huisberg. 

1655,  Durham. 

1665,  Kiel. 

1666,  Lund. 

1672,  Innspruck. 

1678,  Modena  (1222). 

1680,  Pamplona. 

1694,  Halle.  {See  1502,  Wittenberg.) 

1702,  Breslau.  {See  1506,  Frankfort.) 

1710,  Girona. 

1717,  Majoska. 

1717,  Cassel,  tr.  to  Marburg  1786. 

1717,  Toledo. 

1717,  Cervera. 

1720,  Cagliari. 

1722,  Pau-en-Bearn.  Louis  XV. 

1722,  Dijon. 

1734,  Fulda,  closed  1814. 

1734,  Rennes. 

1737,  Gottingen. 

1742,  Baireuth,  tr.  to  Erlangen,  1793. 

1743,  Erlangen. 

1760,  Butzow ; joined  to  Rostock  1789. 


1765,  Kasan. 

1765,  Milan. 

1765,  Sassari  (1.558). 

1769,  Nancy.  Louis  XV.  of  France. 

1773,  Genoa  (school  of  law,  medicine,  1513) 

1777,  Pesth. 

1778,  Osma. 

1781,  Lemburg. 

1802,  Landshut ; tr.  to  Munich  in  1826. 

1803,  Moscow. 

1803,  Wilna. 

1804,  Karkov. 

1805,  Kasan. 

1808,  University  of  France. 

1809,  Berlin. 

1811,  Christiania. 

1815,  Bucharest. 

1816,  Liege. 

1816,  Ghent. 

1816,  Warsaw. 

1818,  Bonn. 

1819,  St.  Petersburg. 

1823,  Corfu.  (Ionian  Islands). 

1826,  Munich,  {See  1802,  Landshut.) 

1827,  Helsingfors,  (Arbo  in  1640). 

1832,  Zurich. 

1833,  Durham,  1837. 

1834,  Berne. 

1834,  Brussels. 

1836,  University  of  London. 

1837,  Athens. 

1850,  Queen’s  University,  Ireland. 

1865,  Odessa, 

1872,  Strasburg. 


The  above  list  contains  the  names  of  several  institutions  clothed  with  the  privileges  of  a 
university  {Studiurn  Generale)  which  never  attained  a high  or  permanent  reputation  for 
superior  instruction,  and  as  little  deserve  the  designation,  as  do  the  great  mass  of  our 
American  colleges  and  universities,  so-called  in  their  charters,  to  be  ranked  among  the 
highest  schools  of  national  culture.  Although  many  of  the  fticulties  of  the  present 
university  organization  of  France  are  located  at  the  seats  of  the  old  universities  closed  in 
1790,  the  above  list  does  not  include  all  the  places  where,  at  least,  these  faculties  are  now 
located. 

According  to  this  list  the  different  States  of  Europe,  recognizing  as  such  several  now 
united,  established  the  university  as  follows : 

1.  Italy  in  the  year  1100,  (Solerno  and  Bologna).  2.  France  in  the  year  1180,  (Paris). 
3.  England  in  the  year  1201,  (Oxford).  4.  Spain  in  the  year  1222,  (Salamanca).  5.  Port- 
ugal in  the  year  1279,  (Coimbra).  6.  Austria  in  the  year  1848,  (Prague).  7.  Switzerland 
in  the  year  1368,  (Geneva).  8.  Germany  in  the  year  1386,  (Heidelberg).  9.  Scotland  in 
the  year  1411,  (Saint  Andrews).  10.  Belgium  in  the  year  1425,  (Louvain).  11.  Hungary 
in- the  year  1465,  (Buda),  12.  Sweden  in  the  year  1477,  (Upsala).  13.  Denmark  in  the 
year  1479,  (Copenhagen).  14.  Poland  in  the  year  1570,  (Wilna).  15.  Holland  in  the  year 
1575,  (Leyden).  16.  Ireland  in  the  year  1591,  (Trinity  College,  Dublin).  17.  Finland  in 
the  year  1640,  (Abo).  18.  Russia  in  the  year  1755,  (Moscow).  19.  Norway  in  the  year 
1811,  (Christiania).  20.  Roumania  in  the  year  1814,  (Jassy.)  21.  Greece  in  the  year  1837, 
(Athens). 

1 A list  of  institutions  of  Superior  Instruction  in  each  county  now  in  operation  in  each 
country,  will  be  given  further  on. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  BOOKS  AND  LIVING  TEACHERS.  xvii 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  BOOKS,  AFFAIRS,  AND  LIVING  TEACHERS. 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  ATHENS.* 

WHAT  IS  A UNIVERSITY? 

If  I were  asked  to  describe,  as  briefly  and  popularly  as  I could^ 
what  a University  was,  I should  draw  my  answer  from  its  ancient 
designation  of  a Studium  Generale,  or  “ School  of  Universal  Learn- 
ing.” This  description  implies  the  assemblage  of  strangers  from  all 
parts  in  one  spot; — -/rom  all  parts  \ el«c,  how  will  you  find  profes- 
sors and  students  for  every  department  of  knowledge  ? and  in  one 
spot ; else,  how  can  there  be  any  school  at  all  ? Accordingly,  in  its 
simple  and  rudimental  form,  it  is  a school  of  knowledge  of  every 
kind,  consisting  of  teachers  and  learners  from  every  quarter.  Many 
things  are  requisite  to  complete  and  satisfy  the  idea  embodied  in  this 
description  ; but  such  as  this  a University  seems  to  be  in  its  essence, 
a place  for  the  communication  and  circulation  of  thought,  by  means 
of  personal  intercourse,  through  a wide  extent  of  country. 

Mutual  Education ; the  Press  and  Voice. 

Mutual  education,  in  a large  sense  ot  the  word,  is  one  of  the  great 
and  incessant  occupations  of  human  society,  carried  on  partly  with 
set  purpose,  and  partly  not.  One  generation  forms  another  ; and  the 
existing  generation  is  ever  acting  and  reacting  upon  itself  in  the  per- 
sons of  its  individual  members.  Now,  in  this  process,  books,  I need 
scarcely  say,  that  is,  the  Ultra  script  a,  are  one  special  instrument. 
It  is  true ; and  emphatically  so  in  this  age.  Considering  the  pro- 
digious powers  of  the  press,  and  how  they  are  developed  at  this  time 
in  the  never-intermitting  issue  of  periodicals,  tracts,  pamphlets, 
works  in  series,  and  light  literature,  we  must  allow  there  never  was 
a time  which  promised  fairer  for  dispensing  with  every  other  means 
of  information  and  instruction.  What  can  we  want  more,  you  will 
say,  for  the  intellectual  education  of  the  whole  man,  and  for  every 
man,  than  so  exuberant  and  diversified  and  persistent  a promulgation 
of  all  kinds  of  knowledge  ? Why,  you  will  ask,  need  we  go  up  to 
knowledge,  when  knowledge  comes  down  to  us  ? The  Sibyl  wrote 
her  prophecies  upon  the  leaves  of  the  forest,  and  wasted  them  ; but 
here  such  careless  profusion  might  be  prudently  indulged,  for  it  can 
be  afforded  without  loss,  in  consequence  of  the  almost  fabulous  fe- 

* From  Dr.  Newman’s  Rise  and  Progress  of  Universities,  first  published  in  1854,  in  success- 
ive numbers  of  the  Dublin  “ Catholic  University  Gazette,”  and  collected  in  a volume,  1856, 
under  the  title  of  Office  and  Work  of  Universities,  and  in  1872  issued  with  other  treatises, 
under  the  title  of  Historical  Sketches.  By  John  Henry  Newman,  of  the  Oratory.  London: 
Basil  Montagu  Pickering,  196  Piccadilly.  421  pages. 


xviii  UNIVERSITY  OF  BOOKS  AND  LIVING  TEACHERS. 

cuiidity  of  the  instrument  which  these  latter  ages  have  invented. 
We  have  sermons  in  stones,  and  books  in  the  running  brooks  ; works 
larger  and  more  comprehensive  than  those  which  have  gained  for 
ancients  an  immortality,  issue  forth  every  morning,  and  are  projected 
onwards  to  the  ends  of  the  earth  at  the  rate  of  hundreds  of  miles  a 
day.  Our  seats  are  strewed,  our  pavements  are  powdered,  with 
swarms  of  little  tracts ; and  the  very  bricks  of  our  city  walls  preach 
wisdom,  by  informing  us  where  we  can  cheaply  purchase  it. 

I allow  all  this,  and  much  more ; such  certainly  is  our  popular 
education,  and  its  effects  are  remarkable.  Nevertheless,  after  all, 
even  in  this  age,  whenever  men  are  really  serious  about  getting  what, 
in  the  language  of  trade,  is  called  “ a good  article,”  when  they  aim 
at  something  precise,  something  refined,  something  really  luminous, 
something  really  large,  something  choice,  they  go  to  another  market ; 
they  avail  themselves,  in  some  shape  or  other,  of  the  rival  method, 
the  ancient  method,  of  oral  instruction,  of  present  communication 
between  man  and  man,  of  teachers  instead  of  learning,  of  the  per- 
sonal influence  of  a master,  and  the  humble  initiation  of  a disciple, 
and,  in  consequence,  of  great  centers  of  pilgrimage  and  throng,  which 
such  a method  of  education  necessarily  involves.  This,  I think,  will 
be  found  to  hold  good  in  all  those  departments  or  aspects  of  society 
which  possess  an  interest  sufficient  to  bind  men  together,  or  to  con- 
stitute what  is  called  a world.”  It  holds  in  the  political  world,  and 
in  the  high  world,  and  in  the  religious  world;  and  it  holds  also  in 
Ihe  literary  and  scientific  world. 

If  the  actions  of  men  may  be  taken  as  any  test  of  their  convic- 
tions, then  we  have  reason  for  saying  this,  viz. : — that  the  province 
and  the  inestimable  benefit  of  the  litera  scripta  is  that  of  being  a 
record  of  truth  and  an  authority  of  appeal,  and  an  instrument  of 
teaching  in  the  hands  of  a teacher ; but  that,  if  w'e  wish  to  become 
exact  and  fully  furnished  in  any  branch  of  knowledge  which  is  di- 
versified and  complicated,  we  must  consult  the  living  man  and  listen 
to  his  living  voice.  I am  not  bound  to  investigate  the  cause  of  this ; 
and  anything  I may  say  will,  I am  conscious,  be  short  of  its  full  an- 
alysis ; perhaps  we  may  suggest,  that  no  books  can  get  through  the 
number  of  minute  questions  which  it  is  possible  to  ask  on  any  ex- 
tended subject,  or  can  hit  upon  the  very  difficulties  which  are  sever- 
ally felt  by  each  reader  in  succession.  Or  again,  that  no  book*  can 
convey  the  special  spirit  and  delicate  peculiarities  of  its  subject  with 
that  rapidity  and  certainty  which  attend  on  the  sympathy  of  mind 
with  mind,  through  the  eyes,  the  look,  the  accent,  and  the  manner, 
in  casual  expressions  thrown  off  at  the  moment,  and  the  unstudied 


UNIVERSITY  OF  BOOKS  AND  LIVING  TEACHERS. 


/ xix 


turns  of  familiar  conversation.  . But  I am  already  dwelling  too  long 
on  what  is  but  an  incidental  portion  of  my  main  subject.  Whatever 
be  the  cause,  the  fact  is  undeniable.  The  general  principles  of  any 
study  you  may  learn  by  books  at  home;  but  the  detail, ^he  color, 
the  tone,  the ’air,  the  life  which  makes  it  live  in  us,  you  must  catch 
all  these  from  those  in  whom  it  lives  already.  You  must  imitate  the 
student  in  French  or  German,  who  is  not  content  with  his  grammar, 
but  goes  to  Paris  or  Dresden  : jmu  must  take  example  from  the 
young  artist  who  aspires  to  visit  the  great  masters  in  Florence  and 
in  Rome.  Till  we  have  discovered  some  intellectual  daguerreotype, 
wliicli  takes  off  the  course  of  thought,  and  the  form,  lineaments, 
and  features  of  truth,  as  completely  and  minutely  as  the  optical  in- 
strument reproduces  the  sensible  object,  we  must  come  to  the  teach- 
ers of  wisdom  to  learn  wisdom  ; we  must  repair  to  the  fountain  and 
drink  there.  Portions  of  it  may  go  from  thence  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth  by  means  of  books ; but  the  fulness  is  in  one  place  alone.  It 
is  in  such  assemblages  and  congregations  of  intellect  that  books 
themselves,  the  master-pieces  of  human  genius,  are  at  least  originated. 

The  School  of  Manners. 

For  instance : the  polished  manners  and  high-bred  bearing  which 
are  so  difficult  of  attainment,  and  so  strictly  personal  when  attained, 
which  are  so  much  admired  in  society,  from  society  are  acquired. 
All  that  goes  to  constitute  a gentleman, — the  carriage,  gait,  address, 
gestures,  voice ; the  ease,  the  self-possession,  the  courtesy,  the  power 
of  conversing,  the  talent  of  not  offending;  the  lofty  principle,  the 
delicacy  of  thought,  the  happiness  of  expression, .the  taste  and  pro- 
priety, the  generosity  and  forbearance,  the  candor  and  consideration, 
the  openness  of  hand ; — these  qualities,  some  of  them  come  by  na- 
ture, some  of  them  may  be  found  in  any  rank,  some  of  them  are  a 
direct  precept  of  Christianity ; but  the  full  assemblage  of  them, 
bound  up  in  the  unity  of  an  individual  character,  do  we  expect  they 
can  be  learned  from  books  ? are  they  not  necessarily  acquired,  where 
they  are  to  be  found,  in  high  society  ? The  very  nature  of  the  case 
leads  us  to  say  so  ; you  cannot  fence  without  an  antagonist,  nor  chal- 
lenge all  comers  in  disputation  before  you  have  supported  a thesis ; 
and  in  like  manner,  it  stands  to  reason,  you  cannot  learn  to  converse 
till  you  have  the  world  to  converse  with ; you  cannot  unlearn  your 
natural  bashfulness,  or  awkwardness,  or  stiffness,  or  other  besetting 
deformity,  till  you  serve  your  time  in  some  school  of  manners.  Well, 
and  is  it  not  so  in  matter  of  fact  ? The  metropolis,  the  court,  the 
great  houses  of  the  land,  are  the  centers  to  which  at  stated  times  the 
country  comes  up,  as  to  shrines  of  refinement  and  good  taste ; and 


XX 


UNIVERSITY  or  BOOKS  AND  LIVING  TEACUERS. 


then  in  due  time  the  country  goes  back  again  home,  enriched  with  a 
portion  of  the  social  accomplishments,  which  those  very  visits  serve 
to  call  out  and  heighten  in  the  gracious  dispensers  of  them. 

^ The  School  of  Statesmanship. 

I admit  I have  not  been  in  Parliament,  any  more  th*an  I have  fig- 
ured in  the  beau  monde  ; yet  I cannot  but  think  that  statesmanship, 
as  well  as  high  breeding,  is  learned,  not  by  books,  but  in  certain  cen- 
ters of  education.  If  it  be  not  presumption  to  say  so.  Parliament 
puts  a clever  man  mi  courant  with  politics  and  affairs  of  state  in  a 
way  surprising  to  himself.  A member  of  the  Legislature,  if  tol- 
erably observant,  begins  to  see  things  with  new  eyes,  even  though 
his  views  undergo  no  change.  Words  have  a meaning  now,  and 
ideas  a reality  such  as  they  had  not  before.  He  hears  a vast  deal  in 
public  speeches  and  private  conversation,  which  is  never  jiut  into 
print.  The  bearings  of  measures  and  events,  the  action  of  parties, 
and  the  persons  of  friends  and  enemies,  are  brought  out  to  the  man 
who  is  in  the  midst  of  them  with  a distinctness  which  the  most  dili- 
gent perusal  of  newspapers  will  fail  to  impart  to  them.  It  is  access 
to  the  fountain-heads  of  political  wisdom  and  experience,  it  is  daily 
intercourse,  of  one  kind  or  another,  with  the  multitude  who  go  up  to 
them,  it  is  familiarity  with  business,  it  is  access  to  the  contributions 
of  fact  and  opinion  thrown  together  by  many  witnesses  from  many 
quarters,  which  does  this  for  him.  H^ever,  I need  not  account  for 
a fact,  to  which  it  is  sufficient  to  ajipeal ; that  the  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment and  the  atmosphere  around  them  are  a University  of  politics. 

The  School  of  Science. 

As  regards  the  world  of  science,  we  find  a remarkable  instance  of 
the  principle  which  I am  illustrating,  in  the  periodical  meetings  for 
its  advance,  which  have  arisen  in  the  course  of  the  last  twenty  years, 
such  as  the  British  Association.  Such  gatherings  would  to  many 
persons  appear  at  first  sight  simply,  preposterous.  Above  all  sub- 
jects of  study.  Science  is  conveyed,  is  propagated,  by  books  or  by 
private  teaching;  experiments  and  investigations  are  conducted  in 
silence ; discoveries  are  made  in  solitude.  What  have  philosophers 
to  do  with  festive  celebrities,  and  panegyrical  solemnities  with  math- 
ematical and  physical  truth  ? Yet  on  a closer  attention  to  the  sub- 
ject, it  is  found  that  not  even  scientific  thought  can  dispense  wdth  the 
suggestions,  the  instruction,  the  stimulus,  the  sympathy,  the  inter- 
course with  mankind  on  a large  scale,  which  such  meetings  secure. 
A fine  time  of  year  is  chosen,  when  days  are  long,  skies  are  bright, 
the  earth  smiles,  and  all  nature  rejoices ; a city  or  town  is  taken  by 


rNiVERSITY  Of  BOOKS  AND  LIVING  TEACHERS. 


XXI 


turns,  of  ancient  name  or  modern  opulence,  where  buildings  are  spa- 
cious and  hospitality  hearty.  The  novelty  of  place  and  circumstance, 
the  excitement  of  strange  or  the  refreshment  of  well  known  faces, 
the  majesty  of  rank  or  of  genius,  the  amiable  charities  of  men 
pleased  both  with  themselves  and  with  each  other ; the  elevated 
spirits,  the  circulation  of  thought,  the  curiosity  ; the  morning  sections, 
the  out-door  exercise,  the  well-furnished,  well-earned  board,  the  not 
ungraceful  hilarity,  the  evening  circle  ; the  brilliant  lecture,  the  dis- 
cussions or  collisions  or  guesses  of  great  men,  one  with  another,  the 
narratives  of  scientific  processes,  of  hopes,  disappointments,  conflicts, 
and  successes,  the  splendid  eulogistic  orations ; these  and  the  like 
constituents  of  the  annual  celebration,  are  considered  to  do  some- 
thing real  and  substantial  for  the  advance  of  knowledge  which  can 
be  done  in  no  other  way.  Of  course  they  can  but  be  occasional ; 
they  answer  to  the  annual  Act,  or  Commencement,  or  Commemora- 
tion of  a University,  not  to  its  ordinary  condition  ; but  they  are  of  a 
University  nature ; and  I can  well  believe  in  their  utility.  They 
issue  in  the  promotion  of  a certain  living  and,  as  it  were,  bodily  com- 
munication of  knowledge  from  one  to  another,  of  a general  inter- 
change of  idea^,  and  a comparison  and  adjustment  of  science  with 
science,  of  an  enlargement  of  mind,  intellectual  and  socied,  of  an  ar- 
dent love  of  the  particular  study,  which  may  be  chosen  by  each  indi- 
vidual, and  a noble  devotion  to  its  interests. 

The  Great  City  a University. 

In  every  great  country  the  metropolis  itself  becomes  a sort  of 
necessary  University,  whether  we  will  or  no.  As  the  chief  city  is 
the  seat  of  the  court,  of  high  society,  of  politics,  and  of  law,  so,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  is  it  the  seat  of  letters  also  ; and  at  this  time,  for  a 
long  term  of  years,  London  and  Paris  are  in  fact  and  in  operation 
Universities,  though  in  Paris  its  famous  University  is  no  more,  and 
in  London  a University  scarcely  exists  except  as  a board  of  admin- 
istration. The  newspapers,  magazines,  reviews,  journals,  and  period- 
icals of  all  kinds,  the  publishing  trade,  the  libraries,  museums,  and 
academies  there  found,  the  learned  and  scientific  societies,  necessarily 
invest  it  with  the  functions  of  a University ; and  that  atmosphere  of 
intellect,  which  in  a former  age  hung  over  Oxford  or  Bologna  or 
Salamanca,  has,  with  the  change  of  times,  moved  away  to  the  centre 
of  civil  government.  Thither  come  up  youths  from  all  parts  of  the 
country,  the  students  of  law,  medicine,  and  the  fine  arts,  and  the 
employ^  and  attaches  of  literature.  There  they  live,  as  chance  de- 
termines, and  they  are  satisfied  with  their  temporary  home,  for  they 
find  in  it  all  that  was  promised  to  them  there.  They  have  not  come 


xxu 


UNIYERSITY  OF  BOOKS  AND  LIVING  TEACKEIiS, 


in  vain,  as  far  as  their  own  object  in  coming  is  concerned.  They 
have  not  learned  any  particular  religion,  but  they  have  learned  their 
own  particular  profession  well.  They  have,  moreover,  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  habits,  manners,  and  opinions  of  their  place  of 
sojourn,  and  done  their  part  in  maintaining  the  tradition  of  them. 
We  cannot,  then,  be  without  virtual  Universities  ; a metropolis  is 
such;  the  simple  question  is,  whether  the  education  sought  and  given 
should  be  based  on  principle,  formed  upon  rule,  directed  to  the  high- 
est ends,  or  left  to  the  random  succession  of  masters  and  schools. 

I end  as  I began ; — a University  is  a place  of  concourse,  whither 
students  come  from  every  quarter  for  every  kind  of  knowledge. 
You  cannot  have  the  best  of  every  kind  everywhere  ; you  must  go 
to  some  great  city  or  emporium  for  it.  There  you  have  all  the 
choicest  productions  of  nature  and  art  all  together,  which  you  find 
each  in  its  own  separate  place  elsewhere.  All  the  riches  of  the 
land  and  of  the  earth  are  carried  up  thither ; there  are  the  best  mar- 
kets, and  there  the  best ‘workmen.  It  is  the  centre  of  trade,  the  su- 
preme court  of  fashion,  the  umpire  of  rival  talents,  and  the  standard 
of  things  rare  and  precious.  It  is  the  place  for  seeing  galleries  of 
first-rate  pictures,  and  for  hearing  wonderful  voices  and  performers 
of  transcendent  skill.  It  is  the  place  for  great  preachers,  great  ora- 
tors, great  nobles,  great  statesmen.  In  the  nature  of  things,  great- 
ness and  unity  go  together ; excellence  imj)lies  a centre.  And  such, 
for  the  third  or  fourth  time,  is  a University  ; I hope  I do  not  weary 
out  the  reader  by  repeating  it.  It  is  the  place  to  which  a thousand 
schools  make  contributions ; in  which  the  intellect  may  safely  range 
and  speculate,  sure  to  find  its  equal  in  some  antagonist  activity,  and 
its  judge  in  the  tribunal  of  truth.  It  is  a place  where  inquiry  is 
pushed  forward,  and  di  coveries  verified  and  j^erfected,  and  rashness 
rendered  innocuous,  and  error  exposed,  by  the  collision  of  mind  with 
mind,  and  knowledge  with  knowledge.  It  is  the  place  where  the 
professor  becomes  eloquent,  and  is  a missionary  and  a preacher,  dis- 
playing his  science  in  its  most  complete  and  most  winning  form, 
pouring  it  forth  with  the  zeal  of  enthusiasm,  and  lighting  up  his  own 
love  of  it  in  the  breasts  of  his  hearers.  It  is  the  place  where  the 
catechist  makes  good  his  ground  as  he  goes,  treading  in  the  truth 
day  by  day  into  the  ready  memory,  and  wedging  and  tightening  it 
into  the  expanding  reason.  It  is  a place  which  wins  the  admiration 
of  the  young  by  its  celebrity,  kindles  the  affections  of  the  middle- 
aged  by  its  beauty,  and  rivets  the  fidelity  of  the  old  by  its  associa- 
tions. It  is  a seat  of  wisdom,  a light  -of  the  world,  a minister  of  the 
faith,  an  Alma  Mater  of  the  ri‘^ing  generation. 


NEWMAN.— UNIVERSITY  OF  ATHENS. 


xxiii 


UNIVERSITY  LIFE  AT  ATHENS^. 

[Prom  Newman’s  Rise  of  Universities.^ 

If  we  would  know  what  a University  is,  considered  in  its  elementary  idea,  we 
must  betake  ourselves  to  the  first  and  most  celebrated  home  of  European  litera- 
ture and  source  of  European  civilization,  to  the  bright  and  beautiful  Athens, — 
Athens,  whose  schools  drew  to  her  bosom,  and  then  sent  back  again  to  the 
business  of  life,  the  youth  of  the  Western  World  for  a long  thousand  years. 
Seated  on  the  verge  of  the  continent,  the  city  seemed  hardly  suited  for  the  duties 
of  a central  metropolis  of  knowledge ; yet,  what  it  lost  in  convenience  of 
approach,  it  gained  in  its  neighborhood  to  the  traditions  of  the  mysterious 
East,  and  in  the  loveliness  of  the  region  in  which  it  lay.  Hither,  then,  as  to  a 
sort  of  ideal  land,  where  all  archetypes  of  the  great  and  the  fair  were  found  in 
substantial  being,  and  all  departments  of  truth  explored,  and  all  diversities  of 
intellectual  power  exhibited,  where  taste  and  philosophy  were  majestically 
enthroned  as  in  a royal  court,  where  there  was  no  sov'ereignty  but  that  of  mind, 
and  no  nobility  but  that  of  genius,  where  professors  were  rulers,  and  princes  did 
homage,  hither  flocked  continually  from  the  very  corners  of  the  orhis  terrarum, 
the  many-tongucd  generation,  just  rising,  or  just  risen  into  manhood,  in  order 
to  gain  wisdom, 

Pisistratus  had  in  an  early  age  discovered  and  nursed  the  infant  genius  of  his 
people,  and  Cimon,  after  the  Persian  war,  had  given  it  a home.  That  war  had 
established  the  naval  supremacy  of  Athens ; she  had  become  an  imperial  state ; 
and  the  lonians,  boun^  to  her  by  the  double  chain  of  kindred  and  of  subjection, 
were  importing  into  her  both  their  merchandize  and  their  civilization.  The  arts 
and  philosophy  of  the  Asiatic  coast  were  easily  carried  across  the  sea,  and  there 
was  Cimon,  as  I have  said,  with  his  ample  fortune,  ready  to  receive  them  with 
due  honors.  Not  content  with  patronizing  their  professors,  he  built  the  first  of 
those  noble  porticos,  of  which  we  hear  so  much  in  Athens,  and  he  formed  the 
groves,  Avhich  in  process  of  time  became  the  celebrated  Academy.  Planting  is 
one  of  the  most  graceful,  as  in  Athens  it  was  one  of  the  most  beneficent,  of 
employments.  Cimon  took  in  hand  the  wild  wood,  pruned  and  dressed  it,  and 
laid  it  out  with  handsome  Avalks  and  welcome  fountains.  Nor,  while  hospitable 
to  the  authors  of  the  city’s  civilization,  Avas  he  ungrateful  to  the  instruments  of 
her  prosperity.  His  trees  extended  their  cool,  umbrageous  branches  over  the 
merchants,  Avho  assembled  in  the  Agora,  for  many  generations. 

Those  merchants  certainly  had  deserved  that  act  of  bounty ; for  all  the  while 
their  ships,  had  been  carrying  forth  the  intellectual  fame  of  Athens  to  the 
western  Avorld.  Then  commenced  what  may  be  called  her  University  existence. 
Pericles,  who  succeeded  Cimon  both  in  the  government  and  in  the  patronage  of 
art,  is  said  by  Plutarch  to  have  entertained  the  idea  of  making  Athens  the 
capital  of  federated  Greece : in  this  he  failed,  but  his  encouragement  of  such 
men  as  Phidias  and  Anaxagoras  led  the  way  to  her  acquiring  a far  more  lasting 
sovereignty  over  a far  wider  empire.  Little  understanding  the  sources  of  her 
OAvn  greatness,  Athens  would  go  to  war : peace  is  the  interest  of  a seat  of  com- 
merce and  the  arts  ; but  to  war  she  AA^ent ; yet  to  her,  whether  peace  or  war,  it 
mattered  not.  The  political  poAver  of  Athens  Avaned  and  disappeared ; kingdoms 
rose  and  fell ; centuries  rolled  aAvay, — they  did  but  bring  fresh  triumphs  to  the 
city  of  the  poet  and  the  sage.  There  at  length  the  sAvarthy  Moor  and  Spaniard 
were  seen  to  meet  the  blue-eyed  Gaul ; and  the  Cappadocian,  late  subject  of 


XXIV 


NEWMAN.— UNIVERSITY  OF  ATHENS. 


Mithridates,  gazed  without  alarm  at  the  haughty  conquering  Homan.  Revolu- 
tion after  revolution  passed  over  the  face  of  Europe,  as  well  as  of  Greece,  but 
still  she  was  there, — Athens,  the  city  of  mind, — as  radiant,  as  splendid,  as 
delicate,  as  young,  as  ever  she  had  been. 

Many  a more  fruitful  coast  or  isle  is  washed  by  the  blue  Aegean,  many  a spot 
is  there  more  beautiful  or  sublime  to  see,  many  a territory  more  ample ; but 
there  was  one  charm  in  Attica,  which  in  the  same  perfection  was  nowhere  else. 
The  deep  pastures  of  Arcadia,  the  plain  of  Argos,  the  Thessalian  vale,  these 
had  not  the  gift ; Boeotia,  which  lay  to  its  immediate  north,  was  notorious  for 
its  very  want  of  it.  The  heavy  atmosphere  of  that  Boeotia  might  be  good  for 
vegetation,  but  it  was  associated  in  popular  belief  with  the  dullness  of  the 
Boeotian  intellect : on  the  contrary,  the  special  purity,  elasticity,  clearness,  and 
salubrity  of  the  air  of  Attica,  fit  concomitant  and  emblem  of  its  genius,  did  that 
for  it  which  earth  did  not ; — it  brought  out  every  bright  hue  and  tender  shade  of 
the  landscape  over  which  it  was  spread,  and  would  have  illuminated  the  face 
even  of  a more  bare  and  rugged  country. 

A confined  triangle,  perhaps  fifty  miles  its  greatest  length,  and  thirty  its 
greatest  breadth ; two  elevated  rocky  barriers,  meeting  at  an  angle ; three 
prominent  mountains  commanding  the  plain, — Fames,  Pentelicus,  and  Hymet- 
tus  ; an  unsatisfactory  soil ; some  streams,  not  always  full ; — such  is  about  the 
report  which  the  agent  of  a Loudon  company  would  have  made  of  Attica.  He 
would  report  that  the  climate  was  mild ; the  hills  were  limestone ; there  was 
plenty  of  good  marble ; more  pasture  land  than  at  first  survey  might  have  been 
expected,  sufficient  certainly  for  sheep  and  goats ; fisheries  productive ; silver 
mines  once,  but  long  since  worked  out;  figs  fair;  oil  first-rate;  olives  in  pro- 
fusion. But  what  he  would  not  think  of  noting  down,  was,  that  that  olive  tree 
was  so  choice  in  nature  and  so  noble  in  shape,  that  it  excited  a religious  venera- 
tion ; and  that  it  took  so  kindly  to  the  light  soil,  as  to  expand  into  woods  upon 
the  open  plain,  and  to  climb  up  and  fringe  the  hills.  He  would  not  think  of 
writing  word  to  his  employers,  how  that  clear  air,  of  which  I have  spoken, 
brought  out,  yet  blended  and  subdued,  the  colors  on  the  marble,  till  they  had 
a softness  and  harmony,  for  all  their  richness,  which  in  a picture  looks  exagge- 
rated, yet  is  after  all  within  the  truth.  He  would  not  tell,  how  that  same 
delicate  and  brilliant  atmosphere  freshened  up  the  pale  olive,  till  the  olive  forgot 
its  monotony,  and  its  cheek  glowed  like  the  arbutus  or  beech  of  the  Umbrian 
hills.  He  would  say  nothing  of  the  thyme  and  thousand  fragrant  herbs  which 
carpeted  Hymettus ; he  would  hear  nothing  of  the  hum  of  its  bees ; nor  take 
much  account  of  the  rare  flavor  of  its ' honey,  since  Gozo  and  Minorca  were 
sufficient  for  the  English  demand.  He  would  look  over  the  Aegean  from  the 
height  he  had  ascended ; he*  would  follow  with  his  eye  the  chain  of  islands, 
which,  starting  from  the  Simian  headland,  seemed  to  offer  the  fabled  divinities 
of  Attica,  when  they  would  visit  their  Ionian  cousins,  a sort  of  viaduct  thereto 
across  the  sea : but  that  fancy  would  not  occur  to  him,  nor  any  admiration  of 
the  dark  violet  billows  with  their  white  edges  down  below ; nor  of  those  graceful, 
fan-like  jets  of  silver  upon  the  rocks,  which  slowly  rise  aloft  like  water  spirits 
from  the  deep,  then  shiver,  and  break,  and  spread,  and  shroud  themselves,  and 
disappear,  in  a soft  mist  of  foam;  nor  of  the  gentle,  incessant  heaving  and 
panting  of  the  whole  liquid  plain  ; nor  of  the  long  waves,  keeping  steady  time, 
like  a line  of  soldiery,  as  they  resound  upon  the  hollow  shore, — he  would  not 
deign  to  notice  that  restless  living  element  at  all,  except  to  bless  his  stars  that 


NEWMAN.— UNIVERSITY  OF  ATHENS. 


XXV 


he  was  not  upon  it.  Nor  the  distinct  detail,  nor  the  refined  coloring,  nor  the 
graceful  outline  and  roseate  golden  hue  of  the  jutting  crags,  nor  the  bold 
shadows  cast  from  Otus  or  Laurium  by  the  declining  sun ; — our  agent  of  a mer- 
cantile firm  would  not  value  these  matters  even  at  a low  figxire.  Eather  we 
must  turn  for  the  sympathy  we  seek  to  yon  pilgrim  student,  come  from  a semi- 
barbarous  land  to  that  small  corner  of  the  earth,  as  to  a shrine,  where  he  might 
take  his  fill  of  gazing  on  those  emblems  and  coruscations  of  invisible  unoriginate 
perfection.  It  was  the  stranger  from  a remote  province,  from  Britain  or  from 
Mauritania,  who  in  a scene  so  different  from  that  of  his  chilly,  woody  swamps, 
or  of  his  fiery  choking  sands,  learned  at  once  what  a real  University  must  be, 
by  coming  to  understand  the  sort  of  country,  which  was  its  suitable  home. 

Nor  was  this  all  that  a University  required,  and  found  in  Athens.  No  one, 
even  there,  could  live  on  poetry.  If  the  students  at  that  famous  place  had 
nothing  better  than  bright  hues  and  soothing  sounds,  they  would  not  have  been 
able  or  disposed  to  turn  their  residence  there  to  much  account.  Of  course  they 
must  have  the  means  of  living,  nay,  in  a certain  sense,  of  enjoyment,  if  Athens 
was  to  be  an  Alma  Mater  at  the  time,  or  to  remain  aftemards  a pleasant 
thought  in  their  memory.  And  so  they  had : be  it  recollected  Athens  was  a 
port,  and  a mart  of  trade,  perhaps  the  first  in  Greece ; and  this  was  very  much 
to  the  point,  when  a number  of  strangers  were  ever  flocking  to  it,  whose  combat 
was  to  be  with  intellectual,  not  physical  difficulties,  and  who  claimed  to  have 
their  bodily  wants  supplied,  that  they  might  be  at  leisure  to  set  about  furaish- 
ing  their  minds.  Now,  barren  as  was  the  soil  of  Attica,  and  bare  the  face  of 
the  country,  yet  it  had  only  too  many  resources  for  an  elegant,  nay  luxurious 
abode  there.  So  abundant  were  the  imports  of  the  place,  that  it  was  a common 
saying,  that  the  productions,  which  were  found  singly  elsewhere,  were  brought 
all  together  in  Athens.  Corn  and  wine,  the  staple  of  subsistence  in  such  a 
climate,  came  from  the  isles  of  the  iEgean  ; fine  wool  and  carpeting  from  Asia 
Minor ; slaves,  as  now,  from  the  Euxine,  and  timber  too ; and  iron  and  brass 
from  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  Athenian  did  not  condescend  to 
manufactures  himself,  but  encouraged  them  in  others;  and  a population  of 
foreigners  caught  at  the  lucrative  occupation  both  for  home  consumption  and 
for  exportation.  Their  cloth,  and  other  textures  for  dress  and  furniture,  and 
their  hardware  — for  instance,  armor  — were  in  great  request.  Labor  was 
cheap ; stone  and  marble  in  plenty ; and  the  taste  and  skill,  which  at  first  were 
devoted  to  public  buildings,  as  temples  and  porticos,  were  in  course  of  time 
applied  to  the  mansions  of  public  men.  If  nature  did  much  for  Athens,  it  is 
undeniable  that  art  did  much  more. 

Student  Life. 

So  now  let  us  fancy  our  Scythian,  or  Armenian,  or  African,  or  Italian,  or 
Gallic  student,  after  tossing  on  the  Saronic  waves,  which  would  be  his  more 
ordinary  course  to  Athens,  at  last  casting  anchor  at  Piraeus.  He  is  of  any  con- 
dition or  rank  of  life  you  please,  and  may  be  made  to  order,  from  a prince  to  a 
peasant.  Perhaps  he  is  some  Clean thes,  who  has  been  a boxer  in  the  ])ublic 
games.  How  did  it  ever  cross  his  brain  to  betake  himself  to  Athens  in  search  of 
wisdom  ? or,  if  he  came  thither  by  accident,  how  did  the  love  of  it  ever  touch  his 
heart  ? But  so  it  was,  to  Athens  he  came  with  three  drachms  in  his  girdle,  and 
he  got  his  livelihood  by  drawing  water,  carrying  loads,  and  the  like  servile 
occupations.  He  attached  himself,  of  all  philosophers,  to  Zeno  the  Stoic, — to 


XXVI 


NEWMAN.— tJNIVEIlSITY  OF  ATHENS. 


Zeno,  the  most  high-minded,  the  most  haughty  of  speculators ; and  out  of  his 
daily  earnings  the  poor  scholar  brought  his  master  the  daily  sum  of  an  obolus, 
in  payment  for  attending  his  lectures.  Such  progress  did  he  make,  that  on 
Zeno’s  death  he  actually  was  his  successor  in  his  school ; and,  if  my  memory 
does  not  play  me  false,  he  is  the  author  of  a hymn  to  the  Supreme  Being,  which 
is  one  of  the  noblest  effusions  of  the  kind  in  classical  poetry.  Yet,  even  Avhen 
he  was  the  head  of  a school,  he  continued  in  his  illiberal  toil  as  if  he  had  been  a 
monk ; and,  it  is  said,  that  once,  when  the  wind  took  his  pallium,  and  blew  it 
aside,  he  was  discovered  to  have  no  other  garment  at  all ; — something  like  the 
German  student  who  came  up  to  Heidelberg  with  nothing  upon  him  but  a great 
coat  and  a pair  of  pistols. 

Or  it  is  another  disciple  of  the  Porch, — Stoic  by  nature,  earlier  than  by  pro- 
fession,— who  is  entering  the  city ; but  in  what  different  fashion  he  comes ! It  is 
no  other  than  Marcus,  Emperor  of  Pome  and  philosopher.  Professors  long 
,since  were  summoned  from  Athens  for'  his  service,  when  he  was  a youth,  and 
now  becomes,  after  his  victories  in  the  battlefield,  to  make  his  acknowledgments 
at  the  end  of  life,  to  the  city  of  wisdom,  and  to  submit  himself  to  an  initiation 
into  the  Eleusinian  mysteries. 

. Or  it  is  a young  man  of  great  promise  as  an  orator,  were  it  not  for  his  weak- 
ness of  chest,  which  renders  it  necessary  that  he  should  acquire  the  art  of 
speaking  without  over-exertion,  and  should  adopt  a deliveiy  sufficient  for  the 
display  of  his  rhetorical  talents  on  the  one  hand,  yet  merciful  to  his  physical 
resources  on  the  other.  He  is  called  Cicero ; he  will  stop  but  a short  time,  and 
will  pass  over  to  Asia  Minor  and  its  cities,  before  he  returns  to  continue  a career 
which  will  render  his  name  immortal : and  he  will  like  his  short  sojourn  at 
Athens  so  well,  that  he  will  take  good  care  to  send  his  ggn  thither  at  an  earlier 
age  than  he  visited  it  himself, 

But  see  where  comes  from  Alexandria  (for  we  need  not  be  very  solicitous 
about  anachronisms),  a young  man  from  twenty  to  twenty-two,  who  has  nar- 
rowly escaped  drowning  on  his  voyage,  and  is  to  remain  at  Athens  as  many  as 
eight  or  ten  years,  yet  in  the  course  of  that  time  will  not  learn  a line  of  Latin, 
thinking  it  enough  to  become  accomplished  in  Greek  composition,  and  in  that 
he  will  succeed.  He  is  a grave  person,  and  difficult  to  make  out ; some  say  he 
is  a Christian,  something  or  other  in  the  Christian  line  his  father  is  for  certain. 
His  name  is  Gregory,  lie  is  by  country  a Cappadocian,  and  will  in  time  become 
preeminently  a theologian,  and  one  of  the  prineipal  Doctors  of  the  Church. 

Or  it  is  one  Horace,  a youth  of  low  stature  and  black  hair,  whose  father  has 
given  him  an  education  at  Pome  above  his  rank  in  life,  and  now  is  sending  him 
to  finish  it  at  Athens ; he  is  said  to  have  a turn  for  poetry  : a hero  he  is  not,  and 
it  were  well  if  he  knew  it ; biit  he  is  caught  by  the  enthusiasm  of  the  hour,  and 
goes  off  campaigning  with  Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  will  leave  his  shield  behind 
him  on  the  field  of  Philippi. 

Or  it  is  a mere  boy  of  fifteen  : his  name  Eunapius ; though  the  voyage  was 
not  long,  sea-sickness,  or  confinement,  or  bad  living  on  board  the  vessel,  threw 
him  into  a fever,  and,  when  the  passengers  landed  in  the  evening  at  Piraeus,  he 
could  not  stand.  His  countrymen  wdio  accompanied  him,  took  him  up  among 
them  and  carried  him  to  the  house  of  the  great  teacher  of  the  day,  Proaeresius, 
who  was  a friend  of  the  captain’s,  and  whose  fame  it  was  which*  drew  the  enthu- 
siastic youth  to  Athens.  His  companions  understand  the  sort  of  place  they  are 
in,  and,  with  the  license  of  academic  students,  they  break  into  the  philosopher’s 


NEWMAN.— UNIVERSITY  OF  ATHENS. 


xxvii 


house,  though  he  appears  to  have  retired  for -the  night,  and  proceed  to  make 
themselves  free  of  it,  with  an  absence  of  ceremony,  which  is  only  not  impudence 
because  Proaresius  takes  it  so  easily.  Strange  introduction  for  our  stranger  to 
a scat  of  learning,  but  not  out  of  keeping  with  Athens ; for  what  could  you 
expect  of  a place  where  there  was  a mob  of  youths  and  not  even  the  pretence  of 
control ; where  the  poorer  lived  any  how,  and  got  on  as  they  could,  and  the 
teachers  themselves  had  no  protection  from  the  humors  and  caprices  of  the 
students  who  filled  their  lecture-halls  ? However,  as  to  this  Eunapius,  Prosere- 
sius  took  a fancy  to  the  boy,  and  told  him  curious  stories  about  Athenian  life 
He  himself  had  come  up  to  the  University  wdth  one  Hejihaestion,  and  they  were 
even  worse  off  than  Cleanthes  the  Stoic  ; for  they  had  only  one  cloak  between 
them,  and  nothing  whatever  besides,  except  some  old  bedding ; so  when  Prosere- 
sius  went  abroad,  Hephtestion  lay  in  bed,  and  practised  himself  in  oratory ; and 
then  Hephaestion  put  on  the  cloak,  and  Proaeresius  crept  under  the  coverlet.  At 
another  time  there  was  so  fierce  a feud  between  what  would  be  called  “ town  and 
gown  ” in  an  English  University,  that  the  Professors  did  not  dare  lecture  in 
public,  for  fear  of  ill  treatment. 

But  a freshman  like  Eunapius  soon  got  experience  for  himself  of  the  ways  and 
manners  prevalent  in  Athens.  Such  a one  as  he  had  hardly  entered  the  city, 
when  he  was  caught  hold  of  by  a party  of  the  academic  youth,  who  proceeded 
to  practise  on  his  awkwardness  and  his  ignorance.  At  first  sight  one  wonders 
at  their  childishness  : but  the  like  conduct  obtained  in  the  medieval  Universities; 
and  not  many  months  have  passed  aAvay  since  the  journals  have  told  us  of  sober 
Englishmen,  given  to  matter-of-fact  calculations,  and  to  the  anxieties  of  money- 
making, pelting  each  other  with  snow  balls  on  their  own  sacred  territory,  and 
defying  the  magisti-acy,  Avhen  they  would  interfere  with  their  privilege  of  becom- 
ing boys.  So  I suppose  we  must  attribute  it  to  something  or  other  in  human 
nature.  IMeanwhile,  there  stands  the  new-comer,  surrounded  by  a circle  of  his 
new  associates,  who  forthwith  proceed  to  frighten,  and  to  banter,  and  to  make  a 
fool  of  him,  to  the  extent  of  their  wit.  Some  address  him  with  mock  politeness, 
others  with  fierceness  ; and  so  they  conduct  him  in  solemn  procession  across  the 
Agora  to  the  Baths ; and  as  they  approach,  they  dance  about  him  like  madmen. 
But  this  was  to  be  the  end  of  his  trial,  for  the  Bath  was  a sort  of  initiation ; he 
thereupon  received  the  pallium,  or  University  gown,  and  was  suffered  by  his 
tormentors  to  depart  in  peace.  One  alone  is  recorded  as  having  been  exempted 
from  this  persecution  ; it  was  a youth  graver  and  loftier  than  even  St.  Gregory 
himself;  but  it  was  not  from  his  force  of  character,  but  at  the  instance  of 
Gregory,  that  he  escaped.  Gregory  was  his  bosom-friend,  and  was  ready  in 
Athens  to  shelter  him  when  he  came.  It  was  another  Saint  and  another 
Doctor ; the  great  Basil,  then  but  catechumen  of  the  Church. 

But  to  return  to  our  freshman.  His  troubles  are  not  at  an  end,  though  he 
has  got  his  gown  upon  him.  Where  is  he  to  lodge  1 whom  is  he  to  attend  ? 
He  finds  himself  seized,  before  he  well  knows  where  he  is,  by  another  party  of 
men,  or  three  or  four  parties  at  once,  like  foreign  porters  at  a landing,  who 
seize  on  the  baggage  of  the  perplexed  stranger,  and  thrust  half  a dozen  cards 
into  his  unwilling  hands.  Our  youth  is  plied  by  the  hangers  on  of  professor 
this,  or  sophist  that,  each  of  whom  wishes  the  fame  or  the  profit  of  having  a 
Jiouse  full.  We  will  say  that  he  escapes  from  their  hands,— -but  then  he  will 
have  to  choose  for  himself  where  he  will  put  up ; and,  to  tell  the  truth,  with  all 
the  .praise  I have  already  given,  and  the  praise  I shall  have  to  give,  to  the  city 


Xxviii 


NEWMAN.— UNIVERSITY  OF  ATHENS. 


of  mind,  nevertheless,  between  onrselves,  the  brick  and  wood  which  formed  it, 
the  actual  tenements,  where  flesh  and  blood  had  to  lodge  (always  excepting 
the  mansions  of  great  men  of  the  place),  do  not  seem  to  have  been  much  better 
than  those  of  Greek  or  Turkish  towns,  which  are  at  this  moment  a topic  of 
interest  and  ridicule  in  the  public  prints.  A lively  picture  has  lately  been  set 
before  us  of  Gallipoli.  Take,  says  Mr.  Russell,  a multitude  of  the  dilapidated 
outhouses  found  in  farm-yards  in  England,  of  the  rickety  old  wooden  tenements, 
the  cracked,  shutterless  structures  of  planks  and  tiles,  the  sheds  and  stalls, 
which  our  bye  lanes,  or  flsh-markets,  or  river-sides  can  supply ; tumble  them 
down  on  the  declivity  of  a bare,  bald  hill ; let  the  spaces  between  house  and 
house,  thus  accidentally  determined,  be  understood  to  form  streets,  winding  of 
course  for  no  reason,  and  with  no  meaning,  up  and  down  the  town ; the  road- 
way always  narrow,  the  breadth  never  uniform,  the  separate  houses  bulging  or 
retiring  below,  as  circumstances  may  liave  determined,  and  leaning  foiward 
till  they  meet  overhead ; — and  you  have  a good  idea  of  Gallipoli.  I question 
whether  this  picture  would  not  nearly  correspond  to  the  special  seat  of  the 
Muses  in  ancient  times.  Learned  writers  assure  us  distinctly  that  the  houses  of 
Athens  were  for  the  most  part  small  and  mean : that  the  streets  were  crooked 
and  narrow ; that  the  upper  stories  projected  over  the  roadway ; and  that  stair- 
cases, balustrades,  and  doors  that  opened  outwards,  obstructed  it ; — a remark- 
able coincidence  of  description.  I do  not  doubt  at  all,  though  history  is  silent^ 
that  that  roadway  was  jolting  to  carriages,  and  all  but  impassable ; and  that  it 
was  traversed  by  di'ains,  as  freely  as  any  Tuikish  town  now.  Athens  seems  in 
these  respects  to  have  been  below  the  average  cities  of  its  time.  “ A stranger,’* 
says  an  ancient,  “ might  doubt,  on  the  sudden  view,  if  really  he  saw  Athens.” 

I grant  all  this,  and  much  more  if  you  will ; but,  recollect,  Athens  was  the 
home  of  the  intellectual  and  beautiful ; not  of  low  mechanical  contrivances,  and 
material  organization.  Why  stop  within  your  lodgings,  counting  the  rents  in 
your  wall  or  the  holes  in  your  tiling,  when  nature  and  art  call  you  away  ? 
You  must  put  up  with  such  a chamber,  and  a table,  and  a stool,  and  a sleeping 
board,  any  wdiere  else  in  the  three  continents ; one  place  does  not  differ  from 
another  indoors ; your  magalia  in  Africa,  or  your  grottos  in  Syria  are  not 
perfection.  I suppose  you  did  not  come  to  Athens  to  swartn  up  a ladder,  or  to 
grope  about  a closet : you  came  to  see  and  to  hear,  what  hear  and  see  you  could 
not  elsewhere.  What  food  for  the  intellect  is  it  possible  to  procure  indoors,  that 
you  stay  there  looking  about  you  ? do  you  think  to  read  there  7 where  are  your 
books  7 do  you  expect  to  purchase  books  at  Athens — you  are  much  out  in  your 
calculations.  True  it  is,  we  at  this  day,  who  live  in  the  nineteenth  century> 
have  the  books  of  Greece  as  a perpetual  memorial ; and  copies  there  have  been, 
since  the  time  that  they  were  written ; but  you  need  not  go  to  Athens  to  procure 
them,  nor  would  you  find  them  in  Athens.  Strange  to  say,  strange  to  the  nine- 
teenth centuiy,  that  in  the  age  of  Plato  and  Thucydides,  there  was  not,  it  is 
said,  a bookshop  in  the  whole  place : nor  was  the  hook  trade  in  existence  till 
the  very  time  of  Augustus.  Libraries,  I suspect,  were  the  bright  invention  of 
Attalns'or  the  Ptolemies;  I doubt  whether  Athens  had  a library  till  the  reign 
of  Hadrian.  It  was  what  the  student  gazed  on,  what  he  heard,  what  he  caught 
by  the  magic  of  sympathy,  not  what  he  read,  which  was  the  education  famished. 

He  leaves  his  narrow  lodging  early  in  ths  morning ; and  not  till  night,  if' 
even  then,  will  he  return.  It  is  hut  a crib  or  kennel, — in  which  he  sleeps  when 
the  weather  is  inclement  or  the  ground  damp ; in  no  respect  a home.  And  he 


NEWMAN.— UNIVERSITY  OF  ATHENS. 


xxix 


goes  out  of  doors,  not  to  read  the  day’s  newspaper,  or  to  buy  the  gay  shilling 
volume,  but  to  imbibe  the  invisible  atmosphere  of  genius,  and  to  learn  by  heart 
the  oral  traditions  of  taste.  Out  he  goes ; and  leaving  the  tumble-down  town 
behind  him,  he  mounts  the  Acropolis  to  the  right,  or  he  turns  to  the  Areopagus 
on  the  left.  He  goes  to  the  Parthenon  to  study  the  sculptures  of  Phidias  ; to  the 
temple  of  the  Dioscuri  to  see  the  paintings  of  Polygnotus.  We  indeed  take  our 
Sophocles  or  ^schylus  out  of  our  coat-pocket ; but,  if  our  sojourner  at  Athens 
•would  understand  how  a tragic  poet  can  write,  he  must  betake  himself  to  the 
theatre  on  the  south,  and  see  and  hear  the  drama  literally  in  action.  Or  let 
him  go  westward  to  the  Agora,  and  there  he  Avill  hear  Lysias  or  Andocides 
pleading,  or  Demosthenes  haranguing.  He  goes  farther  west  still,  along  the 
shade  of  those  noble  planes,  which  Cimon  has  planted  there ; and  he  looks 
around  him  at  the  statues  and  porticos  and  vestibules,  each  by  itself  a work  of 
genius  and  skill,  enough  to  be  the  making  of  another  city.  He  passes  through 
the  city  gate,  and  then  he  is  at  the  himous  Ceramicus ; here  are  the  tombs  of 
the  mighty  dead ; and  here,  "we  will  suppose,  is  Pericles  himself,  the  most  ele- 
vated, the  most  thrilling  of  orators,  converting  a funeral  oration  over  the  slain 
into  a philosophical  panegyric  of  the  living. 

Onwards  he  proceeds  still ; and  now  he  has  come  to  that  still  more  celebrated 
Academe,  which  has  bestowed  its  own  name  on  Universities  down  to  this  day ; 
and  there  he  sees  a sight  which  ■will  be  graven  on  his  memory  till  he  dies. 
Many  are  the  beauties  of  the  place,  the  groves,  and  the  statues,  and  the  temple, 
and  the  stream  of  the  Cephissus  flowing  by ; many  are  the  lessons  which  will 
be  taught  him  day  after  day  by  teacher  or  by  companion ; but  his  eye  is  just 
now  arrested  by  one  object ; it  is  the  very  presence  of  Plato.  He  does  not  hear 
a word  that  he  says ; he  does  not  care  to  hear;  he  asks  neither  for  discourse  nor 
disputation ; what  he  sees  is  a whole,  complete  in  itself,  not  to  be  increased  by 
addition,  and  greater  than  anything  else.  It  will  be  a point  in  the  history  of 
his  life ; a stay  for  his  memory  to  rest  on,  a burning  'thought  in  his  heart,  a 
bond  of  union  with  men  of  like  mind,  ever  afterwards.  Such  is  the  spell  which 
the  living  man  exerts  on  his  fellows,  for  good  or  for  evil.  How  nature  impels 
us  to  lean  upon  others,  making  virtue,  or  genius,  or  name,  the  qualification  for 
our  doing  so ! A Spaniard  is  said  to  have  traveled  to  Italy,  simply  to  see 
Livy ; he  had  his  fill  of  gazing,  and  then  went  back  again  home.  Had  our 
young  stranger  got  nothing  by  his  voyage  but  the  sight  of  the  breathing  and 
moving  Plato,  had  he  entered  no  lecture-room  to  hear,  no  gymnasium  to  con- 
verse, he  had  got  some  measure  of  education,  and  something  to  tell  of  to  his 
grandchildren. 

But  Plato  is  not  the  only  sage,  nor  the  sight  of  him  the  only  lesson  to  be 
learned  in  this  wonderful  suburb.  It  is  the  region  and  the  realm  of  philosophy. 
Colleges  were  the  inventions  of  many  centuries  later ; and  they  imply  a sort  of 
cloistered  life,  or  at  least  a life  of  rule,  scarcely  natural  to  an  Athenian.  It  was 
the  boast  of  the  philosophic  statesman  of  Athens,  that  his  countrymen  achieved 
by  the  mere  force  of  nature  and  the  love  of  the  noble  and  the  great,  what  other 
people  aimed  at  by  laborious  discipline ; and  all  who  came  among  them  were 
submitted  to  the  same  method  of  education.  We  have  traced  our  student  on 
his  wanderings  from  the  Acropolis  to  the  Sacred  Way ; and  now  he  is  in  the 
region  of  the  schools.  No  awful  arch,  no  window  of  many-colored  lights  marks 
the  seats  of  learning  there  or  elsewhere ; philosophy  lives  offt  of  doors.  No 
close  atmosphere  oppresses  the  brain  or  inflames  the  eyelid ; no  long  session 


XXX 


NEWMAN.— UNIVERSITY  OF  ATHENS. 


stiffens  the  limbs.  Epicurus  is  reclining  in  his  garden ; Zeno  looks  like  a 
divinity  in  his  porch ; the  restless  Aristotle,  on  the  other  side  of  the  city,  as  if 
in  antagonism  to  Plato,  is  walking  his  pupils  off  their  legs  in  his  Lyceum  by 
the  Ilyssus.  Our  student  has  determined  on  entering  himself  as  a disciple  of 
Theophrastus,  a teacher  of  marvelous  popularity,  who  has  brought  together  two 
thousand  pupils  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  He  himself  is  of  Lesbos ; for  mas- 
ters, as  well  as  students,  come  hither  from  all  regions  of  the  earth, — as  befits  a 
University.  How  could  Athens  have  collected  hearers  in  such  numbers,  unless 
she  had  selected  teachers  of  such  power?  it  was  the  range  of  territory,  which 
the  notion  of  a University  implies,  which  furnished  both  the  quantity  of  the  one, 
and  the  quality  of  the  other.  Anaxagoras  was  from  Ionia,  Cameades  from 
Africa,  Zeno  from  Cyprus,  Protagoras  from  Thrace,  and  Gorgias  from  Sicily. 
Andromachus  was  a Syrian,  Proajresius  an  Armenian,  Hilarius  a Bithynian, 
Philiscus  a Thessalian,  Hadrian  a Syrian.  Home  is  celebrated  for  her  liberality 
in  civil  matters ; Athens  was  as  liberal  in  intellectual.  There  was  no  narrow 
jealousy,  directed  against  a Professor,  because  he  was  not  an  Athenian ; genius 
and  talent  were  the  qualifications ; and  to  bring  them  to  Athens,  was  to  do 
homage  to  it  as  a University.  There  was  brotherhood  and  citizenship  of  mind. 

Mind  came  first,  and  was  the  foundation  of  the  academical  polity;  but  it 
soon  brought  along  with  it,  and  gathered  round  itself,  the  gifts  of  fortune  and 
the  prizes  of  life.  As  time  went  on,  wisdom  was  not  always  sentenced  to  the 
bare  cloak  of  Cleanthes ; but,  beginning  in  rags,  it  ended  in  fine  linen.  The 
Professors  became  honorable  and  rich;  and  the  students  ranged  themselves 
under  their  names,  and  were  prOud  of  calling  themselves  their  countrymen. 
The  University  was  divided  into  four  great  nations,  as  the  medieval  antiquarian 
would  style  them ; and  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  Proaeresius  was  the 
leader  or  proctor  of  the  Attic,  Hephaestion  of  the  Oriental,  Epiphanius  of  the 
Arabic,  and  Diophantus  of  the  Pontic.  Thus  the  Professors  were  both  patrons 
of  clients,  and  hosts  and  proxeni  of  strangers  and  visitors,  as  well  as  masters  of 
the  schools : and  the  Cappadocian,  Syrian,  or  Sicilian  youth  who  came  to  one 
or  other  of  them,  would  be  encouraged  to  study  by  his  protection,  and  to  aspire 
by  his  example. 

Even  PJato,  when  the  schools  of  Athens  were  not  a hundred  years  old,  was  in 
circumstances  to  enjoy  the  otium  cum  dignitate.  He  had  a villa  out  at  Heraclea; 
and  he  left  his  patrimony  to  his  school,  in  whose  hands  it  remained,  not  only 
safe,  but  fructifying,  a marvelous  phenomenon  in  tumultuous  Greece,  for  the 
long  space  of  eight  hundred  years.  Epicurus  too  had  the  property  of  the 
Gardens  where  he  lectured ; and  these  too  became  the  property  of  his  sect.  But 
in  Roman  times  the  chairs  of  grammar,  rhetoric,  politics,  and  the  four  philoso- 
phies, were  handsomely  endowed  by  the  State ; some  of  the  Professors  were 
themselves  statesmen  or  high  functionaries,  and  brought  to  their  favorite  study 
senatorial  rank  or  Asiatic  opulence. 

Patrons  such  as  these  can  compensate  to  the  freshman,  in  whom  we  have 
interested  ourselves,  for  the  poorness  of  his  lodging  and  the  turbulence  of  his 
companions.  In  every  thing  there  is  a better  side  and  a worse ; in  every  place 
a disreputable  set  and  a respectable,  and  the  one  is  hardly  known  at  all  to  the 
other.  Men  come  away  from  the  same  University  at  this  day,  with  contradic- 
tory impressions  and  contradictory  statements,  according  to  the  society  they 
have  found  ther^;  if  you  believe  the  one,  nothing  goes  on  there  as  it  should  be: 
if  you  believe  the  other,  nothing  goes  on  as  it  should  not.  Virtue,  however, 


NE'.OIAN.— UNlVURSltY  OF  AtilEXS. 


Xxxi 


and  decency  are  at  Iciist  in  the  minority  every  where,  and  itnder  some  sort  of  a 
cloud  or  disadvantage ; and  this  being  the  case,  it  is  so  much  gain  whenever  an 
Ilerodcs  Atticus  is  found,  to  throw  the  influence  of  wealth  and  station  on  the 
side  even  of  a decorous  philosophy.  A consular  man,  and  the  heir  of  an  ample 
fortune,  this  Herod  Was  content  to  devote  his  life  to  a professorship,  and  his 
fortune  to  the  patronage  of  literature*  He  gave  the  sophist  Polemo  about  eight 
thousand  pounds,  as  the  sum  is  calculated,  for  three  declamations.  He  built  at 
Athens  a stadium  six  hundred  feet  long,  entirely  of  white  marble,  and  capable 
of  admitting  the  whole  population.  His  theatre,  erected  to  the  memory  of  his 
wife,  wa^  made  of  cedar  wood  curiously  carved.  He  had  two  villas,  one  at 
Marathon,  the  place  of  his  birth,  about  ten  miles  from  Athens,  the  other  at 
Cephissia,  at  the  distance  of  six ; and  thither  he  drew  to  him  the  elite,  and  at 
times  the  whole  body  of  the  students.  Long  arcades,  groves  of  trees,  clear  pools 
for  the  bath,  delighted  and  reciniited  the  summer  visitor.  Never  was  so  brilliant 
a lecture-room  as  his  evening  banqueting-hall ; highly  connected  students  from 
Home  mixed  with  the  sharp-Avitted  provincial  of  Greece  or  Asia  Minor;  and  the 
flippant  sciolist,  and  the  nondescript  visitor,  half  philosopher,  half  tramp,  met 
with  a reception,  courteous  always,  but  suitable  to  his  deserts.  Herod  was 
noted  for  his  repartees ; and  Ave  have  instances  on  record  of  his  setting  doAvn, 
according  to  the  emergency,  both  the  one  and  the  other. 

A higher  line,  though  a rarer  one,  was  that  allotted  to  the  youthful  Basil. 
He  was  one  of  those  men  Avho  seem  by  a sort  of  fascination  to  draAV  others 
around  them  ca^cii  Avithout  wishing  it.  One  might  have  deemed  that  his  gravity 
and  his  reseiwe  Avould  have  kept  them  at  a distance;  but,  almost  in  spite  of 
himself,  he  AA'as  the  center  of  a knot  of  youths,  who,  pagans  as  most  of  them 
were,  used  Athens  honestly  for  the  purpose  for  AAdiidi  they  professed  to  seek  it; 
and,  disappointed  and  displeased  with  the  place  himself,  he  seems  nevertheless 
to  have  been  the  means  of  their  profiting  by  its  advantages.  One  of  these  AA^as 
Sophronius,  who  afterwards  held  a high  office  in  the  State  : Eusebius  was 
another,  at  that  time  the  bosom-friend  of  Sophronius,  and  aftei'Avards  a Bishop. 
Celsus  too  is  named,  who  afterwards  Avas  raised  to  .thc  goAnrnment  of  Cilicia  by 
the  Emperor  Julian.  J.ulian  himself,  in  the  sequel  of  unhappy  memory,  Avas 
then  at  Athens,  and  known  at  least  to  St.  Gregory.  Another  Julian  is  also 
mentioned,  Avho  was  afterwards  commissioner  of  the  land  tax.  Here  Ave  have  a 
glimpse  of  the  better  kind  of  society  among  the  students  of  Athens ; and  it  is  to 
the  credit  of  the  parties  composing  it,  that  such  young  men  as  Gregory  and 
Basil,  men  as  intimately  connected  with  Christianity,  as  they  were  well  known 
in  the  Avorld,  should  hold  so  high  a place  in  their  esteem  and  love.  When  the 
tAvo  saints  were  departing,  their  companions  came  around  them  with  the  hope 
of  changing  their  purpose.  Basil  persevered,  but  Gregory  relented,  and  turned 
back  to  Athens  for  a season. — Rise  of  Universities. 

Macaulay. — University  Teaching  at  Athens. 

Dr.  Johnson  used  fo  assert  that  Demosthenes  spoke  to  a people  of  brutes ; — 
to  a barbarous  people ; — that  there  could  be  no  civilization  before  the  invention 
of  printing.  There  seems  to  be,  on  the  eontrary,  every  reason  to  believe, 
that  in  general  intelligence,  the  Athenian  populace  far  surpassed  the  loAver 
orders  of  any  community  that  has  ever  existed.  It  must  be  considered,  that  to 
be  a citizen  was  to  be -a  legislator,  a soldier,  a judge, — one  upon  Avhose  voice 
might  depend  the  fate  of  the  wealthiest  tributary  state,  of  the  most  eminent 


XXXll 


UNIVERSITY  TEACHING  AT  ATHENS. 


public  men.  The  lowest  offices,  both  of  agriculture  and  of  trade,  were,  in  com- 
mon, performed  by  slaves.  The  state  supplied  its  meanest  members  with  the 
support  of  life,  the  opportunity  of  leisure,  and  the  means  of  amusement.  Books 
were  indeed  few;  but  they  were  excellent;  and  they  were  accurately  kno.wn.  It 
is  not  by  turning  over  libraries,  but  by  repeatedly  perusing  and  intently  contem- 
plating a few  great  models,  that  the  mind  is  best  disciplined.  Demosthenes  is 
said  to  have  transcribed  six  times  the  history  of  Thucydides.  * * 

Books,  however,  were  the  least  part  of  the  education  of  an  Athenian  citizen. 
Let  us  for  a nfoment  transport  ourselves,  in  thought,  to  that  glorious  city.  Let 
us  imagine  that  we  are  entering  its  gates  in  the  time  of  its  power  and  glory.  A 
crowd  is  assembled  round  a portico.  All  are  gazing  with  delight  at  the  entab- 
lature, for  Phidias  is  putting  up  the  frieze.  We  turn  into  another  street;  a 
rhapsodist  is  reciting  there ; men,  women,  children  are  thronging  round  him : 
the  tears  are  running  down  their  cheeks ; their  eyes  are  fixed ; their  very  breath 
is  still,  for  he  is  telling  how  Priam  fell  at  the  feet  of  Achilles,  and  kissed  those 
hands, — the  terrible,— the  murderous, — which  had  slain  so  many  of  his  sons. 
We  enter  the  public  place;  there  is  a ring  of  youths,  all  leaning  forAvard,  with 
sparkling  eyes,  and  gestures  of  expectation.  Socrates  is  pitted  against  the 
famous  atheist,  from  Iona,  and  has  just  brought  him  to  a contradiction  in  terms. 
But  we  are  interrupted.  The'  herald  is  crying — “ Room  for  the  Prytanes.” 
The  general  assembly  is  to  meet.  The  people  are  swarming  in  on  every  side. 
Proclamation  is  made — “ Who  wishes  to  speak.”  There  is  a shout,  and  a clap- 
ping of  hands ; Pericles  is  mounting  the  stand.  Then  for  a play  of  Sophocles ; 
and  away  to  sup  with  Aspasia.  I know  of  no  modern  university  which  has  so 
excellent  a system  of  education. 

Knowledge  thus  acquired  and  opinions  thus  formed  were,  indeed,  likely  to  be, 
in  some  respects,  defective.  Propositions  which  are  advanced  in  discourse  gen- 
erally result  from  a partial  view  of  the  question,  and  cannot  be  kept  under  ex. 
amination  long  enough  to  be  corrected.  Men  of  great  conversational  poAvers 
almost  universally  practise  a sort  of  lively  sophistry  and  exaggeration,  which 
deceives,  for  the  moment,  both  themselves  and  their  auditors.  Thus  we  see  doc- 
trines, which  cannot  bear  a close  inspection,  triumph  perpetually  in  drawing 
rooms,  in  debating  societies,  and  even  in  legislative  and  judicial  assemblies.  To 
the  conversational  education  of  the  Athenians  I am  inclined  to  attribute  the 
great  looseness  of  reasoning  Avhich  is  remarkable  in  most  of  their  scientific  writ- 
ings. Even  the  most  illogical  of  modern  writers  would  stand  perfectly  aghast 
at  the  puerile  fallacies  which  seem  to  have  deluded  some  of  the  greatest  men  of 
antiquity.  Sir  Thomas  Lethbridge  Avould  stare  at  the  political  economy  of 
Xenophon  ; and  the  author  of  Soirees  de  Petersbourg  would  be  ashamed  of  some 
of  the  metaphysical  arguments  of  Plato.  But  the  very  circumstances  which 
retarded  the  growth  of  science  were  peculiarly  favorable  to  the  cultivation  of 
eloquence.  From  the  early  habit  of  taking  a share  in  animated  discussion,  the 
intelligent  student  would  derive  that  readiness  of  resource,  that  copiousness  of 
language,  and  that  knowledge  of  the  temper  and  understanding  of  an  audience, 
which  are  far  more  A^aluable  to  an  orator  than  the  greatest  logical  powers. — > 
Complete  Works  of  Lord  Macaulay , Vpl.  VII.  Athenian  Orators. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  xxxiii 

EXTENSION  OF  GREEK  INFLUENCE. 

Looking  at  Athens  as  the  preacher  and  missionary  of  Letters,  and  as  enlist- 
ing the  whole  Greek  race  in  her  work,  who  is  not  struck  with  admiration  at  the 
range  and  multiplicity  of  her  operations?  At  first,  the  Ionian  and  iEolian 
cities  are  the  principal  scenes  of  her  activity ; but,  if  we  look  on  a century  or 
two,  we  shall  find  that  she  forms  the  intellect  of  the  colonies  of  Sicily  and 
Magna  Gnecia,  has  penetrated  Italy,  and  is  shedding  the  light  of  ^philosophy 
and  awakening  thought  in  the  cities  of  Gaul  by  means  of  Marseilles,  and  along 
the  coast  of  Africa  by  means  of  Gyrene.  She  has  sailed  up  both  sides  of  the 
Pluxine,  and  deposited  her  literary  wares  where  she  stopped,  as  traders  now- 
adays leave  samples  of  foreign  merchandise,  or  as  war  steamers  land  muskets 
and  ammunition,  or  as  agents  for  religious  societies  drop  their  tracts  or  scatter 
their  versions.  The  whole  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria  resounds  with  her  teach- 
ing; the  barbarians  of  Parthia  are  quoting  fragments  of  her  tragedians ; Greek 
manners  are  introduced  and  perpetuated  on  the  Hj^daspes  and  Acesines;  Greek 
coins,  lately  come  to  light,  are  struck  in  the  capital  of  Bactriana ; and  so 
charged  is  the  moral  atmosphere  of  the  East  with  Greek  civilization,  that,  down 
to  this  day,  those  tribes  are  said  to  show  to  most  advantage,  which  can  claim 
relation  of  place  or  kin  with  Greek  colonies  established  there  above  two  thou- 
sand years  ago.  But  there  is  one  city  which,  though  Greece  and  Athens  have 
no  longer  any  memorial  in  it,  has  in  this  point  of  view  a claim,  beyond  the 
rest,  upon  our  attention ; and  that,  not  only  from  its  Greek  origin,  and  the 
memorable  name  which  it  bears,  but  because  it  introduces  us  to  a new  state  of 
things,  and  is  the  record  of  an  advance  in  the  history  of  the  education  of  the 
intellect; — I mean,  Alexandria. 

ALEXANDER  AND  ALEXANDRIA. 

Alexander,  if  we  must  call  him  a Greek,  which  the  Greeks  themselves  would 
not  permit,  did  that  which  no  Greek  had  done  before;  or  rather,  because  he 
was  no  thorough  Greek,  though  so  nearly  a Greek  by  descent  and  birthplace, 
and  by  tastes,  he  was  able,  without  sacrificing  what  Greece  was,  to  show  him- 
self to  be  what  Greece  was  not.  The  creator  of  a wide  empire,  he  had  talents 
for  organization  and  administration,  which  were  foreign  to  the  Athenian  mind, 
and  which  were  absolutely  necessary  if  its  mission  was  to  be  carried  out.  The 
picture,  which  history  presents  of  Alexander,  is  as  beautiful  as  it  is  romantic. 
It  is  not  only  the  history  of  a youth  of  twenty,  pursuing  conquests  so  vast, 
that  at  the  end  of  a few  years  he  had  to  weep  that  there  was  no  second  world 
to  subjugate  ; but  it  is  that  of  a beneficent  prince,  civilizing,  as  he  went  along, 
both  by  his  political  institutions  and  by  his  patronage  of  science.  It  is  this 
union  of  an  energetic  devotion  to  letters  with  a genius  for  sovereignty,  which 
places  him  in  contrast  both  to  Greek  and  Roman.  Caesar,  with  all  his  cultiva- 
tion of  mind,  did  not  conquer  in  order  to  civilize,  any  more  than  Hannibal ; he 
must  add  Augustus  to  himself,  before  he  can  be  an  Alexander.  The  royal 
pupil  of  Aristotle  and  Callisthenes  started,  where  aspiring  statesmen  or  gen- 
erals end ; he  professed  to  be  more  ambitious  of  a name  for  knowledge  than 
for  power,  and  he  paid  a graceful  homage  to  the  city  of  intellect  by  confessing, 
when  he  was  in  India,  that  he  was  doing  his  great  acts  to  gain  the  immortal 
praise  of  the  Athenians.  The  classic  poets  and  philosophers  were  his  recrea- 

3 A 


XXXIV 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


tion ; he  preferred  the  contest  of  song  to  the  palaestra ; of  medicine  he  had 
more  than  a theoretical  knowledge:  and  his  ear  for  music  was  so  fine,  that  Dry- 
den’s  celebrated  Ode,  legendary  as  may  be  its  subject,  only  does  justice  to  its 
sensitiveness.  He  was  either  expert  in  fostering,  or  quick  in  detecting,  the 
literary  tastes  of  those  around  him ; and  two  of  his  generals  have  left  behind 
them  a literary  fame.  Eumenes  and  Ptolemy,  after  his  death,  engaged  in  the 
honorable  rivalry,  the  one  in  Asia  Minor,  the  other  in  Egypt,  of  investing  the 
dynasties  which  they  respectively  founded,  with  the  patronage  of  learning  and 
of  its  professors. 

ALEXANURI.\N  LIBRARY  AND  UNIVERSITY. 

Ptolemy,  upon  whom,  on  Alexander’s  death,  devolved  the  kingdom  of 
Egypt,  supplies  us  with  the  first  great  iiustance  of  what  may  be  called  the  es- 
tablishment of  Letters.  He  and  Plumenes  may  be  considered  the  first  found- 
ers of  public  libraries.  Some  authors  indeed  allude  to  the  Egyptian  ‘king, 
Osymanduas,  and  others  point  to  Pisistratus,  as  having  created  a precedent  for 
their  imitation.  It  is  difficult  to  say  what  these  pretensions  are  exactly  worth  : 
or  how  far  those  personages  are  entitled  to  more  than  the  merit  of  a concep- 
tion, which  obviously  would  occur  to  various  minds  before  it  was  actually  ac- 
complished. There  is  more  reason  for  referring  it  to  Aristotle,  who,  from  his 
relation  to  Alexander,  may  be  considered  as  the  head  of  the  Macedonian  lite- 
rary movement,  and  whose  books,  together  with  those  of  his  wealthy  disciple, 
Theophrastus,  ultimately  came  into  the  possession  of  the  Ptolemies ; but  Aris- 
totle’s idea,  to  whatever  extent  he  realized  it,  was  carried  out  by  the  two  Mace- 
donian dynasties  with  a magnificence  of  execution,  which  kings  alone  could 
project,  and  a succession  of  ages  secure.  For  the  first  time,  a great  system 
was  set  on  foot  for  collecting  together  in  one,  and  handing  down  to  posteritjq 
the  oracles  of  the  world’s  wisdom.  In  the  reign  of  the  second  Ptolemy  the 
number  of  volumes  rescued  from  destruction,  and  housed  in  the  Alexandrian 
Library,  amounted  to  100,000,  as  volumes  were  then  formed;  in  course  of 
time  it  grew  to  400,000;  and  a second  collection  ^vas -commenced,  which  at 
length  rose  to  300,000,  making,  with  the  former,  a sum  total  of  700,000  vol- 
umes. During  Caesar’s  military  defense  of  Alexandria,  the  former  of  these  col- 
lections was  unfortunately  burned;  but,  in  compensation,  the  library  received 
the  200,000  volumes  of  the  rival  collection  of  the  kings  of  Pergamus,  the  gift 
of  Antony  to  Cleopatra.  After  lasting  nearly  a thousand  years,  this  noblest  of 
dynastic  monuments  was  deliberately  burned,  as  all  the  world  knows,  by  the 
Saracens,  on  their  becoming  masters  of  Alexandria. 

A library,  however,  was  only  one  of  two  great  conceptions  brought  into  ex- 
ecution by  the  first  Ptolemy;  and  as  the  first  was  the  embalming  of  dead 
genius,  so  the  second  was  the  endowment  of  living.  Here  again,  the  Egyptian 
priests  may  be  said  in  a certain  sense  to  have  preceded  him ; moreover,  in 
Athens  itself  there  had  grown  up  a custom  of  maintaining  in  the  Prytaneum 
at  the  public  cost,  or  of  pensioning,  those  wlio  had  deserved  well  of  the  state, 
nay,  their  children  also.  This  had  been  the  privilege,  for  instance,  conferred  on 
the  family  of  the  physician  Hippocrates,  for  his  medical  services  at  the  time  of 
the  plague;  yet  I suppose  the  provision  of  a home  or  residence  was  never  con- 
templated in  its  idea.  But  as  regards  literature  itself,  to  receive  money  for 
teaching,  was  considered  to  degrade  it  to  an  illiberal  purpose,  as  had  been  felt 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


XXXV 


in  the  instance  of  the  Sophists ; even  the  Pythian  prize  for  verse,  though  at 
first  gold  or  silver,  became  nothing  more  than  a crown  of  leaves,  as  soon  as  a 
suflicient  competition  was  secured.  Kings,  indeed,  might  lavish  precious  gifts 
upon  the  philosophers  or  poets  whom  they  kept  about  them  ; but  such  practice 
did  not  proceed  on  rule  or  by  engagement,  nor  imply  any  salary  settled  on  the 
objects  of  their  bounty.  Ptolemy,  however,  prompted,  or  at  least  encouraged, 
by  the  celebrated  Demetrius  of  Phalerus,  put  into  execution  a plan  for  the 
formal  endowment  of  literature  and  science.  The  fact  indeed  of  the  possession 
of  an  immense  library  seemed  sufficient  to  render  Alexandria  a University;  for 
what  could  be  a greater  attraction  to  the  students  of  all  lands,  than  the  oppor- 
tunity afforded  them  of  intellectual  converse,  not  only  with  the  living,  but  with 
the  dead,  with  all  who  had  any  where  at  any  time  thrown  light  upon  any  sub- 
ject of  inquiry  ? But  Ptolemy  determined  that  his  teachers  of  knowledge 
should  be  as  stationary  and  as  permanent  as  his  books;  so,  resolving  to  make 
Alexandria  the  seat  of  a Studium  Generate^  he  founded  a college  for  its  domi- 
cile, and  endowed  that  College  with  ample  revenues. 

It  was  called  the  Museum, — a name  since  appropriated  to  another  institution 
connected  with  the  seats  of  science.  Its  situation  affords  an  additional  in- 
stance in  corroboration  of  remarks  I have  already  made  upon  the  sites  of  Uni- 
versities. There  was  a quarter  of  the  city  so  distinct  from  the  rest  in  Alexan- 
dria, that  it  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  a suburb.  It  was  pleasantly  situated  on 
the  water’s  edge,  and  had  been  set  aside  for  ornamental  buildings,  and  was 
traversed  by  groves  of  trees.  Here  stood  the  royal  palace,  here  the  theater 
and  amphitheater;  here  the  gymnasia  and  studium;  here  the  famous  Scrapeum. 
And  here  it  was,  close  upon  the  Port,  that  Ptolemy  placed  his  Library  and 
College.  As  might  be  supposed,  the  building  was  worthy  of  its  purpose ;,  a 
noble  portico  stretched  along  its  front,  for  exercise  or  conversation,  add  opened 
upon  the  public  rooms  devoted  to  disputations  and  lectures.  A certain  number 
of  Professors  were  lodged  within  the  precincts,  and  a handsome  hall,  or  re- 
fectory, was  provided  for  the  common  meal.  The  Prefect  of  the  house  was  a 
priest,  whose  appointment  lay  with  the  government.  Over  the  Library  a dig- 
nified person  presided,  who,  if  his  jurisdiction  extended  to  the  Museum  also, 
might  somewhat  answer  to  a medieval  or  modern  Chancellor;  the  first  of  these 
functionaries  being  the  celebrated  Athenian  who  had  so  much  to  do  with  the 
original  design.  As  to  the  Professors,  so  liberal  was  their  maintenance,  that  a 
philosopher  of  the  very  age  of  the  first  foundation  called  the  place  a “ bread 
basket,”  or  a “ bird-coop ;”  yet,  in  spite  of  accidental  exceptions,  so  careful  on 
the  whole  was  their  selection,  that  even  six  hundred  years  afterwards,  Am- 
mianus  describes  the  Museum  under  the  title  of  “ the  lasting  abode  of  distin- 
guished men.”  Philostratus,  too,  about  a century  before,  calls  it  “a  table 
gathering  together  celebrated  men :”  a phrase  which  merits  attention,  as  testi- 
fying both  to  the  high  character  of  the  Professors,  and  to  the  means  by  which 
they  were  secured.  In  some  cases,  at  least,  they  were  chosen  by  conewsus  or 
competition,  in  which  the  native  Egyptians  are  said  sometimes  to  have  sur- 
passed the  Greeks.  We  read,  too,  of  literary  games  or  contests,  apparently  of 
the  same  nature.  As  time  went  on,  new  Colleges  were  added  to  the  original 
Museum ; of  which  one  was  a foundation  of  the  Emperor  Claudius,  and  called 
after  his  name. 

It  can  not  be  thought  that  the  high  reputation  of  these  foundations  would 


xxxvi 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


have  been  maintained,  unless  Ptolemy  had  looked  beyond  Egj'pt  for  occupants 
of  his  chairs;  and  indeed  he  got  together  the  best  men,  wherever  he  could 
find  them.  On  these  he  heaped  wealth  and  privileges ; and  so  complete  was 
their  naturalization  in  their  adopted  country,  that  they  lost  their  usual  sur- 
names, drawn  from  their  place  of  birth,  and,  instead  of  being  called,  for  in- 
stance, Apion  of  Oasis,  or  Aristarchus  of  Samothracia,  or  Dionysius  of  Thrace, 
received  each  simply  the  title  of  “ the  Alexandrian.”  Thus  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, the  learned  father  of  the  Church,  was  a native  of  Athen^. 

A diversity  of  teachers  secured  an  abundance  of  students.  “ Hither,”  says 
Cave,  “ as  to  a public  emporium  of  polite  literature,  congregated,  from  every 
part  of  the  world,  youthful  students,  and  attended  the  lectures  in  Grammar, 
Rhetoric,  Poetry,  Philosophy,  Astronomy,  Music,  Medicine,  and  other  arts  and 
sciences;”  and  hence  proceeded,  as  it  would  appear,  the  great  Christian  writers 
and  doctors,  Clement,  whom  I have  just  been  mentioning,  Origen,  Anatolius, 
and  Athanasius.  St.  Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  in  the  third  century,  may  be 
added;  he  came  across  Asia  Minor  and  Syria  from  Pontus,  as  to  a place,  says 
his  namesake  of  Nyssa,  “to  which  young  men  from  all  parts  gathered  together, 
who  were  applying  themselves  to  pliilosophy.” 

As  to  the  subjects  taught  in  the  Museum,  Cave  has  already  enumerated  the 
principal;  but  he  has  not  done  justice  to  the  peculiar  character  of  the  Alex- 
andrian school.  From  the  time  that  science  got  out  of  the  hands  of  the  pure 
Greeks,  into  those  of  a power  which  had  a talent  for  administration,  it  became 
less  theoretical,  and  bore  more  distinctly  upon  definite  and  tangible  objects. 
The  very  conception  of  an  endowment  is  a specimen  of  this  change.  Without 
yielding  the  palm  of  subtle  speculation  to  the  Greeks,  philosophy  assumed  a 
more  masculine  and  vigorous  character.  Dreamy  theorists,  indeed,  they  could 
also  show  in  still  higher  perfection  than  Athens,  where  there  was  the  guaran- 
tee of  genius  that  abstract  investigation  would  never  become  ridiculous.  The 
Alexandrian  Neo-platonists  certainly  have  incurred  the  risk  of  this  imputation ; 
yet,  Potamo,  Ammonius,  Plotinus,  and  Hierocles,  who  are  to  be  numbered 
among  them,  with  the  addition  perhaps  of  Proclus,  in  spite  of  the  frivolousness 
and  feebleness  of  their  system,  have  a weight  of  character,  taken  together, 
which  would  do  honor  to  any  school.  And  the  very  circumstance  that  they 
originated  a new  philosophy  is  no  ordinary  distinction  in  the  intellectual  world : 
and  that  it  was  directly  intended  to  be  a rival  and  refutation  of  Christianity, 
while  no  great  recommendation  to  it  certainly  in  a religious  judgment,  marks 
the  practical  character  of  the  Museum  even  amid  its  subtleties.  So  much  for 
their  philosophers:  among  their  poets  was  Apollonius  of  Rhodes,  whose  poem 
on  the  Argonauts  carries  with  it,  in  the  very  fact  of  its  being  still  extant,  the 
testimony  of  succeeding  ages  either  to  its  merit,  or  to  its  antiquarian  import- 
ance. Egyptian  antiquities  were  investigated,  at  least  by  the  disciples  of  the 
Egyptian  Manetho,  fragments  of  whose  history  are  considered  to  remain ; while 
Carthaginian  and  Etruscan  had  a place  in  the  studies  of  the  Claudian  College. 

The  Museum  was  celebrated,  moreover,  for  its  grammarians ; the  work  of 
Hephaestion  da  Metris  still  affords  matter  of  thought  to  a living  Professor  of 
Oxford,  Dr.  Gaisford;”  and  Aristarchus,  like  the  Athenian  Priscian,  has  almost 
become  the  nick-name  for  a critic. 

Yet,  eminent  as  is  the  Alexandrian  school  in  these  departments  of  science, 
its  fame  rests  still  more  securely  upon  its  proficiency  in  medicine  and  mathe- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


XXXVll 


matics.  Among  its  physicians  is  the  celebrated  Galen,  who  was  attracted 
thither  from  Pergaraus;  and  we  are  told  by  Ammianus  (of  the  fourth  century), 
that  in  his  time  the  very  fact  of  a physician  having  studied  at  Alexandria,  was 
an  evidence  of  his  science  which  superseded  further  testimonial.  As  to  mathe- 
matics, it  is  sufficient  to  say,  that,  of  four  great  ancient  names,  on  whom  the 
modern  science  is  founded,  three  came  from  Alexandria.  Archimedes  indeed 
was  a Syracusan ; but  the  Museum  may  boast  of  Apollonius  of  Perga,  Dio- 
phantus,  a native  Alexandrian,  and  Euclid,  whose  country  is  unknown.  Of 
these  three,  Euclid’s  services  to  Geometry  are  known,  if  not  appreciated,  by 
every  school-boy ; Apollonius  is  the  first  writer  on  Conic  Sections;  and  Dio- 
phantus  the  first  writer  on  Algebra.  To  these  illustrious  names  may  be  added, 
Erastosthenes  of  Cyrene,  to  whom  astronomy  has  obligations  so  considerable; 
Pappus;  Theon;  and  Ptolemy,  said  to  be  of  Pelusium,  whose  celebrated  sys- 
tem, called  after  him  the  Ptolemaic,  reigned  in  the  schools  till  the  time  of  Co- 
pernicus, and  whose  Geography,  as  dealing  with  facts,  is  still  in  repute. 

Such  was  the  celebrated  Studium  or  University  of  Alexandria;  for  a while, 
in  the  course  of  the  third  and  fourth  centuries,  it  was  subject  to  reverses,  prin- 
cipally from  war.  The  whole  of  the  Bruchion,  the  quarter  of  the  city  in  which 
it  was  situated,  was  given  to  the  flames ; and  when  Hilarion  came  to  Alexan- 
dria, the  holy  hermit,  whose  rule  of  life  did  not  suffer  him  to  lodge  in  cities, 
took  up  his  lodgment  with  a few  solitaries  among  the  ruins  of  its  edifices.  The 
schools,  however,  and  the  library,  continued ; the  library  was  reserved  for  the 
Caliph  Omar’s  famous  judgment ; as  to  the  schools,  even  as  late  as  the  twelfth 
century,  the  Jew,  Benjamin  of  Tudela,  gives  us  a surprising  report  of  what  he 
found  in  Alexandia.  ‘‘Outside  the  city,”  he  says,  a mode  of  speaking  which 
agrees  with  what  has  been  above  said  about  the  locality  of  the  Museum,  “is 
the  Academy  of  Aristotle,  Alexander’s  preceptor;  a handsome  pile  of  build- 
ings, which  has  twenty  Colleges,  whither  students  betake  themselves  from  all 
parts  of  the  world  to  learn  his  philosophy.  The  marble  columns  divide  one 
College  from  another.” 

ROMAN  IMPERIAL  OR  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS. 

Though  the  Roman  schools  have  more  direct  bearing  on  the  subsequent  rise 
of  the  medieval  Universities,  they  are  not  so  exact  an  anticipation  of  its  type, 
as  the  Alexandrian  Museum.  They  differ  from  the  Museum,  as  being  for  the 
most  part,  as  it  would  appear,  devoted  to  the  education  of  the  very  young, 
withoiit  any  reference  to  the  advancement  of  science.  No  list  of  writers  or  of 
discoveries,  no  local  or  historical  authorities,  can  be  adduced,  from  the  date  of 
Augu.stus  to  that  of  Ju-stinian,  to  rival  the  fame  of  Alexandria;  we  hear  on 
the  contrary  much  of  the  elements  of  knowledge,  the  Trivium  and  Quadrivium; 
and  the  Law  of  the  Empire  provided,  and  the  Theodosian  Code  has  recorded, 
the  discipline  necessary  for  the  students.  Teaching  and  learning  was  a depart- 
ment of  government;  and  schools  were  set  up  and  professors  endowed,  just  as 
soldiers  were  stationed  or  courts  opened,  in  every  great  city  of  the  East  and 
West.  In  Rome  itself  the  seat  of  education  was  placed  in  the  Capitol ; ten 
chairs  were  appointed  for  Latin  Grammar,  ten  for  Greek;  three  for  Latin 
Rhetoric,  five  for  Greek;  one,  some  say  three,  for  Philosophy;  two  or  four  for 
Roman  Law.  Professorships  of  Medicine  were  afterwards  added.  Under 
Grammar  (if  St.  Gregory’s  account  of  Athens  in  Roman  times  may  be  applied 


xxxviii 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


to  the  Roman  schools  generally),  were  included  knowledge  of  language  and 
meter,  criticism,  and  history.  Rome,  as  might  be  expected,  and  Carthage, 
were  celebrated  for  their  Latin  teaching;  Roman  Law  is  said  to  have  been 
taught  in  three  cities  only,  Rome  itself,  Constantinople,  and  Berytus. 

The  study  of  grammar  and  geography  was  commenced  at  the  age  of  twelve, 
and  apparently  at  the  private  school,  and  was  continued  till  the  age  of  four- 
teen. Then  the  youths  were  sent  to  the  public  academy  for  oratory,  philoso- 
phy, mathematics,  and  law.  The  course  lasted  five  years ; and,  on  entering  on 
their  twentieth  year,  their  education  was  considered  complete,  and  they  were 
sent  home.  If  they  studied  the  law,  they  were  allowed  to  stay  (for  instance, 
in  Berytus).  till  their  twenty-fifth  year;  a permission  which  was  extended 
in  that  city  to  the  students  in  polite  literature,  or,  as  we  should  say,  in  Arts. 

The  nunlber  of  youths,  who  went  up  to  Rome  for  the  study  of  the  Law,  was 
considerable;  chiefly  from  Africa  and  Gaul.  Originally  the  Government  had 
discouraged  foreigners  in  repairing  to  the  metropolis,  from  the  dangers  it  natu- 
rally presented  to  youth  ; when  their  residence  there  became  a necessary  evil, 
it  contented  itself  with  imposing  strict  rules  of  discipline  upon  them.  No 
youth  could  obtain  admission  into  the  Roman  schools,  without  a certificate 
signed  by  the  magistracy  of  his  province.  Next,  he  presented  himself  before 
the  Magister  Census,  an  official  who  was  in  the  department  of  the  Prsefectus 
Urbis,  and  who,  besides  his  ordinary  duties,  acted  as  Rector  of  the  Academy. 
Next,  his  name,  city,  age,  and  qualifications  were  entered  in  a public  register; 
and  a specification,  moreover,  of  the  studies  he  proposed  to  pursue,  and  of  the 
lodging-house  where  he  proposed  to  reside.  He  was  amenable  for  his  conduct 
to  the  Censuales,  as  if  they  had  been  Proctors;  and  he  was  reminded  that  the 
eyes  of  the  world  were  upon  him,  that  he  had  a character  to  maintain,  and 
that  it  was  his  duty  to  avoid  clubs,  of  which  the  Government  was  jealous, 
riotous  parties,  and  the  public  shows,  which  were  of  daily  occurrence  and  of 
most  corrupting  nature.  If  he  was  refractory  and  disgraced  himself,  he  was  to 
be  publicly  flogged,  and  shipped  off  at  once  to  his  country.  Those  who  ac- 
quitted themselves  well,  were  reported  to  the  Government,  and  received  public 
appointments.  The  Professors  were  under  the  same  jurisdiction  as  the  students. 

Of  the  schools  planted  through  the  Empire,  the  most  considerable  were  the 
Gallic  and  the  African,  of  which  the  latter  had  no  good  reputation,  while  the 
Gallic  name  stood  especially  high.  Marseilles,  one  of  the  oldest  of  the  Greek 
colonies,  was  the  most  celebrated  of  the  schools  of  Gaul  for  learning  and  dis- 
cipline. For  this  reason,  and  from  its  position,  it  drew  off  numbers,  under  the 
Empire,  who  otherwise  would  have  repaired  to  Athens.  It  was  here  that  Ag- 
ricola received  his  education;  “a  school,”  says  his  biographer,  “in  which 
Greek  politeness  was  happily  blended  and  tempered  with  provincial  strictness.” 
The  schools  of  Bourdeaux  and  Autun  also  had  a high  name ; and  Rheims  re- 
ceived the  title  of  a new  Athens.  This  appellation  was  also  bestowed  upon 
the  .school  of  Milan.  Besides  these  countries,  respectful  mention  is  made  of 
the  schools  of  Britain.  As  to  Spain,  the  colonies  there  established  are  even 
called,  by  one  commentator  on  the  Theodosian  code,  “literary  colonies;”  a 
singular  title  when  Rome  is  concerned;  and,  in  fimt,  a considerable  number 
of  writers  of  reputation  came  from  Spain.  Lucan,  the  Senecas,  Martial,  per- 
haps Quintilian,  Mela,  Columella,  and  Hygiuus,  are  its  contribution  in  the 
course  of  a century. 


CHARLES  STUART  PARKER. 


XXXIX 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  CLASSICAL  STUDIES.* 

The  Greek  and  Latin  tongues,  with  the  literature  to  which  these  tongues  are 
the  keys,  obtained  their  foothold  in  the  schools  of  Christian  nations,  not  be- 
cause the  study  of  a dead  language  was  the  best  mental  discipline  for  young 
students,  or  the  only  means  of  th'eir  acquiring  a masterly  freedom  in  the  use  of 
their  own  tongue,  but  because  at  the  time  they  were  introduced  into  schools, 
as  branches  of  study,  they  were  the  languages  of  educated  men,  and  were  em- 
ployed for  public  business,  literature,  philo.sophy,  science  and  religion.  Once 
introduced,  they  have  retained  their  position  partly  for  the  same  reasons,  and 
partly  by  the  influence  of  endowments  and  the  force  of  habit. 

Greek  Language. 

It  arose  from  the  relations  in  which  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages  have 
stood,  in  the  past,  to  the  whole  higher  life,  intellectual  and  moral,  literary  and 
scientific,  civil  and  religious,  of  Western  Europe.  Greeks  and  Romans,  as  well 
as  Jews,  are  our  spiritual  ancestors.  They  left  treasures  of  recorded  thought, 
word,  and  deed,  by  the  timely  and  judicious  use  of  which  their  heirs  have  be- 
come the  leaders  of  mankind.  But  they  left  them  in  custody  of  their  native 
tongues. 

After  Alexander,  the  Greek  tongue  spread  widely  through  the  East,  and  be- 
came the  means  of  blending  Oriental  with  Western  modes  of  thought.  Com- 
merce prepared  the  way  for  liberal  intercourse.  Ideas  were  exchanged  freely 
with  reciprocal  advantage.  But  the  Greek,  offering  new  philosophy  for  old  re- 
ligion, obtained  for  Europe  the  more  precious  gift — 

X,ou<T£a  xa\Kdu}v,  iKaTOjxPoi  ivvEr](ioioiv. 

No  faith  attracted  more  attention  than  that  of  the  Jews.  Their  sacred  books 
were  carefully  translated  into  the  Greek  language,  and  afterwards,  by  fanciful 
adaptation,  and  by  real  insight,  expressed  in  terms  of  Greek  thought.  Greek 
philosophy,  meanwhile,  embracing  with  reverence  the  long-sought  wisdom  of 
the  East,  went  beyond  the  measure  of  Pythagoras,  Socrates,  or  Plato,  and  often 
beyond  the  guidance  of  sober  reason,  in  ascetic  abstraction  from  the  things  of 
sense,  and  ardent  longing  after  spiritual  truth. 

Christianity  itself  had  Greek  for  its  mother-tongue.  St.  Paul,  a Roman  citi- 
zen, writes  in  Greek  to  the  Christians  of  Rome.  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 
is  Greek,  and  so  is  that  of  St.  James  “ to  the  twelve  tribes  scattered  abroad.” 

For  great  part  of  three  centuries,  the  churches  of  the  West  were  mostly 
“ Greek  religious  colonies.”  f Their  language,  their  organization,  their  liturgy,  J 
their  Scriptures,  were  Greek.  The  Apostolic  Fathers,  the  apologists  and  his- 
torians of  the  early  church,  the  great  theologians,  orthodox  and  heretic,  wrote 
and  spoke  Greek.  The  proceedings  of  the  first  seven  Councils  were  carried  on, 
and  the  speculative  form  of  the  Christian  faith  defined,  in  that  language.  It 

* This  article  is  mainly  from  an  *•  Essay  on  the  History  of  Classical  Education''  in  McMil- 
lan”s  Essays  on  Liberal  Studies.  1867,  by  Charles  Stuart  Parker.  The  author  refers  to  Von 
Raumer,  and  Schmidt,  for  his  material. 

t Milman’s  Latin  Christianity,  i.  27. 

i It  is  significant  that  the  word  liturgy  is  Greek,  as  are  hymn,  psalm,  homily,  and  catechism, 
baptism  and  eucharist,  priest,  bishop,  and  pope. 


xl 


CHARLES  STUART  PARKER. 


was  hardly  possible  to  handle  the  profounder  questions  in  any  other.  Augus- 
tine is  at  a loss  for  words  to  speak  of  them  in  Latin.  Seven  centuries  later 
Anselm  undertakes  the  task  with  diffidence;  nor  is  it  clear  whether  in  his  own 
judgment  he  succeeds  or  fails. 

Thus,  when  Christianity  became  the  State  religion,  and  the  emperor,  in  such 
broken  language  as  he  could  command,  took  a modest  part  in  the  discussions 
of  Nicsea,  it  was  a last  and  signal  spiritual  triumph  of  captive  Greece  over 
Rome. 

The  ancient  Church  encouraged  the  study  of  heathen  literature,  but  with  a 
paramount  regard  to  morality  and  Christian  truth.  Plato,  Cicero,  and  Quin- 
tilian had  pointed  out  the  danger  of  using  tlie  poets  indiscriminately  as  school- 
books ; and  the  Father  who  slept  with  Aristophanes  under  his  pillow  would 
not  have  placed  him  in  the  hands  of  boys.  But  even  Tertulliau  allowed  Chris- 
tian boys  to  attend  the  public  schools  under  pagan  masters. 

Origen  made  the  study  of  heathen  poets  and  moralists  preparatory  to  that 
of  higher  Christian  truth.  His  master,  Clement,  taught  that  philosopliy  was 
the  testament  or  dispensation  given  to  the  Greeks,  the  sclioolmaster  to  bring 
them,  as  the  Mosaic  law  brought  the  Jews,  to  Christ.  And  his  teaching  was 
generally  accepted.  To  this  day  “ along  the  porticoes  of  Eastern  churches, 
both  in  Greece  and  Russia,  are  to  be  seen  portrayed  on  the  walls  the  figures 
of  Homer,  Thucydides,  Pythagoras,  and  Plato,  as  pioneers  preparing  the  way 
for  Christianity.”  When  Julian  forbade  the  Christians  to  institute  public 
schools  of  rhetoric  and  literature,  in  which  pagan  authors  might  be  read,  the 
bishops  protested. 

During  this  first  Christian  age,  Greek  was  the  common  language  of  litera- 
ture, while  Latin,  after  Tacitus  and  Pliny,  rapidly  declined.  The  “Medita- 
tions ” of  the  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius  are  composed  in  the  vernacular  of  the 
freedman  Epictetus.  No  Latin  names  can  be  placed  beside  those  of  Lucian 
and  Plutarch,  Arrian  and  Dion  Cassius,  Ptolemy  and  Galen.  At  Athens  and 
Alexandria,  the  great  conservative  and  liberal  universities,  stydies  in  grammar 
and  criticism  were  conducted  side  by  side  with  philosophy  and  science.  In 
both  alike  the  Greek  tongue  was  employed.  Of  all  the  considerable  intellectual 
production  which  went  on  throughout  the  Roman  world,  jurisprudence  alone 
was  Latin.  1 

Latin  Language. 

If  Greek  was  the  chosen  language  which  carried  literature,  science,  and  wis- 
dom, Christian,  as  well  as  heathen,  to  the  highest  pitch  in  the  ancient  world, 
Latin  also  was  an  appointed  means  of  transferring  them  to  Western  Europe. 

The  imperial  art  of  Rome  laid  the  solid  foundations  on  which,  when  the  flood 
of  barbarism  began  to  subside,  much  of  the  old  fabric  was  laboriously  recon- 
structed, before  the  thoughts  of  man  took  a wider  range.  In  Spain  and  Gaul 
Latin  became  the  mother  tongue.  But  in  uneducated  mouths  it  resumed  that 
process  of  decay  and  regeneration,  the  natural  life  of  a language  spoken  and 
not  written,  which  only  literature  can  arrest.  Hence  in  time,  Italians,  as  well 
as  Spaniards  and  French,  had  to  learn  book-Latin  as  a foreign  language.  It 
was  to  them  what  the  writings  of  our  forefathers  would  be  to  us,  if  “ Englisc” 
literature  excelled  English  as  Roman  did  “ Romance.”  But  other  than  lite- 
rary interests  maintained  the  old  Latin  as  a common  language  beside  the  pro- 
vincial dialects  of  the  new. 


CHARLES  STUART  PARKER. 


xli 


The  laws  of  the  "Westera  Empire,  the  last  and  greatest  product  of  the  an- 
cient Roman  mind,  were  adopted  by  the  Gothic,  Lombard,  and  Carlovingian 
dynasties,  and  in  the  twelfth  century  the  first  great  European  school  at  Bo- 
logna was  thronged  by  students  of  Roman  law.  At  one  time  there  were 
twenty  thousand,  from  different  countries,  dividing  their  attention  between  civil 
and  canon  law,  the  Pandects  and  the  Decretals.  Both  were  studied  with  a 
view  to  advancement  in  life,  but  especially  to  Church  preferment. 

Indeed  it  may  be  said,  with  as  much  truth  as  is  required  in  metaphor,  that 
the  ark  which  carried  through  the  darkest  age,  together  with  its  own  sacred 
treasures,  the  living  use  of  ancient  Latin,  and  some  tradition  of  ancient  learn- 
ing, was  the  Christian  Church. 

What  at  first  had  been  everywhere  a Greek  became  in  Western  Europe  a 
Latin  religion.  The  discipline  of  Rome  maintained  the  body  of  doctrine  whicli 
the  thought  of  Greece  had  defined.  A new  Latin  version,  superseding  alike 
the  venerable  Greek  translation  of  the  Old  Testament  and  the  original  words 
of  Evangelists  and  Apostles,  became  the  received  text  of  Holy  Scripture. 
The  Latin  Fathers  acquired  an  authority  scarcely  less  binding.  The  ritual,  les- 
sons, and  hymns  of  the  Church  were  Latin.  Ecclesiastics  transacted  the  busi- 
ness of  civil  departments  requiring  education.  Libraries  were  armories  of  the 
Church:  gramn)ar  was  part  of  her  drill.  The  humblest  scholar  was  enlisted  in 
her  service:  she  recruited  her  ranks  by  founding  Latin  schools.  Fducation 
in  the  rudiments  of  Latin,”  says  Hallam,  “was  imparted  to  a gre;.Ur  number 
of  individuals  than  at  present;”  and,  as  they  had  more  use  for  it  than  at  pres- 
ent, it  was  longer  retained.  If  a boy  of  humble  birth  had  a taste  for  letters, 
or  if  a bo}’-  of  high  birth  had  a distaste  for  arms,  the  first  step  was  to  learn 
Latin.  His  foot  was  then  on  the  ladder.  Fie  might  rise  by  the  good  offices  of 
his  family  to  a bishopric,  or  to  the  papacy  itself  by  merit  and  the  grace  of 
God.  Latin  enabled  a Greek  from  Tarsus  (Theodore)  to  become  the  founder  of 
learning  in  the  English  church;  and  a Yorkshireman  (Alcuin)  to  organize  the 
schools  of  Charlemagne.  Without  Latin,  our  English  Winli  id  (St.  Boniface) 
could  not  have  been  apostle  of  Germany  and  reformer  of  the  Frankish  Church  ; 
or  the  German  Albert,  master  at  Paris  of  Thomas  Aquinas;  or  Nicholas  Breaks- 
peare.  Pope  of  Rome.  With  it,  WYstern  Christendom  was  one  vast  field  of 
labor:  calls  for  self-sacrifice,  or  offers  of  promotion,  might  come  from  north  or 
south,  from  east  or  west. 

Thus  in  the  Middle  Ages  Latin  was  made  the  groundwork  of  education;  not 
for  the  beauty  of  its  classical  literature,  nor  because  the  study  of  a dead  lan- 
guage was  the  best  mental  gj’-mnastic,  or  the  only  means  of  acquiring  a mas- 
terly freedom  in  the  use  of  living  tongues,  but  because  it  was  the  language  of 
educated  men  throughout  Western  Europe,  employed  for  public  business,  lite- 
rature, philosophy,  and  science;  above  all,  in  God’s  providence,  essential  to  the 
unity,  and  therefore  enforced  by  the  authority,  of  the  Western  Church. 

But  the  Latin  of  the  Middle  Ages  was  not  classical,  and  in  the  West  Greek 
became  an  unknown  tongue.  Cicero  did  less  to  form  style  than  Jerome;  Plato 
was  forgotten  in  favor  of  Augustine;  Aristotle  alone,  translated  out  of  Greek 
into  Syriac,  out  of  Syriac  into  Arabic,  out  of  Arabic  into  Latin,  and  in  Latin 
purged  of  every  thing  offensive  to  the  mediieval  mind,  had  become  in  the  folios 
of  Thomas  Aquinas  a buttress,  if  not  a pillar,  of  the  Christian  Church. 


xlii 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


CIVILIZATION  AND  EDUCATION  IN  THE  BRITISH  ISLES. 

High  up  in  the  North,  above  the  continent  of  Europe,  lay  two  sister  islands, 
ample  in  size,  happy  in  soil  and  climate,  and  beautiful  in  the  face  of  the  coun- 
tr3%  Alas!  that  the  passions  of  man  should  alienate  from  one  another,  those 
whom  nature  and  religion  had  bound  together ! So  far  away  were  they  from 
foreign  foes,  that  one  of  them  the  barbarians  had  never  reached,  and  though  a 
solitary  wave  of  their  invasion  has  passed  over  the  other,  it  was  not  destined 
to  be  followed  bj’"  a second  for  some  centuries.  In  those  days  the  larger  of- the 
two  was  called  Britannia,  the  lesser  Hibernia.  The  latter  was  early  the  seat 
of  a flourishing  church,  abounding  in  the  fruits  of  sanctity,  learning,  and  zeal; 
the  former,  at  least  its  southern  half,  had  formed  part  of  the  Empire,  had  par- 
taken both  of  its  civilization  and  its  Christianity,  but  had  lately  been  occupied, 
with  the  extermination  of  its  population,  by  the  right  wing  of  the  great  bar- 
baric host  which  was  overrunning  Europe. 

“ During  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries,”  says  Dr.  Dullinger,  “ the  Church 
of  Ireland  stood  in  the  full  beauty  of  its  bloom.  The  spirit  of  the  gospel  ope- 
rated amongst  the  people  with  a vigorous  and  vivifying  power ; troops  of  hoi}’’ 
men,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  ranks  of  society,  obeyed  the  counsel  of 
Christ,  and  forsook  all  things,  that  they  might  follow  Him.  There  was  not  a 
country  of  the  world,  during  this  period,  which  could  boast  of  pious  founda- 
tions or  of  religious  communities  equal  to  those  that  adorned  this  far  distant 
island.  Among  the  Irish,  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian  Religion  were  pre- 
served pure  and  entire;  the  names  of  here.sy  or  of  schism  were  not  known  to 
them ; and  in  the  Bishop  of  Rome  they  acknowledged  and  venerated  the  Su- 
preme Head  of  the  Church  on  earth,  and  continued  with  him,  and  through  him 
with  the  whole  Church,  in  a never  interrupted  communion.  The  schools  in  the 
Irish  cloisters  were  at  this  time  the  most  celebrated  in  all  the  West;  and  in  ad- 
dition to  those  which  have  been  already  mentioned,  there  flourished  the  Schools 
of  St.  Finian  of  Clonard,  founded  in  530,  and  those  of  Catnldus,  founded  in 
640.  Whilst  almost  the  whole  of  Europe  was  desolated  by  war,  peaceful  Ire- 
land, free  from  the  invasions  of  external  foes,  opened  to  the  lovers  of  learning 
and  piety  a welcome  asylum.  The  strangers,  who  visited  the  island,  not  only 
from  the  neighboring  shores  of  Britain,  but  also  from  the  most  remote  nations 
of  the  Continent,  received  from  the  Irish  people  the  most  hospitable  reception, 
a gratuitous  entertainment,  free  instruction,  and  even  the  books  that  were  nec- 
essary for  their  studies.  Thus  in  the  year  53G,  in  the  time  of  St.  Senanus, 
there  arrived  at  Cork,  from  the  Continent,  fifteen  monks,  who  were  led  thither 
by  their  desire  to  perfect  themselves  in  the  practices  of  an  ascetic  life  under 
Irish  directors,  and  to  study  the  Sacred  Scriptures  in  the  school  established 
near  that  city.  At  a later  period,  after  the  year  650,  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  par- 
ticular passed  over  to  Ireland  in  great  numbers  for  the  same  laudable  purposes. 
On  the  other  hand,  many  holy  and  learned  Irishmen  left  their  own  country  to 
proclaim  the  faith,  to  establish  or  to  reform  monasteries  in  distant  lands,  and 
thus  to  become  the  benefactors  of  almost  every  nation  in  Europe.” 

Such  was  St.  Columba,  who  is  the  Apostle  of  the  Northern  Piets  in  the  sixth 
century;  such  St.  Eridolin  in  the  beginning  of  the  same  century,  who,  after 
long  labors  in  France,  established  himself  on  the  Rhine ; such  the  far-famed 
Columbanus,  wdio,  at  its  end,  was  sent  with  twelve  of  his  brethren  to  preach  in 
France,  Burgundy,  Switzerland,  and  Lombardy,  where  he  died.  All  these 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


xliii 


great  acts  and  encouraging  events  had  taken  place,  ere  yet  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race  was  converted  to  the  faith,  or  at  least  wliile  it  was  still  under  education 
for  its  own  part  in  extending  it ; and  thus  in  the  contemporary  or  previous  la- 
bors of  the  Irish,  the  Pope  found  an  encouragement,  as  time  went  on,  boldly 
to  prosecute  that  conversion  and  education  of  the  English,  which  was  begin- 
ning with  such  good  promise,  in  tlie  labors  of  the  Irish  missionaries. 

“The  foundation  of  many  English  sees,”  says  Ddllinger,  “is  due  to  Irish 
men  ; the  Northumbrian  diocese  was  for  many  years  governed  by  them,  and  the 
abbey  of  Lindisfarne,  which  was  peopled  by  Irish  monks  and  their  Saxon  dis- 
ciples, spread  far  around  it  its  all-blessing  influence.  These  holy  men  served 
God  and  not  the  world  ; they  possessed  neither  gold  nor  silver,  and  all  that 
they  received  from  tlie  rich,  passed  through  their  hands  into  the  hands  of  the 
poor.  Kings  and  nobles  visited  them  from  time  to  time,  only  to  pray  in  their 
churches,  or  to  listen  to  their  sermons ; and  as  loiig  as  they  remained  in  the 
cloisters,  they  were  content  with  the  humble  food  of  the  brethren.  'Wherever 
one  of  these  ecclesiastics  or  monks  came,  he  was  received  by  all  with  joy;  and 
whenever  he  was  seen  journeying  across  the  country,  the  peojde  streamed 
around  him  to  implore  his  benediction  and  to  hearken  to  his  words.  The 
priests  entered  the  villages  only  to  preach  or  to  administer  the  sacraments;  and 
so  free  were  they  from  avarice,  that  it  was  only  when  compelled  by  the  rich 
and  noble,  that  they  would  accept  lands  for  the  erection  of  monasteries.  Thus 
has  Bede  described  the  Irish  bishops,  priests,  and  monks  of  Northumbria,  al- 
though so  displeased  with  their  custom  of  celebrating  Easter.  Many  Anglo- 
Saxons  passed  over  to  Ireland,  where  they  received  a most  hospitable  recep- 
tion in  the  monasteries  and  schools.  In  crowds,  numerous  as  bees,  as  Aldhelm 
writes,  the  English  went  to  Ireland,  or  the  Irish  visited  England,  where  the 
Archbishop  Theodore  was  surrounded  by  Irish  scholars.  Of  the  most  cele- 
brated Anglo-Saxon  scholars  and  saints,  many  had  studied  in  Ireland;  among 
these  were  St.  Egbert,  the  author  of  the  first  Anglo-Saxon  mission  to  the  pagan 
continent,  and  the  blessed  'Willebrod,  the  Apostle  of  the  Frieslanders,  who  had 
resided  twelve  years  in  Ireland.  From  the  same  abode  of  virtue  and  of  learn- 
ing, came  forth  two  English  priests,  botli  named  Plwald,  who  in  G90,  went  as 
messengers  of  the  gospel  to  the  German  Saxons,  and  received  from  them  the 
crown  of  martyrdom.  An  Irishman,  Mailduf,  founded,  in  the  year  670,  a 
school,  which  afterwards  grew  into  the  famed  Abbey  of  Malmesbury ; among 
.his  scholars  was  St.  Aldlielm,  afterwards  Abbot  of  Malmesbury,  and  first  bishop 
of  Sherburne  or  Salisbury,  and  whom,  after  two  centuries,  Alfred  pronounced 
to  be  the  best  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  poets.” 

The  seventh  and  eighth  centuries  are  the  glory  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church, 
as  are  the  sixth  and  seventh  of  the  Irish.  As  the  Irish  missionaries  traveled 
down  through  Plngland,  Franee,  and  Switzerland,  to  lower  Italy,  and  attempted 
Germany  at  the  peril  of  their  lives,  converting  the  barbarian,  restoring  the 
lapsed,  encouraging  the  desolate,  collecting  the  scattered,  and  founding  churches, 
schools,  and  monasteries,  as  they  went  along;  so,  amid  the  deep  pagan  woods 
of  Germany  and  round  about,  the  English  Benedictine  plied  his  axe  and  drove 
his  plough,  planted  his  rude  dwelling,  and  raised  his  rustic  altar  upon  the  ruins 
of  idolatry,  and  then  settling  down  as  a colonist  upon  the  soil,  began  to  sing 
Ins  chants  and  to  copy  his  old  volumes,  and  thus  to  lay  the  slow  but  sure 
foundations  of  the  new  civilization. 


xliv 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


SCHOOLS  OF  CHARLEMAGNE  * 

When  Charlemagne  arose  upon  the  Coniinent,  the  special  mission  of  the  two 
islands  was  at  an  end;  and  accordingly  Ragnor  Lodbrog  with  his  Danes  then 
began  his  descents  upon  their  coasts.  Yet  they  were  not  superseded,  till  they 
had  formally  handed  over  the  tradition  of  learning  to  the  schools  of  France, 
and  had  written  their  immortal  names  on  one  and  the  same  page  of  history. 
The  Anglo-Saxon  Alcuin  was  the  first  Rector,  and  the  Irish  Clement  the 
second,  of  the  Studium  of  Paris.  In  the  same  age  the  Irish  John  was  sent  to 
found  the  school  of  Pavia ; and,  when  the  heretical  Claudius  of  Turin  exulted 
over  the  ignorance  of  the  devastated  Churches  of  the  Continent,  and  called 
the  Synod  of  Bishops,  who  summoned  him,  “a  congregation  of  asses,”  it  was 
no  other  than  the  Irish  Dungall,  who  met  and  overthrew  the  presumptuous 
railer.  * * * 

Under  Charlemagne,  secular  teaching  was  united  to  sacred,  and  the  Church, 
which  had  before  hardly  recognized  the  education  of  the  laity,  but  confined  itself 
mainly  to  the  clergy  and  their  ecclesiastical  education,  took  supervision  of  both,  of 
lay  students  and  of  profane  learning.  Charlemagne  indeed  betook  himself  to  the 
two  Islands  of  the  North  for  a tradition ; Alcuin,  an  Englishman,  was  at  the  head 
of  his  educational  establishments;  he  came  to  France,  not  with  sacred  learn- 
ing only,  but  with  profane;  he  set  up  schools  for  laity  as  well  as  clergy;  but 
whence  was  it  that  he  in  turn  got  the  tradition  which  he  brought  ? His  his- 
tor}^  takes  us  back  to  that  earlier  age,  when  Theodore  of  Tarsus,  Primate  of 
England,  brought  with  him  thither  from  Rome  the  classics,  and  made  Greek 
and  Latin  as  familiar  to  the  Anglo-Saxons  as  their  native  tongue.  Alcuin  was 
the  scholar  of  Bede  and  Egbert ; Egbert  was  educated  in  the  York  school  of 
Theodore,  and  Bede  in  that  of  Benedict  Biscop  and  of  John  precentor  of  the 
Vatican  Basilica.  Here  was  the  germ  of  the  new  civilization  of  Europe,  which 
was  to  join  together  what  man  had  divided,  to  adjust  the  claims  of  Reason  and 
of  Revelation,  and  to  fit  men  for  this  world  while  it  trained  them  for  another. 
Charlemagne  has  the  glory  of  commencing  this  noble  work;  and,  whether  his 
school  at  Paris  be  called  a University  or  not,  he  laid  down  principles  of  which 
a University  is  the  result,  in  that  he  aimed  at  educating  all  classes,  and  under- 
took all  subjects  of  teaching. 

In  the  first  place,  however,  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  Episcopal  Semi- 
naries, which  seem  to  have  been  institutions  of  the  earliest  times  of  Chris- 
tianity, though  they  had  been  in  great  measure  interrupted  amid  the  dissolution 
of  societ3>-  consequent  upon  the  barbarian  inroads,  as  various  passages  in  these 
Essays  have  already  suggested.  His  restoration  lasted  for  four  centuries,  till 
Universities  rose  in  their  turn,  and  indirectly  interfered  with  the  efficiency  of 
the  Seminaries,  by  absorbing  them  into  the  larger  institution.  This  inconve- 
nience was  set  right  at  a later  period  by  the  Council  of  Trent,  whose  wise  regu- 
lations were  in  turn  the  objects  of  the  jealousy  of  the  Josephism  of  the  last 
century,  which  used  or  rather  abused  the  University  system  to  their  prejudice. 
The  present  policy  of  the  Church  in  most  places  has  been  to  return  to  the 
model  both  of  the  first  ages  and  of  Charlemagne. 

To  these  Seminaries  he  added,  what  I have  spoken  of  as  his  characteristic  in- 
stitution, grammar  and  public  schools,  as  preparatory  both  to  the  Seminaries 

* Newman’s  Rise  and  Progress  of  Universities.  Schools  of  Charlemagne. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERlOIl  INSTRUCTION. 


xlv 

and  to  secular  professions.  Not  that  they  were  confined  to  grammar,  for  they 
recognized  the  irivium  and  quadrivium ; but  grammar,  in  the  sense  of  litera- 
ture, seems  to  have  been  the  principle  subject  of  their  teaching.  These  schools 
were  established  in  connection  with  the  Cathedral  or  the  Cloister;  and  they  re- 
ceived ecclesiastics  and  the  sons  of  the  nobility,  though  not  to  the  exclusion 
of  the  poorer  class. 

Charlemagne  probably  did  not  do  much  more  than  this ; though  it  was  once 
the  custom  to  represent  him  as  the  actual  founder  of  the  University  of  Paris. 
But  great  creations  are  not  perfected  in  a day;  without  doing  every  thing 
which  had  to  be  done,  he  did  many  things,  and  opened  the  way  for  more.  It 
will  throw  light  upon  his  position  in  the  history  of  Christian  education,  to  quote 
a passage  from  the  elaborate  work  of  Bulasus,  on  the  University  of  Paris, 
though  he  not  unnaturally  claims  the  great  Emperor  as  its  founder,  maintain- 
ing that  he  established,  not  only  the  grammar  or  public  schools  already  men- 
tioned, but  the  higlier  Studia  Generalia. 

It  is  observable  that  Charles,  in  seeking  out  masters,  had  in  view,  not  merely 
the  education  of  his  own  family,  but  of  his  subjects  generally,  and  of  all  lovers 
of  the  Christian  Religion ; and  wished  to  be  of  service  to  all  students  and  cul- 
tivators of  the  liberal  arts.  It  is  indeed  certain  tliat  he  sought  out  learned 
men  and  celebrated  teachers  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  and  induced  them  to 
accept  his  invitation  by  rewards  and  honors,  on  which  Alcuin  lays  great  stress. 

‘ I was  well  aware,  my  Lord  David,’  he  sajs,  ‘ that  it  has  been  your  praise- 
worthy solicitude  ever  to  love  and  to  extol  wisdom ; and  to  exhort  all  men  to 
cultivate  it,  nay,  to  incite  them  by  means  of  prizes  and  honors ; and  out  of 
divers  parts  of  the  world  to  bring  together  its  lovers  as  the  helpers  of  your 
good  purpose;  among  whom  you  have  taken  pains  to  secure  even  me,  the 
meanest  slave  of  tliat  holy  wisdom,  from  the  extremest  boundaries  of  Britain.’ 

It  is  evident  hence,  that  Charles’s  intention  was  not  to  found  any  common 
sort  of  schools,  such,  that  is,  as  would  have  required  only  a few  instructors, 
but  public  schools,  open  to  all,  and^  possessing  all  kinds  of  learning.  Hence  the 
necessity  of  a multiplicity  of  Professors,  who  from  their  number  and  the  re- 
moteness of  their  homes  might  seem  a formidable  charge,  not  only  to  the  court, 
or  to  one  city,  but  even  to  his  whole  kingdom.  Such  is  the  testimony  of  Egin- 
hart,  who  says:  ‘Charles  loved  foreigners,  and  took  great  pains  to  support 
them ; so  that  their  number  was  a real  charge,  not  to  the  Palace  alone,  but 
even  to  the. realm.  Such,  however,  was  his  greatness  of  soul,  that  the  burden 
of  them  was  no  trouble  to  him,  because  even  of  great  inconveniences  the  praise 
of  munificence  is  a compensation.’ 

Charles  had  in  mind  to  found  two  kinds  of  schools,  less  and  greater.  The 
less  he  placed  in  Bishops’  palaces,  canons’  cloisters,  monasteries,  and  elsewhere ; 
the  greater,  however,  he  established  in  places  which  were  public,  and  suitable 
for  public  teaching ; and  he  intended  them,  not  only  for  ecclesiastics,  but  for 
the  nobility  and  their  children,  and  on  the  other  hand  for  poor  scholars  too;  in 
short,  for  every  rank,  class,  and  race. 

He  seems  to  have  had  two  institutions  before  his  mind,  when  he  contem- 
plated this  object;  the  first  of  them  was  the  ancient  schools.  Certainly,  a man 
of  so  active  and  inquiring  a mind  as  Charles,  with  his  intercourse  with  learned 
persons  and  his  knowledge  of  mankind,  must  have  been  well  aware  that  in 
former  ages  these  two  kinds  of  schools  were  to  be  found  everywhere;  the  one 
kind  few  in  number,  public,  and  of  great  reputation,  possessed  moreover  of 
privileges,  and  planted  in  certain  conspicuous  and  central  sites.  Such  was  the 
Alexandrian  in  Egypt,  the  Athenian  in  Greece;  such  under  the  Roman  em- 
perors, the  schools  of  Rome,  of  Constantinople,  of  Berytus,  which  are  known 
to  have  been  attended  by  multitudes,  and  amply  privileged  by  Theodosius, 
Justinian,  and  other  princes ; whereas  the  other  kind  of  schools,  which  were 
far  more  numerous,  were  to  be  found  up  and  down  the  country,  in  cities, 
towns,  villages,  and  were  remarkable  neither  in  number  of  students  nor  in  name. 

The  other  pattern  which  was  open  to  Charles  was  to  be  found  in  the  prac- 


xlvi  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

tice  of  monasteries,  if  it  really  existed  there.  Tlie  Benedictines,  from  the  very 
beginning  of  their  institution,  had  applied  themselves  to  the  profession  of  lite- 
rature, and  it  has  been  their  purpose  to  have  in  their  houses  two  kinds  of 
school,  a greater  or  a less,  according  to  the  size  of  the  house;  and  the  greater 
they  wished  to  tlirow  open  to  all  students,  at  a time  when  there  were  but  few 
laymen  at  all  who  could  teach,  so  that  externs,  seculars,  laymen,  as  well  as 
clerics,  might  be  free  to  attend  to  them.  However,  true  as  it  was  that  boys, 
who  were  there  from  childhood  intrusted  to  the  monks,  bound  themselves  by 
no  vow,  but  could  leave  when  they  pleased,  marry,  go  to  court,  or  enter  the 
army,  still  a great  many  of  the  cleverest  of  tliem  were  led,  either  by  the  habits 
which  they  acquired  from  tlieir  intercourse  with  their  teachers,  or  by  their  per- 
suasion, to  embrace  the  monastic  life.  And  thus,  while  the  Church  in  conse- 
quence gained  her  most  powerful  supports,  the  State,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
wanting  in  men  of  judgment,  learning,  and  experience,  to  conduct  its  affairs. 
This  led  very  frequently  to  kings  choosing  monks  for  civil  administration,  be- 
cause no  others  w'ere  to  be  found  capable  of  undertaking  it. 

Charles  then,  consulting  for  the  common  good,  made  literature  in  a certain 
sense  secular,  and  transplanted  it  from  the  convents  to  the  royal  palace ; in  a 
word,  he  established  in  Paris  a Universal  School  like  that  at  Rome. 

Not  that  he  deprived  monks  of  the  license  to  teach  and  profess,  though  he 
certainly  limited  it,  from  a clear  view  that  that  variety  of  sciences,  human  and 
profane,  which  secular  academies  require,  is  inconsistent  with  the  profession 
and  devotion  of  ascetics ; and  accordingly,  in  conformity  to  the  spirit  of  their 
institute,  it  w'as  his  wish  that  the  lesser  scliools  should  be  set  up  or  retained  in 
the  Bishops’  palaces  and  monasteries,  while  he  prescribed  the  subjects  which 
they  were  to  teach.  The  case  was  different  with  the  schools  which  are  higher 
and  public,  which,  instead  of  multiplying,  he  confined  to  certain  central  and 
celebrated  spots,  not  more  than  to  three  in  his  whole  empire — Paris,  and  in 
Ital}^,  Pavia  and  Bologna. 

But,  after  all,  it  was  not  in  an  Emperor’s  power,  though  he  were  Charle- 
magne, to  carry  into  effect  in  any  case,  b}'  the  resources  peculiar  to  himself,  so 
great  an  idea  as  a University.  Benefactors  and  patrons  may  supply  the  frame- 
work of  a Studium  Generale ; but  there  must  be  a popular  interest  and  sj’-m- 
pathy,  a spontaneous  cooperation  of  the  many,  the  concurrence  of  genius,  and 
a spreading  thirst  for  knowlelge,  if  it  is  to  live.  Centuries  passed  before  these 
conditions  were  supplied,  and  then  at  length  about  the  year  1200  a remarkable 
intellectual  movement  took  place  in  Christendom ; and  to  it  must  be  ascribed 
the  development  of  Universities,  out  of  the  public  or  grammar  schools,  which 
I have  already  described.  No  such  movement  could  happen,  without  the  rise 
of  some  deep  and  comprehensive  philosophj'^ ; and,  when  it  rose,  then  the  ex- 
isting Trivium  and  Quadrivium  became  the  subjects,  and  the  existing  seats  of 
learning  the  scene,  of  its  victories ; and  next  the  curiosity  and  enthusiasm, 
which  it  excited,  attracted  larger  and  larger  numbers  to  places  which  were 
hitherto  but  local  centers  of  education.  Such  a gathering  of  students,  such  a 
systematizing  of  knowledge,  are  the  notes  of  a University. 

The  increase  of  members  and  the  multiplication  of  sciences  both  involved 
changes  in  the  organization  of  the  schools  of  Charlemagne ; and  of  these  the 
increase  of  members  came  first.  Hitherto  there  had  been  but  one  governor 
over  the  students,  who  were  but  few  at  the  most,  and  came  from  the  neighbor- 
hood; but  now  the  academic  body  was  divided  into  Nations,  according  to  the 
part  of  Europe  from  which  they  joined  it,  and  each  Nation  had  a head  of  its 
own,  under  the  title  of  Procurator  or  Proctor.  There  were  traces  of  this  di- 
vision, as  we  have  seen  in  a former  chapter,  in  Athens;  where  the  students 
were  arranged  under  the  names  of  Attic,  Oriental,  Arab,  and  Pontic,  with  a 
protector  for  each  class.  In  like  manner,  in  the  University  of  Paris,  there 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

were  four  nations,  first,  tlie  French,  which  included  the  middle  and  south  of 
France,  Spain,  Italy,  and  Greece;  secondly,  the  lilnglish,  which,  besides  the 
two  British  Islands,  comprehended  Germany  and  Scandinavia;  third!}',  the 
Norman;  and  fourthly,  the  Picards,  who  carried  with  them  the  inhabitants  of 
Flanders  and  Brabant.  Again,  in  the  University  of  Vienna,  there  were  also 
four  nations, — Austria,  the  Rhine,  Hungary,  and  Bohemia.  Oxford  recognized 
only  two  Nations ; the  north  English,  which  comprehended  the  Scotch  ; and 
the  south  Elnglish,  which  comprehended  the  Irish  and  Welsh.  Tlie  Proctors 
of  the  Nations  both  governed  and  represented  them ; the  double  office  is  still 
traceable,  unless  the  recent  Act  of  Parliament  has  destroyed  it,  in  the  modern 
constitution  of  Oxford,  in  which  the  two  Proctors  on  the  one  hand  represent 
the  Masters  of  Arts  in  the  Hebdomadal  Board,  and  on  the  other  have  iu  their 
hands  the  discipline  of  the  University. 

And  as  Nations  and  their  Proctors  arose  out  of  the  metropolitan  character 
of  a University,  to  which  students  congregated  from  the  farthest  and  most 
various  places,  so  are  Faculties  and  Deans  of  Faculties  the  consequence  of  its 
encyclopaedic  profession.  According  to  the  idea  of  the  institutions  of  Charle- 
magne, each  school  had  its  own  teacher,  who  was  called  Rector,  or  Master,  In 
Paris,  however,  where  tlie  school  was  founded  in  St.  Genevieve’s,  the  Chan- 
cellor of  that  Church  became  the  Rector,  and  he  kept  his  old  title  of  Chancellor 
in  his  new  office.  Elsewhere  the  head  of  the  University  was  called  Provost. 
However,  it  was  not  every  one  who  would  be  qualified  to  profess  even  the 
Seven  Sciences,  of  which  the  old  course  of  instruction  consisted,  though  the 
teaching  was  only  elementary,  and  to  become  the  Rector,  Chancellor,  or  Prov- 
ost, of  the  University ; but,  when  these  sciences  became  only  parts  of  a whole 
system  of  instruction,  which  demanded  in  addition  a knowledge  of  philosophy, 
scholastic  theology,  civil  and  canon  law,  medicine,  natural  history,  and  the 
Semitic  languages,  no  one  person  was  equal  to  the  undertaking.  The  Rector 
fell  back  from  tlie  position  of  a teacher  to  that  of  a governor ; and  the  instruc- 
tion was  divided  among  a board  of  Doctors,  each  of  whom  represented  a special 
province  in  Science.  This  is  the  origin  of  Deans  of  Faculties;  and,  inasmuch 
as  they  undertook  among  themselves  one  of  those  departments  of  academieal 
duty,  which  the  Chancellor  or  Rector  had  hitherto  fulfilled,  they  naturally  be- 
came his  Council.  In  some  places  the  Proctors  of  the  Nations  were  added. 
Thus,  in  Vienna  the  Council  consisted  of  the  Four  Deans  of  Faculties,  and  the 
Four  Proctors. 

As  Nations  preceded  Faculties,  we  may  suppose  that  Degrees,  which  are 
naturally  connected  with  the  latter,  either  did  not  enter  into  the  original  pro- 
visions of  a University,  or  had  not  the  same  meaning  as  afterwards.  And  this 
seems  to  have  been  the  case.  At  first  they  were  only  testimonials  that  a resi- 
dent was  fit  to  take  part  in  the  public  teaching  of  the  place ; and  hence,  iu  the 
Oxford  forms  still  observed,  the  Vice-Chancellor  admits  the  person  taking  a 
degree  to  the  “lectio”  of  certain  books.  Degrees  would  not  at  that  time  be 
considered  mere  honors  or  testimonials,  to  be  enjoyed  by  persons  who  at  once 
left  the  University  and  mixed  in  the  world.  The  University  would  only  con- 
fer them  for  its  own  purposes;  and  to  its  own  subjects,  for  the  sake  of  its  own 
subjects.  It  would  claim  nothing  for  them  external  to  its  own  limits  ; and,  if 
so,  only  used  a power  obviously  connate  with  its  own  existence.  But  of 
course  the  recognition  of  a University  by  the  State,  not  to  say  by  other  Uni- 


xlvili 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


versities,  would  change  the  import  of  degree,  and,  since  such  recognition  has 
commonly  been  granted  from  the  first,  degrees  have  seldom  been  only  what 
they  were  in  their  original  idea ; but  the  formal  words  by  which  they  are  de- 
noted, still  preserve  its  memory.  As  students  on  taking  degrees  are  admitted 
“legere  et  disputare,”  so  are  they  called  “ Magistri,”  that  is,  of  i\\q  schools ; 
and  “ Doctors,”  that  is,  teachers,  or  in  some  places  “ Professors,”  as  the  let- 
ters S.T.P.  show,  used  instead  of  D.D. 

I conclude  by  enumerating  the  characteristic  distinctions,  laid  down  by 
Bulfeus,  between  the  public  or  grammar  schools  founded  by  Charlemagne,  and 
the  Universities  into  which  eventually  some  of  them  grew,  or,  as  he  would 
say,  which  Charlemagne  also  founded. 

First,  he  says,  they  differ  from  each  other  ratione  disciplines.  The  Scholae 
Minores  only  taught  tlie  Trivium  (viz..,  Grammar,  Logic,  Rhetoric,)  and  the 
Quadriviurn  {viz.,  Geometry,  Astronomy,  Arithmetic,  and  Music,)  the  seven 
liberal  Arts ; whereas  the  Scholae  Majores  added  Medicine,  Law,  and  Theology. 

Next,  ratione  loci;  for  the  Minores  were  many  and  everywhere,  but  the  Ma- 
jores only  in  great  citie.s,  and  few  in  number.  I have  already  remarked  on  the 
physical  and  social  qualifications  necessary  for  a place  which  is  to  become  the 
seat  of  a great  school  of  learning:  Bulaeus  observes,  that  the  Muses  were  said 
to  inhabit  mountains,  Parnassus  or  Helicon,  spots  high  and  liealthy  and  se- 
cured against  the  perils  of  war,  and  that  the  Academy  was  a grove ; though  of 
course  he  does  not  forget  that  the  place  must  be  accessible  too,  and  in  the  high- 
way of  the  world.  “That  the  city  of  Paris,”  he  says,  “is  ample  in  size, 
largely  frequented,  healthy  and  pleasant  in  site,  there  can  be  no  doubt.” 
Frederic  the  Second  spoke  the  general  sentiment,  when  he  gave  as  a reason  for 
establishing  a University  at  Naples,  the  convenience  of  the  sea-coast  and  the 
fertility  of  the  soil.  We  are  informed  by  Mataraorus,  in  his  account  of  the 
Spanish  Universities,*  that  Salamanca  was  but  the  second  site  of  its  Univer- 
sity, which  was  transferred  thither  from  Palencia  on  account  of  the  fertility  of 
the  neighborhood,  and  the  mildness  of  its  climate.  And  Mr.  Prescott  speaks 
of  Alcala  being  chosen  by  Cardinal  Ximenes  as  the  site  for  his  celebrated 
foundations,  because  “ the  salubrity  of  the  air,  and  the  sober,  tranquil  com- 
plexion of  the  scenery,  on  the  beautiful  borders  of  the  Ilenares,  seemed  well 
suited  to  academic  study  and  meditation.” 

The  third  difference  between  the  greater  and  lesser  schools  lies  ratione  fun- 
datorum..  Popes,  Emperor.^,  and  Kings,  are  the  founders  of  Universities ; lesser 
authorities  in  Church  and  State  are  the  founders  of  Colleges  and  Schools. 

Fourthly,  ratione  privilegiorum.  The  very  notion  of  a University,  I believe, 
is,  that  it  is  an  institution  of  privilege.  I think  it  is  Bulasus  who  says,  “ Stu- 
dia  Generalia  can  not  exist  without  privileges,  any  more  than  the  body  without 
the  soul.  And  in  this  all  writers  on  Universities  agree.”  He  reduces  those 
privileges  to  two  heads,  “ Patrocinium  ” and  “Prsemium;”  and  these,  it  is  ob- 
vious, may  be  either  of  a civil  or  an  ecclesiastical  nature.  There  were  for- 
merly five  Universities  endowed  with  singular  privileges:  those  of  Rome,  of 
Paris,  of  Bologna,  of  Oxford,  and  of  Salamanca;  but  Antony  a Wood  quotes 
an  author  who  seems  to  substitute  Padua  for  Rome  in  this  list. 

Lastly,  the  greater  and  lesser  schools  differ  ratione  regiminis.  The  head  of 
a College  is  one;  but  a University  is  a “respublica  litteraria.” 


* Hispan.  Illustr.  t.  p.  2,  801. 


1.  UNIVERSITIES  OF  GERMANY. 


CONTRIBUTIONS 


TO  THE 

HISTORY  AND  IMPROVEMENT 


OF  THE 

GERMAN  UNIYERSITIES. 


BY  KARL  VON  RAUMER. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  following  Contributions  to  the  History  and  Improvement  of  “ The 
German  Universities''''  constitutes  the  fourth  volume  of  Prof.  Raumer’s 
'''‘History  of  Pedagogics f and  was  translated  from  the  last  German  edi- 
tion, for  the  '‘'•American  Journal  of  Education^  by  the  Associate  Editor, 
Mr.  Frederic  B.  Perkins,  Librarian  of  the  Connecticut  Historical  Society. 
Prof.  Raumer  introduces  his  work  with  the  following  quotation,  on  the 
title-page,  from  Savigny’s  '‘'‘History  of  the  Civil  La-wT 

“The  Universities  have  come  down  to  us  as  a noble  inheritance  of  former  times;  and  we  are 
bound  in  honor  to  leave  tliem  to  future  generations  with  their  condition  improved  as  fur  as  possible, 
and  injured  as  little  as  possible.” 

The  work  is  dedicated  by  the  German  author 

TO  THE 

STUDENTS  OF  THE  PAST  AND  PRESENT, 

WHO  HAVE  BEEN  MY  COMPANION.S  FROM  1811  TO  1854, 

I 

I DEDICATE  THIS  BOOK, 

IN  TRUE  AND  HEARTFELT  LOVE.  H 

The  Preface  is  as  follows : — 

The  reader  here  receives  the  conclusion  of  my  work. 

It  is  a contribution  to  the  history  of  the  universities.  "When  I commenced  it, 
I hoped  Qpnfidently  to  be  able  to  make  it  greater ; but  in  proportion  as  I gained 
an  insight  into  the  difficulty  of  the  enterprise  of  writing  a complete  history  of  the 
German  universities,  my  courage  failed.  Many,  of  the  difficulties  which  the  his- 
torian of  the  German  people  has  to  overcome,  are  here  also  found  in  the  way,  and 
in  much  increased  dimensions. 

If  -all  the  German  universities  possessed  the  same  features,  if  the  character- 
istics of  one  of  them — important  modifications  excepted — would  stand  for  all,  then 
the  task  of  their  historian  would,  apparently,  be  quite  simple.  But  how  different, 
and  how  radically  different,  are  the  universities  from  each  other ! 

Even  the  multiidicity  of  the  German  nationalities,  governments,  and  sects  had 
much  to  do  in  distinguishing  them.  To  compare,  for  instance,  the  universities 
of  Gottingen  and  Jena,  as  they  were  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  century; 
what  a contrast  appears  between  them  ! And  how  much  greater  is  the  diflerence 
between  these  two  Protestant  universities  and  the  Catholic  one  of  Vienna! 

Further  than  this,  each  single  university  undergoes  such  changes  in  the  course 
of  time,  that  it  appears,  as  it  were,  different  from  itself.  To  instance  the  Uni- 
versity of  Heidelberg : Catholic  in  the  beginning,  it  became  Lutheran  in  1556, 
Reformed  in  1560,  Lutheran  in  1576,  Reformed  again  in  1583  ; afterward  came 
under  the  management  of  the  Jesuits  ; and,  at  the  destruction  of  their  order, 
returned  to  Protestantism. 


4 


INTRODUCTION. 


To  these  difficulties,  in  the  way  of  the  historian  of  all  the  German  universities, 
is  added  this  one  : that  the  most  important  sources  of  information  fail  him  ; as  we 
have,  namely,  but  few  competent  histories  of  single  universities — such,  for  ex- 
ample, as  Kliipfel’s  valuable  History  of  the  University  of  Tubingen.’''' 

These  considerations  will  sufficiently  excuse  me  for  publishing  only  contribu- 
tions to  a history  of  the  German  universities,  which  will  sooner  or  later  appear. 

What  I have  added  under  the  name  of  “Academical  Treatises,”  is  also  a con- 
tribution to  history ; for  the  reason  that  these  treatises  will,  of  necessity,  not  be 
worthless  for  some  future  historian  of  the  present  condition  of  our  universities. 

In  conclusion,  I desire  gratefully  to  acknowledge  the  goodness  of  Chief  Libra- 
rian Hoeck,  for  books  furnished  me  from  the  Gottingen  library.  Mr.  Stenglein, 
librarian  at  Bamberg,  also  most  willingly  furnished  me  with  books  from  it.  The 
use  of  the  Eoyal  Library  at  Berlin  was  also  afforded  me,  with  distinguished 
friendliness  and  kindness ; for  which  I would  once  more  most  heartily  thank 
Privy  Councilor  and  Chief  Librarian  Pertz,  and  Librarians  Dr.  Pinder  and  Dr. 
Friedlander. 

Erlangen,  %tli  April.^  1854.  Karl  von  Eaumer. 

NOTE  BY  THE  AMERICAN  EDITOR. 

In  order  to  a full  understanding  of  the  basis  upon  which  the  university 
system  of  Germany  rests,  and  to  furnish  the  data  for  a comparison 
between  our  American  colleges  and  professional  schools,  and  the  cor- 
responding institutions  of  higher  learning  and  special  scientific  instruc- 
tion in  Europe,  there  are  from  time  to  time  published  in  the  American 
Journal  of  Education^  accounts  of  the  Gymnasia,  Latin  Schools,  Lycea, 
and  other  institutions  of  secondary  education,  and  also  of  the  Polytechnic 
Institutions,  Schools  of  Arts,  Science,  Agriculture,  &c.,  of  the  principal 
states  of  Europe. 

In  this  place  we  can  merely  remind  the  reader  that,  in  order  justly  to 
estimate  the  absolute  and  relative  excellence  and  value  of  the  German 
universities,  and  their  sy.stems,  as  compared  with  our  American  colleges, 
he  must  always  bear  in  mind  the  great  differences  between  the  states  of 
society  in  which  the  two  classes  of  institutions  exist,  the  different  ages  of 
their  undergraduates,  the  different  classes  of  avocations  into  which  their 
graduates  enter,  and  the  different  tests  of  attainment  which  are  applied 
to  these  graduates  before  their  entrance  into  actual  life. 

University  of  Wisconsin, 

Madison,  June  4^A,  1859. 


CONTENTS 


Pagb. 

[NTRODUCTrON . 3 

I.  Thk  German  Universities.  From  the  German  of  Karl  von  Raumer 9 

I.  Historical 9 

].  Introduction.  Universities  of  Salerno,  Bolojina,  and  Paris 9 

2.  List  of  German  Universities,  with  date  of  their  foundation 10 

3.  The  German  Universities  in  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  centuries 11 

A.  Charters,  or  Letters  of  Foundation 11 

B.  The  Pope  and  the  Universities 12 

C.  The  Emjjeror  and  the  Universities 16 

D.  Organization  of  the  earliest  German  Universities 17 

a.  The  Four  Nations.  Four  Faculties.  Rector.  Chancellor.  Endowments.  18 

b.  Tlie  Four  Faculties 20 

1.  Faculty  of  Arts 20 

2.  Faculty  of  Theology 21 

3.  Faculty  of  Canon  and  Civil  Law 24 

4.  Faculty  of  Medicine 26 

c.  Customs  and  Discipline 27 

4.  University  of  Wittenberg  and  its  relations  to  the  earlier  Universities 30 

5.  History  of  the  Customs  of  the  Universities  in  the  Seventeenth  Century 37 

A.  The  Deposition 42 

B.  Pennalism 52 

6.  History  of  the  Universities  in  the  Eighteenth  Century 52 

A.  Nationalism.  National  Societies 52 

B.  Students’ orders 56 

7.  History  of  the  Universities  in  the  Nineteenth  Century 58 

Introduction  ; the  author’s  academical  experience ! 59 

A.  Entrance  (W;  Halle,  1799;  a preliminary  view 59 

B.  Gottingen  ; Easter  1801  to  Easter  1803 59 

C.  Halle  ; Easter  1803  to  Sept.  1805 68 

D.  Breslau;  1810  to  1817 76 

a.  Establishment  of  the  .Tena  Burschenschaft,  July  18,  1816.  Wartburg  Festi 

val,  Oct.  18,  1817 80 

b.  Establishment  of  the  general  Burschenschaft,  in  1818 91 

E.  Breslau,  1817  to  1819 92 

a.  Sand 102 

b.  The  consequences  of  Sand’s  crime.  Investigations.  Breaking  up  of  the 

societies.  Destruction  of  the  Burschenschaft 124 

F.  Halle,  1819  to  1823 136 

Conclusion 153 

II.  Appendix 155 

I.  Bull  of  Pius  II.,  creating  University  of  Ingoldstadt 157  , 

II.  List  of  Lectures  in  the  Faculty  of  Arts  in  1366 159 

HI.  Bursaries 160 

IV.  The  ‘‘  Comment”  of  the  National  Societies 161 

V.  Statutes 165 

A.  Constitution  of  the  General  German  Burschenschaft 165 

B.  Tlie  Jena  Burschenschaft 168 

VI.  The  Wartburg  Letters 183 

VH.  Bahrdt  with  the  iron  forehead 186 

VHI  Substance  of  Tubingen  Statutes  for  organizing  a students’  committee 187 


6 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

IX.  Extract  from  an  Address  of  Prof.  Heyder,  at  Jena,  in  1607 188 

X.  Synonyms  of  “ ” 191 

XI.  Meyfart’s  ^'•Jlretinus"  or  Student  Life  in  the  Sixteenth  Century 191 

XII.  Grant  of  Privileges  by  Leopold  I.  to  the  University  of  Halle 192 

XIII.  Works  referred  to 253 

XIV.  The  Universities  in  the  summer  of  1853 198 

HI.  Academical  Treatises 201 

1.  Lecture  system.  Dialogic  instruction 201 

2.  Examinations 206 

3.  Obligatory  lectures.  Optional  attendance.  Lyceums.  Relations  of  the  philo- 

sophical faculty  and  their  lectures,  to  those  of  the  professional  studies 213 

4.  Personal  relations  of  the  professors  and  students 229 

5.  Small  and  large  universities.  Academies 230 

6.  University  instruction  in  elementary  natural  history 241 

7.  Student  songs 245 

Conclusion 049 

Index 255 


1.  HISTORY  OF  THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


I.  THE  GEMA^f  UXIVERSITIES. 

(Translated  from  the  German  of  Karl  von  Raumer  for  this  Journal.) 


I.  Introduction. 

The  foundation  of  the  earliest  German  universities  took  place  at  a 
time  when  both  Italy  and  France  had  long  possessed  them.  Tacitus’ 
saying  of  the  youth  of  Germany,  Sera  juvenum  puhertas^"  is  equally 
applicable  to  the  development  of  her  intellect. 

Among  the  oldest  universities  of  the  middle  ages,^  we  may  here 
remark  upon  three — Salerno,  Bologna,  and  Paris. 

The  school  of  Salerno  was  an  extremely  ancient  school  of  medicine ; 
a sort  of  isolated  medical  faculty,  which  had  no  special  influence  upon 
subsequent  universities. 

At  the  University  of  Bologna,  law  was  the  leading  study.  The  ori- 
gin of  the  university  is  obscure.  At  the  diet  of  lioncaglia,  in  1158, 
it  received  from  Frederic  Barbarossa  a grant  of  privileges  which  has 
often  been  referred  to  on  occasion  of  the  issue  of  charters  to  later  Ger- 
man universities.! 

The  organization  of  the  University  of  Bologna  was  materially  different 
from  that  of  all  the  later  German  universities.  This  appears  from  the 
fact,  that  in  it  only  the  foreign  students  {advence  forenses)  had  at 
l^ologna,  complete  rights  of  membership.  They  chose  the  rector,  and 
their  assembly,  summoned  by  the  rector,  was  the  proper  university. 
In  this  assembly  the  teachers  and  professors  had  no  voice,  but  were 
wholly  dependent  upon ’the  rector  and  the  university .J;  This  single 
fact  show's  clearly  enough,  that  Bologna  was  not  the  model  of  the  Ger- 
man universities.  Paris  served  in  that  capacity,  especially  for  the 
earliest;  such  as  Prague,  Vienna,  Heidelberg,  &c. 

The  University  of  Paris  differed  from  that  of  Bologna  chiefly  in  that 
theology  was  its  prominent  study, § and  also  in  respect  to  its  organiza- 
tion. At  Paris,  the  authority  w’as  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the 
teachers,  the  scholars  having  no  part  whatever  in  it.  As  a rule,  only 
actual  professional  instructors  could  be  members  of  the  governing  as- 
sembly, and  other  graduates  only  on  extraordinary  occasions. 


♦ The  following  brief  sketch  I gather  chiefly  from  the  clear  and  thorough  account  of  Savigny. 
{IlUtory  of  the  Roma7i  Jurisprudence  in  the  Middle  Ages,  vol.  ii.  2d  ed.  1834.) 

t Compare,  further  on,  the  charters  of  Archduke  Rudolph  and  of  Albert  of  Austria,  to  the 
University  of  Vienna. 

$ For  later  extensions  and  changes  in  the  university,  see  Savigny,  1.  c. 

§ In  Paris,  however,  only  the  canon  law,  proceeding  from  the  Church,  could  be  read, — not  the 
civil  law ; and  this  prohibition  was  not  removed  until  1679. 


10 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Both  teachers  and  scholars  were  divided  into  four  nations:  French, 
English  or  Gernoan,  Picard,  and  Norman.  Each  nation  had  a procu- 
rator at  its  head ; as  their  subsequent  derivatives,  the  four  faculties, 
had  each  a dean. 

The  rector  was  chosen  only  from  the  faculty  of  arts  (of  philosophy), 
and,  indeed,  only  from  masters  in  that  faculty. 

To  the  university  belonged  colleges,  some  of  which  were  foundations 
for  the  poor,  and  others  pension  (boarding)  institutions  for  those  in 
good  circumstances.  One  of  these  colleges  was  the  Sorbonne,  founded 
in  the  year  1250. 

In  discussing  the  German  universities,  especially  the  oldest,  we  shall 
repeatedly  refer  to  the  organization  of  the  University  of  Paris.  We 
have  no  complete  body  of  statutes  of  this  university,  but  can  arrive  at 
a near  approximation  to  them,  from  various  sources.  For  some  of  the 
German  university  statutes,  as  for  instance  those  of  Vienna,  repeatedly 
declare  that  they  wholly  follow  the  organization  of  the  Paris  univer- 
sity; so  that  we  may  consider  them,  in  substance  at  least,  as  repre- 
senting those  which  formed  there,  in  fact  if  not  in  statutory  form,  a 
common  law. 


II.  List  of  the  German  Universities  in  the  Order  of  their  Foundation. 
The  universities  of  Germany  were  founded  in  the  following  order : 
a.  In  the  \Uh  Century. 

Cologne,  1388. 


1.  Prague,  1348. 

2.  Vienna,  1365. 

3.  Heidelberg,  1386. 


6.  Erfurt,  1392. 


t.  In  the  \hth  Century. 

6.  Leipzig,  1409.  10.  Ingolstadt,  1472;  transferred  to 

7.  Rostock,  1419.  Landshut  in  1802,  and  in  1826 

8.  Creifswald,  1456.  to  Munich. 

9.  Freiburg,  1457.  11.  Tubingen,  1477. 

12.  Meiitz,  1477. 
c.  In  the  \Uh  Century. 

13.  Wittenberg,  1502;  removed  to  18.  Jena,  1558. 


Halle  in  1817. 

14.  Frankfurt,  1506 ; removed  to  Bres- 

lau in  1811. 

15.  Marburg,  1527. 

16.  Konigsberg,  1544. 

17.  Dillingen,  1549. 


19.  Helmstadt,  1576  ; dissolved  1809. 

20.  Altorf,  1578  ; dissolved. 

21.  Olmvitz,  1581. 

22.  Wurzburg,  1582. 

23.  Gratz,  1586. 


24.  Giessen,  1607. 

25.  Paderborn,  1615. 

26.  Rinteln,  1621 ; dissolved  in  1809. 

27.  Salzburg,  1623. 

28.  Osnabriick,  1630. 

29.  Linz,  1636. 


86.  Breslau,  1702. 
37.  Gottingen,  1737. 

89.  Berlin,  1809. 

40.  Bonn,  1818. 


d.  In  the  Vith  Century. 

80.  Bamberg,  1638. 

31.  Herborn,  1654. 

32.  Duisburg,  1655;  dissolved. 

33.  Kiel,  1665. 

34.  Inspruck,  1672. 

35.  Halle,  1694. 

e.  In  the  18^A  Century. 

38.  Erlangen,  1743. 


/.  In  the  \Uh  Century. 

41.  Munich,  1826. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


11 


III.  The  German  Universities  of  the  14th  and  15th  Centuries. 

A. CHARTERS. 

The  origin  of  the  universities  of  Bologna  and  Paris  is  uncertain,  as 
is  that  of  the  two  English  universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge. 

The  origin  of  every  German  university,  however,  is  known.  German 
princes,  either  temporal  or  spiritual,  founded  them,  except  a few,  such 
as  Erfurt,  Altorf,  Strasburg,  and  Cologne,  which  were  founded  by  hon- 
ored town  magistrates.  The  memory  of  these  founders  has  been  ac- 
knowledged by  naming  the  universities  after  them.^ 

That  such  a grateful  memory  is  well  deserved,  appears  from  the 
charters  which  they  gave  to  the  universities ; which  show  clearly  the 
sincere  benevolence,  and  noble  princely  conscientiousness,  with  which 
they  cared  for  the  temporal  and  eternal  well-being  of  their  subjects,  as 
well  as  their  real  respect  for  learning,  and  recognition  of  its  value  to  men. 

These  characteristics  are  to  be  discovered  even  in  the  decree  issued 
by  the  Emperor  Frederic  Barbarossa  at  the  Diet  of  Roncaglia,  a.  d. 
1158,  in  favor  of  the  teachers  and  students  of  Bologna ; and  which  has 
furnished  a precedent  for  many  charters  given  to  universities  by  later 
princes.  In  this  decree  the  emperor  promises  his  protection  to  the 
students  and  professors  during  their  journeys  to  and  from  the  university 
city,  and  their  sojourn  there.  “For,”  he  says,  “we  hold  it  proper,  if 
all  those  who  do  well  deserve  in  all  ways  our  approbation  and  protec- 
tion, that  we  should  protect  with  special  affection  against  all  injury, 
those  through  whose  learning  the  whole  earth  will  become  enlight- 
ened, and  our  subjects  will  learn  to  be  obedient  to  God,  and  to  us,  his 
servant.”  For,  the  decree  continues,  who  will  not  sympathize  with 
those  who,  when  they  have  left  their  native  land  and  exposed  them- 
selves to  poverty  and  peril  for  the  love  of  learning,  often  suffer  misuse 
, from  the  vilest  of  men,  without  reason  ? And  the  emperor  threatens 
all,  even  the  authorities,  with  fines  and  other  penalties,  if  they  shall 
disobey  the  decree. 

From  all  the  charters  of  foundation  of  the  German  universities,  from 
the  most  ancient  time  down  to  the  present,  it  would  be  difficult  to 
select  one  better  than  another  by  way  of  example.  All  of  them,  so  far 
as  I know,  display  the  same  noble  benevolence. 

Archduke  Rudolph  IV.  of  Austria,  in  his  charter j-  to  the  University 
of  Vienna,  founded  by  him  in  1365,  declares,  “that  as  God  has  placed 

* As,  Albertina,  Julia,  Euperta,  &c.  Sometimes  a university  has  a double  name:  for  the 
founder  and  for  a restorer  or  some  important  benefactor.  Thus,  the  University  of  Erlangen  ij 
named  Frederico-Alexandrina,  from  the  first  founder,  Margrave  Frederic,  and  tlie  restorer.  Mar 
grave  Frederic  Alexander. 

t Schlikenrieder,  10. 


12 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


liiin  in  antliority  over  important  territories,  he  owes  thanks  to  him, 
and  all  benefits  to  his  people.  A profound  obligation,  therefore,  rests 
upon  him,  to  make  such  ordinances  in  the  territory  under  his  govern- 
inent,  as  shall  cause  the  grace  of  the  Creator  to  be  praised,  the  true 
faith  to  be  spread  abroad,  the  simple  instructed,  the  justice  of  the  law 
maintained,  the  human  understanding  enlightened,  the  public  good 
promoted,  and  the  hearts  of  men  prepared  to  be  illuminated  by  the 
Holy  Ghost.  And  if  the  darkness  of  ignorance  and  of  error  were  dis- 
pelled, then  would  men,  applying  tliemselves  to  divine  wisdom,  which 
enteis  into  no  wicked  soul,  bring  forth  from  their  treasuries  things  new 
and  old,  and  bear  much  fruit  on  earth.  In  order,  therefore,  to  do 
something,  though  but  a little,  in  token  of  gratitude  to  God,  and  to 
his  honor  and  praise,  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  human  race,  he  has 
determined,  upon  ripe  consideration,  to  found  in  his  city  of  Vienna  a 
university  {studium  generale)."  In  this  university,  continues  the  de- 
cree, shall  be  read,  taught,  and  studied,  that  sacred  science  which  we 
call  theology,  the  natural,  moral,  and  polite  arts  and  sciences,  canon 
and  civil  law,  medicine,  and  other  approved  studies. 

Similar  terms  are  used  by  Rudolph’s  brother  in  the  charter  which 
lie  granted  to  the  University  of  Vienna  in  1387.*  It  is  his  sense  of 
Christian  obligation  that  causes  him,  in  return  for  the  princely  station 
intrusted  to  him  by  God,  to  thank  the  Giver,  and  to  exercise  conscien- 
tio-us  care  for  the  temporal  and  eternal  good  of  his  subjects ; and  the 
university  lies  near  his  heart,  because  these  good  objects  will  be  pro- 
moted by  it. 

Duke  Ludwig  of  Bavaria  expresses  similar  sentiments  in  the  charter 
of  foundation  of  the  University  of  Ingolstadt,  granted  by  him  in  the 
year  1472.f  Among  the  blessings,  he  says,  which  the  grace  of  God 
peimits  to  men  in  this  transitory  world,  learning  is  of  the  first. 
For  by  it  the  way  to  a good  and  holy  life  is  taught,  the  human  reason 
enlightened  in  right  knowledge,  and  trained  to  good  habits  and  morals, 
the  Christian  faith  promoted,  and  justice  and  the  common  good  estab- 
lished. “And  as,”  he  continues,  “we  are  mindful  that  the  divine 
mercy  has  for  a long  time  maintained  our  predecessoi’s  and  ourselves 
in  princely  honor  and  glory,  and  has  in  a sensible  manner  guided  our 
})eo],)le  and  our  kingdom,  we  recognize  it  as  our  duty  to  give  thanks 
for  this  goodness,  and  to  exert  our  earnest  and  assiduous  industry  that 
learning  shall  be  instilled  into  men’s  minds,  that  their  senses  and  reason 
may  be  enlightened,  the  Christian  faith  extended,  and  justice,  good 
morals,  and  good  conduct  promoted.  And,  therefore,  to  the  praise  of 


* Schlikenrioder,  93. 


t Mederer,  iv.  42. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


13 


Almiglity  God,  the  strengthening  of  Christendom,  the  good  of  all  be- 
lieving men,  the  common  profit,  and  the  promotion  of  justice,  we  have 
founded  a university  in  our  city  of  Ingolstadt.” 

Five  years  later,  in  the  charter  of  foundation  of  the  University  of 
Tubingen,  in  1477,  Count  Eberhard*  says  that  “he  has  often  had  it 
under  consideration  how  he  might  best  set  about  undertaking 'some 
enterprise  well  pleasing  to  the  Creator,  and  useful  for  the  common 
good  and  for  his  own  subjects.  He  had  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that 
lie  could  begin  nothing  better  and  more  pleasing  to  the  eternal  God, 
than  to  prepare  means  for  the  instruction  of  good  and  well-intentioned 
youths  in  the  liberal  arts,  and  in  learning,  so  that  they  may  be  enabled 
to  recognize,  fear,  and  obey  God.  In  this  good  belief,  he  has  deter- 
mined to  found  a school  for  human  and  divine  learning.” 

Many  like  examples  of  the  God-fearing  spirit  of  the  German  princes, 
temporal  and  spiritual,  could  be  adduced,  testifying  to  their  pure  and 
noble  objects  in  founding  universities.  In  reading  these  testimonies, 
the  belief  is  necessary,  that  God’s  blessing  must  rest  upon  institutions 
so  evidently  founded  for  his  glory  and  the  benefit  of  men. 

And  that  these  pious  expressions  were  not  mere  empty  or  hypo- 
critical ones,  not  corresponding  with  the  truth,  appears  from  the  many 
pro'ofs  of  real  love  which  the  princes  have  bestowed  on  the  universities, 
as  well  at  their  first  foundation  as  in  succeeding  times ; such  as  gifts, 
immunities,  protections,  honors,  (fec.f 

As  peace  and  quiet  are  necessary  to  students,  Duke  Rudolph  of 
Austria  gave  to  the  University  of  Vienna  a large  and  retired  tract 
of  land,  with  all  its  houses,  gardens,  &c.  He  promised  to  all  its 
teachers  and  scholars  coming  thither,  and  to  their  servants  and  goods, 
his  safe  conduct,  which  they  were  to  obtain  from  the  authorities  when- 
ever they  should  enter  his  territories ; and  the  same  promise  was 
made  for  their  return.  If  they  sutler  any  damage,  it  is  to  be  made 
good  to  them.  Neither  are  they  to  pay  any  toll  for  their  property  or 
goods. J;  All  the  officers  of  the  university,  even  including  the  beadles, 
he  freed  from  all  assessments  and  imposts.  To  these  prerogatives 
Rudolph  added  this : that  members  of  the  university,  even  in  criminal 
cases,  should  be  almost  or  quite  altogether  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Rector’s  Court. 


♦ Kliipfel,  p.  2. 

t It  is  not  my  design  to  give  full  accounts  of  the  endowments,  immunities,  fee.,  of  single  uni- 
versities, particularly  as  Meiners,  Dieterici,  Koch,  &c.,  have  written  upon  them.  I sliall  cita 
only  a few  items  in  relation  to  them,  especially  such  as  have  most  connection  with  the  intellec- 
tual history  of  these  institutions. 

t “ And  if  any  one  shall  presume  to  receive  any  toll  or  custom  for  passing  such  goods,  let  him 
know  that  he  shall  incur  our  heavy  indignation.” 


14 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


The  endowments  of  the  different  universities  were  derived  not  from 
the  single  source  of  gifts  by  the  princes  who  founded  them — each 
university  has  a financial  history  of  its  own.  The  Popes, in  particu- 
lar, gave  much  assistance  to  them,  by  granting  them  various  sorts  of 
income  from  the  property  of  the  Church — benefices,  tithes,  &c.  After 
the  Reformation,  the  property  of  many  convents  was  given  to  the 
universities;  and  at  the  dissolution  of  the  Society  of  Jesuits,  in  1773, 
their  estates  were  distributed,  even  to  Catholic  universities.f 

B. THE  POPE  AND  THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 

In  early  times,  when  the  German  princes  desired  to  found  a uni- 
versity, they  commonly  made  previous  application  to  the  Pope,  to 
issue  a bull  for  granting  the  foundation  and  its  privileges.  Thus, 
Clement  VL,  in  1347,  issued  a bull  for  founding  the  University  of 
Prague;  Urban  V.,  in  1365,  for  that  of  Vienna;  Alexander  V.,  in 
1409,  for  that  of  Leipzig;  Pius  II.,  in  1459,  for  that  of  Ingolstadt. 
In  like  manner,  in  1389,  Urban  VI.  granted  to  the  city  of  Erfurt 
permission  to  found  a university. 

The  contents  of  these  bulls  were  in  substance  always  the  same. 
The  Pope,  as  head  of  all  the  faithful,  declared  it  his  duty  to  do  all  in 
his  power  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  learning,  by  which  the  glory 
of  God  is  spread  abroad,  and  the  true  faith,  law  and  justice,  and 
human  happiness,  are  promoted.  Therefore  he  willingly  authorizes 
the  foundation  of  a university  {studium  generate)^  as  prayed  for,  and 
grants  it  all  the  privileges  of  universities  already  existing,  which  are 
commonly  cited  by  name.  In  particular,  he  grants  to  the  four  facul- 
ties the  right  to  teach,  and  to  promote  the  scholars,  according  to  rule, 
by  gradations,  to  be  bachelors,  licentiates,  and  masters ; and  he  author- 
izes those  so  promoted  to  teach  everywhere.  It  was  this  permission 
especially,  which,  according  to  the  early  doctrine,  the  Pope  only  could 
grant,  as  standing  at  the  head  of  all  Christendom.  J'rom  this  circum- 
stance also,  it  may  be,  the  name  studium  generale  is  derived ; not 
from  the  fact  that  the  institution  includes  all  four  of  the  faculties,  but 
because  the  graduates  of  a university  founded  by  the  Pope,  were  rec- 
ognized as  such  by  all  the  Christian  universities  of  Europe,  and  so 
bad  the  })rivilege  of  teaching  everywhere-! 

* See  Meiners,  lUstory  of  Universities,  &c.,  2,  8,  &c. 

t Tliat  of  Praffiie,  for  instance.  Tomek,  History  of  the  University  of  Prague,  340. 

X Urban  V..  in  his  bull  of  13G5,  constituted  the  University  of  Vienna  of  three  faculties,  but 
witliont  a theolojiicul  one.  This  omission  was  supplied  by  Urban  VI.,  by  his  bull  of  1884,  in 
which  he  ^'ranted  the  reque-^t  of  Duke  Albert:  “We  have  deigned,  out  of  our  apostolical  be- 
nignity, to  grant  that  in  the  same  university  lectures  on  sacred  theology  may  be  publicly  read, 
and  that  the  lionors  and  degrees  of  bachelor,  licentiate,  and  master,  in  the  said  theology,  may 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


15 


Tlie  bull  usually  corupliiiientcd  the  city  in  which  the  university 
was  to  be  established,  d'hus,  Ingolstadt  is  praised  for  its  pure  air,  and 
its  abundance  of  the  necessaries  of  life;  and  it  is  observed  that  there 
is  no  other  university  within  a circuit  of  a hundred  and  fifty  Italian 
miles.  Frankfurt,  in  like  manner,  is  praised  for  its  healthy  air,  its 
Nvealth  in  the  means  of  life,  and  its  abundance  of  proper  lodgings  for 
students ; and  Leipzig,  not  only  for  the  productiveness  of  its  vicinity 
and  its  favorable  climate,  but  because  the  citizens  are  polite  and  of  good 
morals.^ 

The  Pope’s  bull  designated  some  high  ecclesiastic  as  chancellor  of 
the  university,  one  of  whose  duties  was  to  be,  to  see  that  degrees  were 
orderly  conferred.  At  Prague,  for  instance,  the  Archbishop  of  Prague 
was  made  chancellor ; at  Vienna,  the  Provost  of  the  Church  of  All 
Saints ; at  Frankfurt,  the  Bishop  of  Leubus,  <fec.f 

C. THE  EMPERORS  AND  THE  UNIVERSITIES. 

According  to  what  has  been  said,  the  Pope’s  bull  sufficed  to  give 
the  university  standing  and  currency  in  the  religious  world ; but  the 
inquiry  remains,  whether  they  did  not  need  a grant  of  privileges  also 
fi  om  the  emperor,  who  was  also  King  of  Rome  ? Charles  IV.  author- 
ized, as  King  of  Rome,  the  charter  of  foundation  which  he  had  given 
to  the  University  of  Prague  the  year  before  (1348),  as  King  of  Bo- 
hemia ;3;  but  no  imperial  grant  is  mentioned  as  having  accompanied 
the  Papal  one  at  the  foundation  of  those  of  Vienna,  Fleidelberg, 
Cologne,  Erfurt,  Leipzig,  and  Ingolstadt.§ 

It  was  only  from  the  time  of  Maximilian  I.  that  the  emperors 
seem  to  have  treated  the  founding  and  assistance  of  universities  as  an 
official  privilege  of  their  own,  which  they  were  bound  in  conscience  to 
assume.  That  emperor,  in  1495,  at  the  Diet  of  Worms,  even  made 


be  conferred  in  order  as  is  accustomed  to  be  done  in  the  universities  of  Bologna  or  Paris,  or 
Cambridge  or  Oxford.  . . . And  we  have  further  ordained  that,  in  the  said  town  there  shall 
be  a university  {siudium  generate')  in  theology.”  The  theological  teachers  are  to  possess  the 
same  privileges  as  in  Bologna  and  Paris;  especially  that  of  orderly  creating  bachelors,  licentiates, 
and  masters;  who  being  so  promoted,  shall  thereafter,  “ without  any  other  examination  or  ap- 
probation, have  full  and  free  authority  to  govern  and  to  teach,  as  well  in  the  aforesaid  town  as 
in  any  other  universities  whatever,  in  which  they  may  choose.” 

♦ Gretschol.  The  University  of  Leipzig,  p,  18, 

t As  an  example  of  the  bulls  for  founding  universities,  I have  inserted  (Appendix  I.)  the  bull 
of  Pius  II.,  of  1459,  for  the  foundation  of  the  University  of  Ingolstadt,  already  mentioned.  The 
oath  contained  in  it  to  be  taken  by  each  scholar,  of  faithfulness  and  obedience  to  the  Pope,  is 
worthy  of  attention.  % Tomek,  4. 

§ I found  no  imperial  grant  for  Vienna  in  Schlikenrieder’s  Chronologia  Diplomatica.  May 
the  reason  have  been  Duke  Rudolph’s  enmity  to  his  father-in-law,  Charles  IV.  ? But  Mederer's 
very  full  Annales  give  no  imperial  charter  for  Ingolstadt;  and  as  to  Leipzig,  Gretschel  remarks 
(p.  18)  that  tl)i8  university  never  received  any  imperial  confirmation.  Neither  does  Motsch- 
mann  give  any  for  Erfurt. 


16 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


tlie  proposition  that  each  elector  should  found  a university  in  his  own 
territories ; which  proposal  may,  perhaps,  have  occasioned  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  universities  of  Wittenberg  and  Frankfurt. 

All  those  universities  founded  after  Maximilian’s  time,  down  to  the 
end  of  the  German  Empire,  were  required  to  have  an  imperial  grant ; 
as  Halle,  in  1693,  Gottingen,  in  1737.  The  last  Protestant  university 
founded  by  the  emperor,  was  Erlangen,  in  1743.  But  what  w'as  the 
relation  between  the  imperial  and  papal  grants?  Did  the  emperor 
define  the  temporal,  and  the  Pope  the  spiritual,  privileges  of  the  insti- 
tution, and  was  the  Pope’s  authorization  required  before  that  of  the 
emperor  ? These  questions  would  be  difficult  to  answer. 

The  Emperor  Maximilian,  in  1502,  granted  a charter  for  founding 
the  University  of  Wittenberg.  In  this  he  declares  himself  bound,  as 
emperor,  to  care  for  the  promotion  of  learning  in  his  realm.  He 
grants  the  request  of  the  Elector  Frederick,  for  the  foundation  of  a 
university"*  at  Wittenberg,  and  the  appointment  of  teachers  in  the 
four  faculties.  He  grants  further,  the  power  of  creating,  after  a fair 
and  strict  examination,  bachelors,  masters,  licentiates,  and  doctors  in 
all  the  faculties ; who  may  thereafter  possess  all  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges which  the  doctors  of  the  universities  of  Bologna,  Paris,  and 
Leipzig  possess,  in  all  places  and  countries  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and 
in  all  other  places.f  And  he  also  grants  to  the  university  the  privi- 
lege of  making  its  own  statutes  and  choosing  its  own  rector. 

This  imperial  grant  was  recognized  by  Cardinal  Raymundus,  and, 
at  the  request  of  the  elector,  authorized ; the  latter  hoping,  says  the 
cardinal,  that  the  university  will  truly  prosper,  having,  besides  the 
imperial  foundation,  the  light  of  the  apostolical  splendor.  Thus  the 
Pope,  in  this  case,  assumes  a place  subordinate  to  the  emperor,  and 
the  latter  grants  privileges  before  only  proceeding  from  the  former. 
A doubt,  however,  remained,  although  the  cardinal  had  confirmed  the 
establishment  by  Maximilian  of  the  four  faculties,  whether  valid  de- 
grees could  be  given  in  theology  and  canon  law  without  special 
authority  from  the  Pope;  for  which  reason  he  expressly  adds  this 
authority  supplementary. 

Maximilian  L,  in  the  year  1500,  granted  a charter  for  the  founda- 
tion of  the  University  of  Frankfurt,  which  corresponds  in  substance 
with  that  of  Wittenberg,  and  which,  like  it,  makes  no  mention  of  a 
papal  bull.  Pope  Julius  H.  issued  such  a bull  in  the  year  1506,  and 


* “ Stvdium  generate  sive  universitatem  aui  gymnasium.'" 

t “/n  omnibus  locis  et  terris  R.  Imperii  et  ubique  terrarum  " And  in  the  imperial  char- 
ter to  the  University  of  Frankfurt  it  is  provided  that  those  having  degrees,  “shall  have  license 
in  whatever  other  universities,  without  further  examination,  to  read,  teach,  and  do  all  other 
things  which  the  masters  and  doctors  of  any  other  universities  may  do.” — Becmann,  10. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


17 


confirmed  it  by  another  the  next  year ; and  in  both  of  these,  he  in  his 
turn  makes  no  reference  whatever  to  the  imperial  charter,  and  pro- 
vides for  every  thing  as  if  no  such  thing  existed.^ 

While  the  subsequnt  founders  of  Protestant  universities  (of  which 
Marburg  was  the  earliest)  naturally  did  not  apply  for  papal  bulls,  still 
the  Catholic  emperors  from  time  to  time  made  grants  to  such  univer- 
sities. Thus,  Charles  V.  did  so  in  1541,  for  Marburg;  Ferdinand  I., 
in  1557,  for  Jena;  Maximilian  II.,  in  15  75,  for  Helmstadt;  Ferdinand 
II.,  in  1620,  for  Ptinteln ; Leopold  L,  in  1693,  for  Halle;  Charles  VL, 
in  1737,  for  Gottingen;  and  Charles  VII.,  in  1743,  for  Erlangen. 

These  grants  were  all  similar  in  substance  and  in  part  word  for  word. 
But  in  the  later  ones,  the  rector  or  pro-rector,  for  the  time  being,  of 
the  university,  at  Erlangen  the  pro-chancellor,  is  granted  the  count- 
ship  of  the  Holy  Lateran  Palace,  afid  of  the  Court  of  Csesar  (count 
palatineship).f  As  such  count  palatine  (pfalzgraf),  he  possessed  singu- 
lar privileges, — might  appoint  notaries ; might  appoint  and  displace 
guardians  and  curators ; restore  their  honor  to  the  infamous ; legiti- 
mate illegitimate  children  of  all  kinds, and  create  poets-laureate. 
These  latter  might  freely  read,  write,  and  dispute  upon  the  art 
{scientia)  of  poetry,  in  all  countries  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  every- 
where ; and  in  all  places  might  enjoy  the  privileges,  honors,  &c.,  of 
poets-laureate.§ 

One  circumstance  relating  to  the  University  of  Konigsberg  deserves 
special  notice.  Although  Margrave  Albert,  in  1544,  granted  it  a 
charter  of  foundation  wholly  Protestant  in  character,  yet  he,  together 
with  Sabinus,  first  rector  of  the  university,  applied  to  Cardinal  Bembo, 


* Whole  portions  are  transferred  word  for  word  from  the  imperial  charter  to  the  papal  bulls. 
An  expression  in  the  second  bull  seems  to  explain  the  matter.  Julius  II.  mentions  that  his 
predecessor,  Alexander  VI.,  had  already  in  the  sixth  year  of  his  pontiflcate  (1498),  granted  per- 
mission to  the  Elector  John  to  found  a university;  which  was  two  years  before  Maximilian’s 
charter.  The  latter,  it  would  seem,  referred  to  the  papal  grant  only  in  this,  that  he  appointed 
as  chancellor  the  Bishop  of  Leubus,  whom  Alexander  VI.  had  probably  designated  for  that 
office,  and  whom  Julius  definitely  appoints,  without  any  reference  to  the  imperial  charter.  For 
a specipien  of  the  imperial  charters,  see  Appendix  II. 

t So  the  protector  at  Halle  and  Gottingen.  Ferdinand  II.,  in  1623,  granted  the  count  palatine- 
ship  to  the  faculty  of  jurisprudence  in  Ingoldstadt.  Tliis  university,  he  says,  “is  the  palaestra 
where  we  remember  with  kindly  affection  tliat  our  own  youth  was  educated.”  For  further  in- 
formation on  this  countshjp,  see  Dufresne,  sub  voc..  Comes  palatinus  and  Comitiva. 

X The  charter  to  Halle  (Koch,  i.,  458).  and  that  to  Gottingen  (Gesner,  6),  enumerate  ^'natu- 
rales.,  bastardi,  spurii,  manseres,  nothi,  incestuosi." 

§ Hedwig  Zaunemannin,  of  Erfurt,  composed  a poem  for  the  dedication  of  the  University  of 
Gottingen,  ending  with  the  lines: 

“Long  may  live  this  Muse’s  home; 

And  prosperous  it  shall  remain. 

Until  the  universe  shall  fall  with  crash  and  flame.” 

And  upon  this  it  is  remarked — “ This  most  noble  virgin,  for  this  and  other  most  elaborate  monu- 
ments of  her  talents,  deserved  to  receive  the  poetic  laurel  from  the  university.” 

No.  16.— [VoL.  VI.,  No  1.]— 2 2 


18 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


with  the  request  that  the  Pope,  for  the  certification  of  the  university, 
would  issue  a bull  granting  it  the  right  of  conferring  degrees  in  course. 
Bembo  answered  that  the  Pope  would  do  so  as  soon  as  a copy  of  the 
imperial  confirmation  should  be  laid  before  him ; as  Konigsberg  was 
under  the  emperor’s  protection,  if  not  actually  under  his  authority. 
As  the  emperor,  however,  granted  no  confirmation,  no  bull  was 
issued,  and  Albert  found  himself  under  the  necessity  of  applying  to 
King  Sigismund,  of  Poland,  for  a confirmation.  He  accordingly 
issued  one,  in  1556,  giving  the  university  all  and  every  the  academ- 
ical privileges, — jurisdiction,  right  of  making  its  own  statutes,  right  of 
conferring  degrees  in  course,  &c. ; and  all  the  privileges  possessed 
by  his  own  University  of  Cracow.'^ 

D. ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  FIRST  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 

A.  Four  Nations. — Four  Faculties. — Rector. — Chancellor. — University 

Endowments. 

The  charter  of  foundation  and  the  imperial  and  papal  grants  of 
privilege  having  been  issued,  the  university  could  now  come  into 
active  life.  The  founder  fii’st  invited  teachers,  who  in  turn  gathered 
scholars  about  them.  Teachers  and  students  both,  in  Prague,  Vienna, 
Heidelberg,  and  Leipzig,  after  the  manner  of  the  University  of  Paris, 
were  divided  into  four  nations,  and  each  nation  appointed  a master  of 
arts  to  stand  at  its  head  as  procurator. 

This  division  into  four  nations  was  laid  down  by  Duke  Rudolph  in 
his  charter  of  foundation  to  the  University  of  Vienna  in  1365  ;f  but 
was  more  clearly  defined  by  the  university  itself  in  1366,  and,  as  is 
expressly  declared,  upon  the  model  of  Paris.|  The  first  nation,  de- 
nominated the  Southern  [Australis)^  was  chiefly  composed  of  Southern 
Germany;  the  second,  the  Saxon,  chiefly  Western  and  Northern  Ger- 
many; the  third  was  the  Bohemian,  and  the  fourth  the  Hungarian. 
This  division  was  modified  by  Duke  Albrecht  in  his  charter  of  1384,  so 
as  to  call  the  first  nation,  the  Austrian  ; the  second,  the  Rhenish,  in- 
cluding Bavaria,  Suabia,  Alsace,  Franconia,  and  Hesse  ; the  third,  the 
Hungarian,  including  also  Bohemia,  Moravia,  and  Poland ; and  the 
fourth  included  Saxony,  Westphalia,  Prussia,  <fec. 

At  Prague,  great  importance  was  found  to  attach  to  the  division 

• Arnoldt,  58,  «fec. ; and  Appendix  XL 

t Schlikenrieder,  27.  “ We  ordain  that  all  the  clerks  (clerum)  of  the  university  shall  be  di- 
vided into  four  parts,  of  which  each  shall  include  masters  and  students  from  fixed  and  ascertained 
countries,  constituting  one  nation  according  to  the  characters  and  circumstances  of  each.” 

X “We,  considering  that  the  venerable  University  of  Paris  is,  by  reason  of  its  experience, 
under  better  regulations  than  others,  have  thought  proper  to  divide  our  own  university  into  four 
nations,  as  that  is  divided,  after  its  model,  although  under  different  names.” 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


19 


into  the  four  nations^  of  Bohemia,  Bavaria,  Poland,  and  Saxony.  The 
Bohemian  included  also  part  of  Silesia,  and  Moravia  and  Hungary. 
As  the  Polish  nation  included  Prussia,  Lusatia,  Thuringia,  and  other 
German  countries,  the  Bohemian  nation  differed  from  all  the  other 
three,  which  were  almost  exclusively  German.  Thus  it  naturally  hap- 
pened that  the  Germans  often  outvoted  the  Bohemians  on  university 
questions.  The  latter,  irritated  at  this,  petitioned  the  Emperor  Wen- 
ceslaus  in  1409,  with  Huss  and  Jerome  of  Prague  at  their  head,  to 
decree  that  thenceforward  the  Bohemian  nation  should  have  three 
voices  and  the  three  other  nations  only  one.  This  was  the  reason  why 
five  thousand  teachers  and  students  left  Prague,  and  why  that  univer- 
sity, instead  of  being  a universal  German  one,  was  afterward  exclu- 
sively Bohemian.  The  seceders  went  mostly  to  Leipzig,  and  caused 
the  establishment  of  the  university  there,  to  which  they  also  transferrea 
the  division  into  four  nations.  This  division  was  only  disused  in 
1830,f  although  it  had  long  lost  its  place  in  the  other  old  universities, 
and  had  very  seldom  been  introduced  into  those  founded  later  than 
Leipzig-t 

In  Paris,  besides  the  division  into  four  nations,  there  was  a second, 
altogether  distinct  from  it,  into  four  faculties,  which  also  found  its  way 
into  the  German  universities.  The  members  of  newly  founded  univer- 
sities, thus  divided  into  nations  and  faculties,  needed  first  of  all  to 
choose  a rector  as  their  general  head.  At  Vienna,  Duke  Rudolph’s 
charter  of  foundation  directed,  still  after  the  model  of  Paris,  that  the 
four  procurators  of  nations  should  be  the  electors,  and  that  the  ap- 
pointee must  belong  to  the  faculty  of  arts  (the  philosophical).§  But 
nineteen  years  afterward,  in  1384,  Duke  Albrecht’s  charter  allowed 
the  rector  to  be  chosen  from  either  of  the  four  faculties, j|  The  elec- 
tion was  made  in  like  manner  at  Heidelberg.  The  first  rector,  Marsi- 
lius  von  Inghen,  was  here  chosen,  in  1386,  after  the  Paris  plan,  from 
the  faculty  of  arts.  But  as  early  as  1393,  Konrad  von  Soltow,  a doctor 
of  theology,  was  chosen  rector.®^ 


* Tomek,  9,  10.  t Gretscbel,  2S8, 

t At  Frankfort,  there  were  four  nations,  called  Marchcia,  Franconia,  Silesiaca,  and  Prutenica. 
But  afterward,  only  the  distinction  into  four  faculties  was  preserved. 

§ Schlikenrieder,  27. 

I Schlikenrieder,  96.  “The  four  procurators  of  the  university  must  elect  a rector,  who  shall 
seem  to  them  fit  for  that  office,  a professor  either  in  arts  or  in  some  other  faculty.”  The  Vienna 
statutes  of  18S4,  prescribe  that  the  electing  procurators  shall  swear,  before  electing;,  “ that  they 
will  not  undervalue  any  faculty,  nor  prefer  it  to  another,  but  will  elect  a fit  person,  to  whatever 
faculty  he  may  belong,  so  ordering  that  the  rectorate  shall  not  always  remain  in  one  faculty.” 
Impartiality  as  to  the  faculties  was  promoted  by  the  statutory  regulation  that  the  four  procura- 
tors should  not  always  belong  to  one  faculty,  but  to  several,  lb.  127. 

^ Schwab,  4, 12. 


20 


THK  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Down  to  tlie  present  time,  the  rector  may  be  chosen  from  any  fac- 
ulty ; and  an  alternation  is  usually  had  among  them  all. 

The  electors  must  be  “ actual  teachers,  or  men  recognized  as  fit  for 
teachers.”'^  In  Erfurt  alone,  one  student,  selected  from  the  philoso- 
phical faculty,  took  part  in  the  election.f 

The  rector  was  the  head  of  every  university  department,  of  manage* ** 
ment,  instruction,  and  discipline ; but  was  bound  to  govern  himself  by 
the  statutes.  About  him  was  placed  a senate,  which  varied  extremely 
in  composition  and  authority  at  different  times  and  in  different  univer- 
sities. Although,  for  example,  at  Prague,  a “university  congregation,” 
of  masters  and  students  together,  was  erected,  which  met  twice  a year, 
and  a special  “ university  council”  besides  it,  this  general  congregation 
soon  fell  into  the  background,  and  there  remained  only  a congregation 
of  masters,  scholars  being  excluded.];  The  Vienna  statutes  admitted 
bachelors  and  those  who  actually  read  lectures  {actu  legentes)  to  the 
“general  congregation,”  but  adds,  that  this  is  to  be  the  regulation  only 
until  there  shall  be  doctors  and  masters  enough,  as  in  Paris,  to  fill  the 
congregation. § The  chancellor,  as  we  have  seen,  was  usually  appoint- 
ed by  the  Pope,  and  in  general  was  a liigh  ecclesiastic, ||  whose  es- 
pecial duty  it  was  to  observe  that  the  degree  of  master  and  licentiate 
were  properly  conferred,  and  he  must  himself  confer  the  degree  of 
licentiate  {licentia  docendi).^ 

At  the  head  of  each  faculty  stood  a dean,  who  was  chosen  from  the 
masters  who  actually  read  lectures ; and  these  masters  formed  the 
council  of  the  faculty. 

The  endowments  of  the  universities  began,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
with  the  gifts  of  the  princes  who  founded  them,  and  with  the  ecclesias- 
tical properties  and  incomes  granted  them  by  the  Popes.  They  were 
augmented  by  other  gifts,  especially  by  private  legacies;  Heidelberg, 
in  1391,  received  a grant  of  Jews’  goods.’^^  At  the  Reformation,  the 
estates  of  dissolved  convents,  and  afterward,  in  17 73,  those  of  the  dis- 


* Meiners,  ITUtory,  ii.  172.  t Motschmann,  i.  328. 

X Tomek,  12.  § Schlikenrieder,  131. 

I At  Vienna  the  Chancellor  was  Principal  of  the  Church  of  All  Saints,  at  Prague  the  Bishop 
of  Prague,  at  Ingolstadt  the  Bishop  of  Eichstadt,  at  Leijizig  the  Bishop  of  Merseburg.  The 
chacellor,  in  conferring  the  degree  of  licentiate,  represented  the  Pope;  using  the  words,  “ I,  by 
authority  ...  of  the  apostolical  see,  which  I here  represent,  confer  upon  you  the  license  to 
read,”  &c.  (Zeisl,  37).  In  Tubingen,  the  appointment  of  chancellor  passed  over,  after  the  Reforma- 
tion, to  the  rector  and  senate;  and  he  conferred  degrees,  not  “by  apostolical  authority,”  but 
“by  ordinary  and  public  authority.” — Kliipfel,  54. 

^ For  more  information  as  to  the  degrees  of  bachelor,  licentiate,  master,  and  doctor,  see  the  de- 
scription of  the  faculties.  “ In  Prague,  there  was  no  distinction  between  a master  and  a doctor, 
except  that  the  degree  of  master  was  commonly  conferred  in  the  faculties  of  theology  and  arts, 
and  that  of  doctor  in  those  of  jurisprudence  and  medicine.” — Tomek^  IT. 

**  Haasser,  i.  300. 


THE  GEUMAN  UN  IVEnSITlKS. 


21 


solved  Order  of  Jesuits,  were  given  to  the  universities.  In  most  of  tlie 
cluirters  of  found:ition,  as  in  that  quoted  of  Duke  Rudolph  of  Austria, 
manv  iniiiiunities  were  granted  to  members  of  the  university;  freedom 
fi-om  imposts  and  tolls,  right  of  hunting,  right  to  retail  wine  and  beer; 
most  of  which  have  subsequently  been  taken  away,  by  reason  of  misuse 
of  them,  quarrels  over  them  between  the  members  of  the  university 
and  the  citizens  of  the  university  town,  and  great  changes  in  Church 
and  State.  , 

Among  the  university  endowments  belong,  as  pecuniary  aids  to 
study,  bursaries,  free  tables,  stipends,  &c.,  which  will  be  afterward  con- 
sidered."^ 

B.  The  Four  Faculties. 

We  shall  proceed  to  consider  the  organization  for  instruction,  and 
the  discipline  of  the  older  universities. 

We  have  seen  that  the  division  into  four  faculties  was  transferred 
from  the  University  of  Paris  to  those  of  Germany.  These  faculties  are. 
the  same  which  our  universities  now  include, — of  theology,  law,  medi- 
cine and  philosophy;  which  last  was  anciently  termed  the  faculty  of 
arts.  We  shall  speak  first  of  this  latter. 

1.  Faculty  of  ArU. 

This  derived  its  name  from  the  seven  liberal  arts ; namely,  the 
Trivium,  including  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  dialectics;  and  the  Quad- 
rivium^  including  arithmetic,  music,  geometry,  and  astronomy.  These 
seven  were  commemorated  in  the  following  memorial  verse  : 

“Lingua,  tropus,  ratio,  nuinerus,  tenor,  angulus,  astra.” 

In  the  title  “ Master  of  the  liberal  arts,”  these  seven  are  referred  to. 
The  relation  of  this  faculty  to  the  three  others  was  very  different  at» 
different  universities  and  different  times.  At  Paris,  the  rector  was 
chosen  from  this  faculty  by  the  masters  in  it ; and  the  rule  was  the 
same,  at  first,  at  Heidelberg  and  Vienna,  as  we  have  seen,  after  the 
Paris  model.  The  situation  of  this  faculty  was  very  different  at  Tu- 
bingen, where  it  was  subordinate  to  the  three  other  faculties,  only  its 
dean  and  two  other  membei's  belonged  to  the  senate,  and  its  professors 
received  smaller  salaries  than  those  of  the  other  faculties.f 

These  seven  liberal  arts  were  the  subjects  of  instruction  in  tlie  facul- 
ty of  arts,  and  they  included  many  subordinate  subjects,  as  did,  espe- 
cially, dialectics.  We  have  programmes  of  lectures  from  various 
universities,  as  Prague,  Vienna,  Ingolstadt,  Erfurt,  which  all  agree 


* The  same  may  be  said  of  the  various  pecuniary  helps  furnished  in  later  times,  mainly  by  the 
growth  of  medicine  and  the  natural  sciences.  t Kliipfel,  7,  5G. 


22 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


substantially  on  this  point.  The  dialectic,  ethical,  physical,  and  other 
works  of  Aristotle,  in  such  translations  as  were  then  extant,  are  every- 
where the  principal  theme.'* * * § **  Together  with  these  are  found  a few 
other  books,  as  for  instance  those  of  Petrus  Ilispanus  and  Boethius, 
which,  like  Aristotle’s,  were  included  under  the  comprehensive  term, 
dialectics. 

In  grammar  were  given  lectures  on  Priscianus,  Donatus,  the  Doctri- 
nale  of  Alexander  de  Villa  Dei,  and  the  Groecismus  of  Eberhard  von 
Bethune,  which  is  a grammar  in  metrical  Latin,  in  which  Greek  tech- 
nical terms  are  explained;  upon  the  same  author’s  Lahyrinthus^  which 
treats  of  the  difficulties  of  schoolmasters;  and  upon  the  Poetria  Nova 
of  the  Englishman  Gottfrid,  which  treats  of  the  duties  of  masters.f 

To  the  course  of  lectures  on  the  four  arts  of  the  Quadrivium  be- 
longed those : 

1.  On  the  Algorism  (Arithmetic).J 

2.  On  the  work  of  Johannes  de  Muris,  of  Paris  (1330),  on  Music. 

3.  On  six  books  of  Euclid  and  the  Perspective"^  of  Johannes  Pisanus 
(Geometry). 

4.  On  the  Sphcera  Materialis  of  Johannes  de  Sacro  Bosco,||  the 
Computus  Cyrometricalis^  the  Almanac,  and  the  Almagest  of  Ptole- 
my (Astronomy). 

Masters,  licentiates,  and  bachelors  were  permitted  to  read  lectures. 
The  scolaris  simplex,  the  student,  was  at  Vienna  prohibited  from  read- 
ing ; but  at  Prague,  the  statutes  permitted  a student  to  deliver  lectures 
put  into  his  hands  on  behalf  of  a master,  who  had  previously  revised 
them.  Beading  was  termed  pronouncing  [pronuntiare),^^*  The 
statutes  of  the  University  of  Vienna  say  : “We  direct  each  reader  to 
pronounce  faithfully  and  correctly,  slowly  and  distinctly,  distinguishing 
paragraphs,  capital  letters,  commas,  and  periods,  as  the  sense  requires, 
in  such  a manner  as  to  assist  those  who  write  after  him  ; and  that 
he  do  not  pronounce  any  thing  erroneous  by  deceit  or  fraud.” 

♦ See  Appendix  II.  for  the  programmes  of  lectures  of  the  faculties  of  arts  at  Prague,  Erfurt, 
Ingolstadt,  and  Vienna. 

t Monumenta  Universitatis  Pragensis,  1,  2,  560. 

X Algorism  or  Algorithm  (see  Monum.  Univ.  Prag.,  1,  2,  550),  is  composed  of  the  Arabic  at, 
and  the  Greek  arithmos.  According  to  Renaud’s  Memoire  Geographique  sur  Z’/ncfe  (1849), 
the  word  signifies  the  Arabian  author  Al-Kharizmy,  whose  works,  translated  into  Latin,  spread 
the  knowledge  of  the  Indian  system  of  numeration  in  the  West;  which  system  was  then  named 
after  this  author.  My  respected  friend  and  colleague.  Prof.  Spiegel,  drew  my  attention  to 
Eenaud. 

§ This  Perspective  (a  work  on  optics)  is  of  the  year  1280. 

t For  Euclid  and  Sacro  Bosco  or  Busto,  see  this  work.  Part  1,  6,  7,  317,  326. 

^ For  cyrometricalls,  read  chirometricalis,  the  art  of  finding  the  dates  of  the  calendar  by 
means  of  the  fingers. 

**  Monum.  Univ.  Prag.,  1, 1, 13;  and  Zeisl,  146. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


23 


This  extract  is  explained  by  another  from  the  statutes  of  Prague  of 
1367.  The  masters,  it  is  here  said,  have  brought  it  into  consideration, 
that  the  readers  have  permitted  themselves  to  be  guilty  of  many  irreg- 
ularities, disfigurements,  and  errors,  from  which  much  harm  may  come 
to  the  students,  and  much  scandal  to  the  whole  faculty.  Every  scolaris 
has  read  what  he  chose  and  when  he  chose.  Men  have  boldly  com- 
mitted to  writing  incorrect  and  unknown  compositions,  full  of  errors, 
and  given  them  out  as  the  works  of  eminent  masters,  to  attract  more 
hearers.  Hereupon  the  faculty  decreed  that  in  future  every  master 
should  read,  either  himself  or  by  another,  his  own  comments  upon 
such  work  as  should  be  selected  from  among  the  text-books  by  the 
faculty ; and  in  like  manner  might  read  or  cause  to  be  read  by  an- 
other the  writings  of  others,  provided  these  were  composed  by  emi- 
nent masters  of  the  universities  of  Prague,  Paris,  or  Oxford,  and  pro- 
vided he  have  previously  carefully  revised  them,  and  have  secured  a 
fit  and  skillful  reader  {^pronunciator). 

The  bachelors,  it  was  ordained  further,  should  not  read  their  own 
comments  on  Aristotle  and  other  difficult  works,  but  those  of  masters 
from  Paris,  Prague,  and  Oxford  ; but  these  must  first  be  examined  by  a 
master,  to  see  whether  they  are  in  reality  the  composition  of  such  au- 
thor, and  correct. 

No  student  shall  presume  to  deliver  lectures,  unless  he  be  author- 
ized by  a master. 

According  to  these  extracts,  the  teaching  consisted  in  dictating  the 
matter  of  the  regular  text-books,  and  in  the  speaker’s  or  some  other 
person’s  remarks  upon  them ; and  the  notes  taken  down  served  instead 
of  pi  inted  copies  of  the  books. 

Before  the  commencement  of  the  lectures,  the  masters  of  Prague  and 
Vienna  met  and  agreed  upon  the  books  which  each  one  should  take  to 
read  and  it  was  the  duty  of  each,  having  chosen  his  book,  to  read  it 
through  if  he  had  as  many  as  two  hearers.f 

The  permission  to  read  at  Prague  the  writings  of  Oxford  masters  had 
a great  immediate  influence  upon  that  university,  and  also  upon  the  Ref- 
ormation in  Bohemia  and  Germany  ; for  in  this  manner  WiclifTs  teach- 
ings were  imported  into  Prague,  and  widely  disseminated  by  Huss.J 


* Monum.  TJniv.  Prag.,  i.  1, 13 ; Zeisl,  B.  4. 

t The  masters  who  read  were  called  magistri  actu  regentes,  and  lectores.  The  Erfurt  stat- 
utes required  them  to  read  during  three  months  of  the  year.  And  in  those  of  Prague  (Mo- 
num., i.  1,  81),  it  is  prescribed  that  “ none  shall  be  called  an  actual  reader  {actu  regens)  who  does 
not  read  his  ordinary  (book)  as  long  as  he  has  hearers.”  In  Prague,  one  who  has  been  five 
years  master,  and  two  years  an  actual  reader,  became  a member  of  the  Council  of  the  Faculty, 
whose  sittings  were  in  the  faculty-room  {stuba/acultatis). 

X Palacky,  Uisiory  of  Bohemia,  ii.  2, 189. 


24 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Tlie  lectures  were  accompanied  with  frequent  disputations,  in  which 
teachers  aud  scholars  took  part.  The  regular  disputation  day  w^as 
Saturday.  Sopliismata  and  qucestiones^  after  the  fashion  of  theses, 
furnished  the  basis  for  the  disputing.  The  purpose  of  them  all  seems 
to  have  been  not  so  much  to  deal  with  the  truth  of  the  matter  as  with 
the  form ; they  were  dialectic  fencing  with  all  the  tricks  of  sophistry ; 
exhibitions  of  skill  in  arguing  for  and  against  the  same  proposition.^ 

In  all  the  faculties  the  bachelors  were  lowest  in  grade,  the  licentiates 
next,  and  the  masters  next.  To  become  a master  it  was  necessary,  at 
Vienna,  to  have  studied  two  years,  and  to  have  heard  lectures  in  the 
regular  books.  The  candidate  was  examined,  and^'was  obliged  to  hold 
ten  disputations.  If  he  passed  this  examination,  and  received  his 
bachelor’s  degree,  he  might  receive  the  licentiateship  at  the  end  of  the 
year  from  the  Chancellor,  after  a sufficient  examination.  He  might 
now  become  master  at  his  option  by  a formal  act  of  promotion,  unless 
he  preferred  to  remain  a licentiate  for  the  sake  of  avoiding  the  expense 
of  the  step. 

According  to  the  statutes  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts  at  Ingolstadt,  inas- 
much as  there  was  a distinction  between  those  students  who  followed 
the  way  of  the  ancients  (i.  e.,  who  adhered  to  the  Realists),  and  those 
who  followed  the  way  of  the  moderns,  or  Nominalists,  there  w'as  a 
separate  dean  and  council  for  each  “way.”f  At  Heidelberg,  Nomi- 
nalism prevailed ; its  first  rector,  Marsilius  von  Inghen,  having  been  a 
Nominalist.  In  Tubingen,  the  opposition  between  the  Nominalists  and 
Realists  ceased  only  at  the  Reformation ; Gabriel  Biel  being,  here, 
“the  last  representative  of  the  dying  scholasticism.”]; 

Lectures,  disputations,  examinations,  and  even  the  daily  conversation 
of  the  scholars  {scolares)^  were  in  Latin.  The  Ingolstadt  statutes  say  : 
“A  master  in  a bursary  shall  induce  to  the  continual  use  of  Latin  by 
verbal  exhortations  and  by  his  own  example ; and  shall  also  appoint 
those  who  shall  mark  such  as  speak  the  vulgar  tongue,  and  who  shall 
receive  from  them  an  irremissible  penalty.”  In  another  place  they 
say : “Also,  that  the  students  in  their  academical  exercises  may  learn, 
by  the  habit  of  speaking  Latin,  to  speak  and  express  themselves 
better,  the  faculty  ordains  that  no  person  placed  by  the  faculty  upon 
a common  or  other  bursary  shall  dare  to  speak  German.  Any  one 
heard  by  one  of  the  overseers  {conventore)  to  speak  German,  shall  pay 
one  kreutzer.” 

* In  Melancthon’s  time  there  was  at  Wittenberg  a disputation  on  one  Saturday  and  a decla- 
mation on  the  next;  which  indicates  that  dialectics  had  at  first  predominated,  but  that  at  the  re- 
vival of  classical  literature,  rhetoric,  under  the  influence  of  Cicero  and  Quintilian,  came  more 
into  vogue. 

t Mederer,  iv.  70. 


$ Klupfol,  30. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


25 


The  very  Latin  of  these  quotations  exemplifies  the  Latinity  of  that 
university,  which  was  lampooned  in  the  '"'‘Epistles  of  Obscure  Menf 
Nothing  was  said  in  them  of  classical  studies. 

2.  The  Theological  Facility. 

The  Theological  Faculty  of  the  University  of  Vienna  declares,  in 
the  beginning  of  its  statutes  of  1389,  that  the  Faculty  of  Paris  is  its 
model.  In  the  first  title  of  these  statutes  it  is  provided  that  every 
year,  upon  the  day  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  a devout  sermon  shall 
be  preached  upon  that  “ most  profoundly  speculative  theologian,”  and 
the  Holy  Scriptures  and  purity  of  conscience  shall  be  recommended 
to  the  students.  The  preacher  shall  choose  a text  which  has  a com- 
plete and  intelligible  meaning  ; not  an  expression  unintelligible  by  it- 
self, which  he  can  interpret  arbitrarily."^^ 

The  second  title  of  the  statutes  treats  seriously  and  ably  of  the 
morals  of  theological  students.  It  says  : “As  knowledge  and  learning 
in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  which  are  to  be  attained  by  study  and  prac- 
tice in  theological  faculty,  are  the  rule  of  morals,  and  lead  to  true  pro- 
priety of  conduct,  we  consider  it  exceedingly  wrong  and  most  unseemly 
that  theological  students  should  not  be  distinguishable  from  all  others 
by  their  virtues.  The  spiritual  eye  must  be  very  clear  from  sin  in 
order  to  discern  the  lofty  themes  of  theology.  That  science  itself 
teaches  that  only  the  pure  in  heart  shall  see  God ; and  that  wisdom 
cometh  not  into  the  sinful  soul,  nor  abides  in  a body  under  subjection 
to  sin.  Therefore,  students  of  theology  must  show  by  their  whole 
life  that  they  belong  truly  and  really  to  the  theological  faculty;  and  a 
religious  life  must  be  the  expression  of  their  spiritual  acquirements. 
Therefore,  students  of  theology  must  be  free  from  shameful  vices, 
serious  and  modest  in  speech,  decent,  respectably  clothed — no  drinker, 
lecher,  or  brawler — an  avoider  of  evil  companions ; must  shun  suspicious 
places,  and  must  not  run  after  idle  amusements.  The  schools  of  the- 
ology must  be  not  merely  schools  of  science,  but  still  more,  schools  of 
virtue  and  of  good  morals.” 

While  in  the  faculty  of  arts  more  than  thirty  subjects  of  instruction 
were  specified,  the  theological  statutes  name  but  two  : the  Bible,  and 
the  '■'Four  Books  of  Sentences''  of  Petrus  Lombardus,  which  were  of 
the  first  rank  as  dogmatic  authority.  The  bachelors  who  read  upon 
the  Bible  were  called  Biblical,  or  cursores,  from  their  reading  their 
regular  courses,  or  the  Bible.  They  were  to  ej^plain  the  text  thor- 
oughly, and  to  add  good  glosses,  as  was  the  custom  in  the  cursory  lec- 
tures at  Paris. 


* Zeisl,  8, 10. 


26 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


He  who  wislied  to  become  cursor  must  have  studied  theology  six 
years,  and  if  not  master  in  arts,  must  be  well  trained  in  opposing  and 
answering.  The  quoestiones  upon  which  the  disputations  were  held  in 
the  theological  faculty,  were  to  be  intelligible  and  seriously  useful 
{rationahiles  et  seriose  utiles)  upon  practical  or  speculative  subjects, 
and  clear,  brief,  and  intelligible. 

When  the  cursor  had  finished  his  Biblical  course,  he  became  sen- 
tentiarius,  and  read  for  one  or  two  years  on  Petrus  Lombardus’  ^^Four 
Books  of  Sentences^  When  he  had  come  in  his  readings  to  the  third 
book,  he  was  called  Baccalaureus  formatus.  When  he  had  arrived 
at  the  end  of  the  fourth  book,  he  had  yet  to  train  himself  at  the  uni- 
versity for  three  years  in  disputing  and  preaching,  and  in  attending 
disputations,  before  he  could  receive  the  degree  of  licentiate  or  of 
master. 

The  cursores  or  sententiarii  were  not  to  deal  with  philosophical 
topics,  which  have  no  relation  to  theology ; but  were,  at  proper  places, 
by  logic  or  other  arts,  to  endeavor  to  solve  theological  difficulties. 

When  the  sentenliarius  had  passed  his  examination  for  a licentiate- 
ship,  the  chancellor  delivered  it  to  him,  saying  “ By  authority  of 
the  Omnipotent  God,  and  of  the  Apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  of 
the  Apostolical  See,  which  I here  represent,  I give  you  license  to  read, 
dispute,  and  preach  in  the  theological  faculty,  and  to  exercise  all  other 
acts  of  a master  in  the  same  faculty,  here  and  throughout  the  world, 
in  the  name  of  the  Father,  the  Sou,  and  the  Holy  Ghost.  Amen.” 

A few  days  after  this,  the  new  licentiate  maintained  a disputation ; 
and  on  the  day  after  the  disputation  the  chancellor  placed  the  mas- 
ter’s cap  on  his  head  in  the  hall,  as  a token  of  the  dignity  of  master, 
and  said  : “Begin  now  your  teaching,  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  the 
Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost.  Amen.”  Whereupon  the  new  doctor 
{jiovellus  doctor)  began  with  an  address  in  praise  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures. 

3.  Faculty  of  Canon  and  Civil  Law. 

The  statutes  of  this  faculty,  at  Vienna,  prescribe  that  before  begin- 
ning the  lectures,  a solemn  mass  shall  be  held,  and  Sundays  and  feast 
days  strictly  observed. 

The  second  title  treats  in  earnest  language  of  the  morals  of  bachelors 
and  students  at  law.  They  are  to  conduct  themselves  in  an  orderly 
manner,  and  to  be  (juiet  at  lectures ; not  to  shriek,  howl,  or  hiss,  or 
laugh  indecently,  and  not  to  ^ yell  at  strangers  and  new-comers.  In 
other  places,  they  are  in  words,  gestures,  and  clothing,  to  show  them- 


♦ Zeisl,  37. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


27 


selves  students  of  moral  science ; to  shun  vile  companions,  especially 
infamous  persons,  brawlers,  and  gamesters ; neither  to  attend  public 
dances,  nor  to  direct  others  to  them ; not  to  carry  weapons,  nor  to 
have  them  carried  after  them,  and  not  to  write  any  indecent  compo- 
sitions. 

The  doctors  are  to  read  honestly,  to  omit  no  part  of  the  ordinary 
gloss,  but  to  read  clearly,  wisely,  and  intelligibly,  both  to  beginners 
and  to  those  further  advanced,  and  always  to  endeavor  to  be  useful 
to  their  hearers.  They  shall  make  their  lectures  complete,  and  not 
too  brief;  and  shall  willingly  answer,  especially  after  lecture,  such 
students  as  may  ask  questions  on  doubtful  points.  The  doctors,  es- 
pecially such  as  read  lectures  in  the  morning,  are  forbidden  to  make  it 
known  to  their  hearers  by  handbills  ; the  practice  being  objectionable, 
and  allowed  by  no  faculty  of  jurisprudence. 

The  teachers  are  also  bound  to  give  an  honest  statement  of  their 
hearers. 

The  doctors  in  civil  law  are  to  form  one  faculty  with  those  in  canon 
law,  even  at  examination^  Neither  bachelors  nor  students,  but  only 
doctors  and  licentiates  admitted  to  the  faculty,  compose  it  (in  the 
strictest  sense),  and  no  others  can  become  deans. 

The  dean  shall,  during  his  official  term,  diligently  visit  the  bursaries 
and  the  houses  of  the  students  at  law. 

A student  who  has  heard  lectures  on  civil  law  for  two  years,  and 
on  canon  law'  for  two  years,  may  become  bachelor.  Before  becoming 
a licentiate,  he  must  have  studied  seven  years,  and  must  have  received 
a baccalaureate. 

But  this  term  of  years  will  not  suffice  without  proof  of  learning  ; and 
learning  will  not  suffice  without  good  character  and  laudable  morals. 

“ As  our  faculty,”  the  statutes  proceed,  “ is  above  all  others  bound 
to  protect  the  sacrament  of  matrimony,  and  to  reject  every  unlawful 
union,  since  both  laws  express  themselves  in  various  ways  opposed  to 
such,  and  as,  moreover,  the  doctorate  is  an  honor,  we  decree,  like  all 
the  other  faculties,  that  no  illegitimate  child,  or  child  of  a harlot,  may 
become  doctor  or  licentiate.” 

The  bachelor  must  prove  his  attainments  by  examination  and  dispu- 
tation ; as  must  also  the  licentiate,  at  whose  examination  the  chancellor 
or  his  substitute  must  preside. 

At  the  conferring  of  the  doctorate,  the  candidate  receives  the  doc- 
tor’s hat  {hirretum)  and  ring,  the  shut  and  the  open  book,  the  master’s 
kiss  and  blessing;  after  which  he  reads  and  disputes.  To  the  doctor 
presenting  him  (that  is,  to  the  prceses  of  this  disputation),  the  new 
doctor  must  give  fourteen  ells  of  cloth,  at  two  florins  an  ell ; to  the 


28 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


beadle,  six  ells,  at  one  florin  an  ell ; and  to  every  doctor  actually  lectur- 
ing, wine  and  confects. 

4.  The  Medical  Faculty."^ 

Medicine,  say  tbe  Vienna  statutes,  is  a truly  rational  science,  both 
as  to  its  theory  and  its  practice.  We  adhere  to  and  obey  civil  dio^ni- 
taries,  the  Pope,  bishops,  and  prelates.  A weakly,  ineflScient  pastor 
injures  the  Church  much.  Dukes,  counts,  soldiers,  and  the  common 
people,  who  should  serve  to  protect  the  State,  are,  if  they  lose  their 
health,  entirely  useless.  It  is  a recognized  truth,  and  on  this  we  lay 
most  stress,  that  medicine  cares  for  men  even  while  yet  in  their 
mother’s  womb,  and  from  their  birth,  through  all  their  life,  to  their 
death,  both  by  preserving  and  curing. 

The  candidate  for  a baccalaureate  must  have  heard  lectures  upon 
the  work  of  Joannicius,  the  first  or  fourth  of  the  canon  of  Avicenna, 
and  some  work  on  practice,  as  that  of  Rasis  Almansor.  If  he  is  a 
master  in  arts,  he  must  have  heard  lectures  in  the  medical  faculty  for 
at  least  two  years ; if  a mere  student,  for  three.  He  must  be  twenty- 
two  years  old,  born  in  wedlock,  and  not  deformed  in  body.  If  princes 
or  others,  whoever  they  may  be,  shall  apply  for  a degree  for  one  un- 
worthy of  it,  reference  shall  be  made  to  the  statutes  in  refusal,  and  to 
the  oaths  which  have  been  sworn  by  the  faculty. 

A candidate  for  licentiateship,  if  he  has  a degree  in  arts,  shall  have 
heard  lectures  on  medicine  for  five  years ; if  not  a graduate,  for  six 
years.  If  he  is  found  fit  in  knowledge  and  character,  without  canoni- 
cal impediments,  and  not  too  effeminate  of  countenance,  he  may  re- 
ceive his  degree  at  the  age  of  26,  but  in  strictness  not  until  28. 

The  Aphorisms  of  Hippocrates  and  Galen  are  to  be  the  basis  of  the 
examination. 

The  promotion  of  licentiates  to  the  doctor’s  degree  must  take  place 
in  the  Church  of  St.  Stephen ; where  the  new  doctor  must  deliver  an 
address  in  praise  of  medicine,  and  afterward  a lecture  upon  any  por- 
tion of  Avicenna,  Hippocrates,  or  Galen. 

The  custom  of  conferring  degrees  in  church  was  observed  down  to 
a much  later  period.  Thus  Rehfeld  received  his,  in  1634,  in  the  ca- 
thedral at  Erfurt.  Meifarth  first  preached  from  Sirach  xxxviii.  1,  9 ; 
after  which  appeared  a representative  of  Divine  Providence,  who  di- 
rected the  dean  to  take  his  seat.  The  latter,  as  promotor^  then  de- 
livered a discourse  on  tobacco,  after  which  Divine  Providence  directed 
the  promotion  to  proceed,  upon  which  the  candidate  was  consecrated 
at  the  altar.f 


♦ Zeisl,  73. 


t Motachmftnn,  ii.  316. 


THE  GERMAif  UNIVERSITIES. 


29 


In  Erfurt,  the  bachelor  of  medicine  swore  that  he  would  observe  all 
things  to  which  the  oath  of  Hippocrates,  of  Cos,  binds  every  pliysician. 
This  oath  begins,  “I  swear  by  Apollo  Medicus,  and  ^sculapius,  &c., 
and  by  Hygeia  and  Panaceia,  and  all  the  gods  and  goddesses,  calling 
them  to  witness  that  I will  fully  observe  this  oath.”'^ 

C. MORALS  AND  DISCIPLINE. 

Before  treating  these  subjects  I think  it  necessary  to  make  a few 
general  remarks. 

Robert  von  Mold,  in  1840,  published  his  “ Historical  Account  of 
the  Morals  and  Conduct  of  the  Students  at  Tubingen  during  the  Six- 
teenth Century.”  He  drew  such  important  facts  as  he  found  from  the 
archives  of  the  university,  in  which,  as  he  says,  are  many  records  of 
the  life  and  morals  of  the  students.  But  he  adds,  that  “ many  inter- 
esting pages  of  that  life  remain  entirely  unilluminated  by  them ; as 
more  especially,  the  praiseworthy  qualities,  the  quiet  virtues  of  indus- 
try, and  of  labor  for  learning,  which  have  not  given  occasion  for  any 
record,  while  faults  and  excesses  have  called  for  official  treatment  and 
perpetuation.” 

What  Mohl  says  here,  with  so  much  truth,  of  the  matters  recorded 
in  the  archives  of  the  universities,  is  as  true  of  most  of  the  histories 
of  universities.  Everywhere  in  them  are  displayed  vices,  violations  of 
discipline,  outbreaks  of  abandoned  students,  brawls  among  themselves 
and  with  citizens,  even  murders,  abominable  immoralities,  and  these 
are  often  related  at  length.  Among  all  these  noisy,  hateful,  and  la- 
mentable wickednesses,  the  reader  is  in  danger  of  overlooking  the  fact 
that  at  the  same  universities,  and  at  the  same  time  when  the  same  wicked- 
nesses prevailed,  were  often  studying,  in  quiet  and  unknown,  youths 
W'ho  afterward,  as  men,  were  the  pride  and  ornament  of  their  country. 

Vice  should  not  be  concealed.  No  one  who  knows  men,  especially 
the  young,  will  put  faith  in  any  historian  who  finds  every  thing  excus- 
able and  as  pure  as  the  angels. 

And,  on  the  other  hand,  the  university  historian  would  be  to  blame 
if  he  should  give  such  prominence  to  every  thing  evil,  as  to  make  one 
believe,  finding  the  history  of  the  university  only  a “scandalous 
chronicle”  of  the  vile  tricks  and  vulgarities  of  vulgar  students  and  pro- 
fessors, that  only  evil  prevailed.  The  faults  even  of  the  instructors 
should  not  be  concealed,  but  should  be  held  up  as  warning  examples, 
with  religious  seriousness ; nor  should  the  narrative  ever  remind  the 
reader  of  the  heartless  tattle  which  is  so  often,  unfortunately,  to  be 
heard  relative  to  the  occurrences  of  the  present  day. 


* Motschmann,  ii.  304. 


30 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


The  universities  were  not  immaculate  at  any  time,  or  in  any  coun- 
try. No  human  corporation  is  faultless.  They  are  all  gone  astray  ; 
the  expression  holds  of  all  times  and  countries.  Human  sinfulness  re- 
mains always  substantially  the  same ; and  so,  in  consequence,  do  hu- 
man sins.  What  Augustine  related  more  than  fourteen  hundred 
years  ago  of  the  universities  of  Carthage  and  Rome,  has  remained  true 
down  to  the  present  day.  Even  the  eversores*  of  whom  he  speaks, 
villainous  students  who  took  a devilish  pride  in  leading  astray  new- 
comers, have  been  extant  from  that  time  to  this.  But  at  that  same 
time  there  was  at  tlie  University  of  Carthage  with  them  that  Augus- 
tine who,  through  God’s  grace,  afterward  became  the  greatest  father 
of  the  Church,  and  the  strictest  in  morals.  How  frightful  was  the 
moral  condition  of  Paris  afterward  in  the  13th  century!  A Papal 
bull  of  the  year  12'76  excommunicates  such  students  of  that  period  as 
celebrated  festivals  by  feasts,  drinking-bouts,  and  public  dances,  and 
even  “ did  not  fear  to  play  dice  in  the  churches  and  on  the  altars 
where  they  ought  to  w'orship  God.” 

What  horrible  facts  does  Jacques  de  Vitry  relate  of  the  University 
of  Paris  ! He  says : “ Everywhere  in  the  streets  and  squares  of  the 
city,  public  harlots  dragged  students  to  their  stews  almost  by  violence  ; 
and  if  they  refused  to  enter,  they  immediately  followed  them,  shouting- 
after  them,  ‘ Sodomite  I’  ” In  one  and  the  same  building  there  were 
schools  above  and  a house  of  ill-fame  below.  In  one  part  the  harlots 
w^ere  quarreling  with  each  other  and  with  their  pimps,  and  in  the  other 
the  students  were  disputing  and  contending  noisily.  Jacques  de  Vi- 
try, who  relates  these  abominations,  lived  in  the  13th  century,  and 
his  account  agrees  only  too  w-ell  with  the  picture  drawn  of  that  cen- 
tury in  the  bull  of  excommunication  just  quoted.  And  in  that  same 
century  the  greatest  of  the  scholastics,  Albertus  Magnus,  Thomas 
Aquinas,  Bonaventura,  were  students  and  teachers  at  the  University 
of  Paris.  Thus  it  appears  that  from  the  earliest  period  to  the  present, 
good  and  evil  have  existed  in  the  universities  together.f  At  the  same 
time  it  should  not  be  denied  that  good  may  have  prevailed  more  at 
some  one  time,  and  evil  at  another. 

To  learn  what  evils  prevailed  at  some  one  university  at  one  particu- 
lar time,  it  is  only  necessary  to  read  those  parts  of  the  statutes  wdiich 
refer  to  the  conduct  of  students  and  professors.  The  evils  which  they 

♦ Confessions,  3,  3. 

t The  worst  period  of  the  German  universities  falls,  as  we  shall  see,  in  the  time  of  the  preva- 
lence of  Pennalism,  nearly  from  1610  to  1661 ; and  within  the  same  period  belongs  the  studert- 
life  of  some  most  excellent  men;  as,  Simon  Dach.  horn  1605;  Paul  Fleming,  born  1609;  Jo- 
hannn  Franck,  born  1618;  Paul  Gerhardt,  born  1606;  Otto  von  Guerike,  born  1602;  Martin 
Opitz,  born  1597  ; and  many  others. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


31 


cite  on  particular  occasions,  had  almost  certainly  already  become  gen- 
eral in  the  university. 

To  refer,  for  example,  to  the  statutes  of  the  four  faculties  at  Vienna, 
already  quoted.  When  the  theological  students  are  warned  not  to  be- 
come drunkards  and  lechers,  to  avoid  suspicious  places,  (fee. ; when  the 
students  of  law  are  directed  to  be  quiet  at  lectures,  and  not  to  shriek, 
howl,  or  hiss,  to  avoid  vile  company,  infamous  persons,  and  brawlers, 
gamesters,  (fee.,  and  so  on,  as  might  be  cited  from  these  statutes,  it  may 
be  taken  for  certain  that  those  who  drew  the  statutes  were  obliged  to 
insert  these  warnings,  by  the  most  disagreeable  previous  experience. 
And  tlie  facts  which  vouch  for  such  warnings  are  frequently  to  be 
found  in  the  records  of  the  universities. 

The  like  is  true  of  what  the  statutes  say  with  reference  to  teachers. 
If,  for  example,  some  master  at  Prague  had  not  lowered  the  established 
honorarium  for  lectures,  to  attract  more  hearers,  the  statutes  would  not 
have  prohibited  the  doing  so. 

We  may  here  insert  some  prohibitions  from  the  Vienna  statutes.^ 
The  students,  these  say,  shall  not  spend  more  time  in  drinking,  fighting, 
and  guitar-playing,  than  at  physics,  logic,  and  the  regular  courses  of 
lectures ; and  they  shall  not  get  up  public  dances  in  the  streets.  Quar- 
relers, wanton  persons,  drunkards — those  that  go  about  serenading  at 
night,  or  who  spend  their  leisure  in  following  after  lewd  women, 
thieves,  those  who  insult  citizens,  players  at  dice,  having  been  properly 
warned  and  not  reforming,  besides  the  ordinary  punishment  provided 
by  law  for  those  misdemeanors,  shall  be  deprived  of  their  academical 
privileges  and  be  ex-matriculated.  These  threats  are  directed  espe- 
cially against  those  who  go  about  breaking  into  doors.  Masters  of 
different  faculties  shall  keep  the  peace  with  each  other ; beani  shall 
not  be  ill-treated ; and  at  disputations  no  ribaldry  or  indecent  gestures 
shall  be  permitted. 

The  pious  earnestness  of  the  expressions,  not  only  of  the  faculty 
statutes,  but  of  those  of  the  University  of  Vienna,  respecting  the  reli- 
gion and  morality  of  the  students,  is  truly  edifying.  Sins,  they  say, 
darken  the  spiritual  eye,  so  that  it  cannot  discern  refined  truths. 
Though  one  in  that  condition  should  make  great  advances  in  learning, 
it  would  be  in  his  hands  a weapon  for  fearful  wickedness,  not  a help 
upon  the  road  to  virtue*  In  schools  of  learning,  a strict  discipline  must 
prevail.  Holy  Church  can  never  gain  by  study,  as  long  as  men  injure 
themselves  by  vice  more  than  they  are  enlightened  by  instruction  ; for 


* Schlikenrieder,  122  sqq.  Compare  the  Ingolstadt  bursary  regulations,  wliich  provide  that 
“ those  appointed  to  such  by  the  faculty  shall  not  spend  more  time  at  taverns,  tighting-bouts, 
with  guitar-players  and  lute-players,  than  in  philosophy.” — Mederer,  iv.  97. 


32 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


the  destroying  one  single  soul  is  so  great  an  evil  that  it  cannot  he  made 
good  by  the  enlightenment  with  learning  of  innumerable  others.  Bet- 
ter that  children  remain  at  home  in  ignorance,  but  pure  and  innocent, 
than  that  they  should  go  to  school  and  be  destroyed  by  sin.^ 

It  was  an  object  of  solicitude  to  pious  and  conscientious  men  at  all 
periods,  that  youth  should  lead  moral  lives  at  the  universities,  and 
should  be  saved  from  perversion.  To  this  end  the  most  various  means 
were  resorted  to,  but  mostly  without  avail. 

At  the  older  German  universities,  as  at  Paris,  bursaries  were 
founded,!  at  which  a number  of  students  lived,  under  the  strict  super- 
vision of  a Rector  hursce^  and  receiving  assistance  from  him  in  their 
studies.  But  many  facts  show  that  in  these  bursaries  the  students  led 
lives  any  thing  but  moral,  as  did  many  of  the  rectors.  These  latter 
endeavored  to  attract  new-comers  to  their  bursaries ; and  in  order  to 
make  themselves  acceptable  to  them,  overlooked  their  misdemeanors, 
cast  aside  all  strictness  of  discipline,  and  even  pursued  abandoned 
courses  in  common  with  them  ; all  for  the  sake  of  the  profit  to  be  made 
from  the  bursarii  i^Burschen).  At  Erfurt,  each  Rector  hursce  took  an 
oath,  in  the  words,  “ I promise  that  I desire  to  be  a faithful  example 
to  my  bursarii  in  manners  and  learning.”^  And  these  same  rectors 
drove  a large  trade  in  Naumbuig  beer,  sold  it  like  tavern-keepers  to 
any  one,  neglected  their  duties  as  teachers,  and  by  such  courses  grew 
rich,  while  their  students  ran  down  in  circumstances,  and  became  so 
poor  that  they  had  to  give  up  their  studies  and  go  home.§ 

We  shall  hereafter  see  what  means,  either  friendly  or  harsh,  w^ere 
afterward  used  to  constrain  the  students  to  reputable  lives  and  indus- 
trious labor. 

IV.  The  University  of  Wittenberg,  and  its  Relations  to  the  Earlier 
Universities. 

When  the  first  German  universities  were  founded,  the  period  of  the 
great  profound  scholastics  was  long  past.  Anselmus,  Hugo  de  St. 
Victor,  Roger  Bacon,  Thomas  Aquinas,  Bonaventura,  belonged  to  the 
11th,  12th,  and  13th  centuries.  The  later  doctors  in  arts  possessed, 
for  the  most  part,  only  a technical  skill  in  dialectic  fencing,  a fruitless 
power  of  playing  with  empty  forms,  without  feeling  any  need  of  any 
real  mental  acquirements  or  progress.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at 
that  such  a useless  state  of  things  should  soon  be  attacked  from  more 

* Schlikenrieder,  121.  t See  App.  XII.,  Bursaries. 

X Also,  to  practice  them  in  Latinity.  Motschmann,  i.  646.  The  oath  is  from  the  statutes  in 
force  before  1469. 

§ Motschmann,  651.  The  Ingolstadt  bursary  statutes  (Mederer,  iv.  96,)  provide  that  “ The 
overseers  {conventores)  must  expel  from  the  bursary  public  gamblers  and  lechers,  on  pain  of 
loss  of  office.”  Such  orders  had  to  be  enforced  by  threats  of  puiashment  I 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


33 


than  one  direction,  and  that  in  such  an  intellectual  desert  a longing 
should  grow  up  for  some  living  spring  and  the  green  of  flourishing  life. 

In  another  part  of  this  history  I have  sought  to  describe  the  contest 
between  the  ancient  and  dying  scholastic  system  of  instruction,  and  the 
young  and  vigorous  classical  system ; the  strife  between  the  doctors  in 
arts  and  the  poets,  as  the  two  opposing  camps  were  then  called.  We 
have  seen  that  Cologne  was  the  headquarters  of  the  upholders  of  the 
ancient  system ; and  that  most  of  the  champions  of  the  new,  either 
voluntarily  or  involuntarily,  gathered  into  Germany,  and  in  one  place 
and  another  began  to  teach  the  new  doctrines  in  universities  and  gym- 
nasia. 

About  the  end  of  the  15th  and  beginning  of  the  16th  centurjq  the 
new  system  found  a home  in  the  universities  of  Tubingen  and  Heidel- 
berg : Agricola,  Reuchlin,  the  youthful  Melancthon,  and  others,  arose 
at  these  places.  The  study  of  the  classics  did  not  suffice  for  them  ; a 
second  and  more  profoundly  comprehensive  department  of  investigation 
was  entered,  namely,  the  exegetical  study  of  the  original  text  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament, — a thing  before  unheard  of. 

There  is  a great  resemblance  between  the  great  reformatory  efforts 
of  the  latter  years  of  the  15th  century  and  those  of  its  beginning,  in 
which  Huss  was  so  influential.  These  efforts,  so  intimately  connected 
with  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and  of  the  classics,  found  a point  of 
concentration  at  the  small  but  world-renowned  University  of  Witten- 
berg, founded  in  1502.* 

To  compare  this  with  the  earlier  universities,  we  do  not  find  it  to 
diTer  in  the  mode  of  its  foundation,  nor  in  its  first  statutes,  from  those 
of  Pi’ague,  Vienna,  &c.  It  was  founded  by  the  Elector  Frederic,  and 
received  grants  of  privileges  from  the  emperor  and  the  Pope.  Its  first 
statutes  are  dated  in  1508.  In  them  it  is  dedicated  to  God,  and  Mary  . 
the  mother  of  God  ; St.  Paul  is  made  patron  of  the  theological  faculty, 
Ivo  of  the  juridical,!  Cosmas  and  Damian  of  the  medical,  and  St. 
Catharine  of  the  philosophical.  St.  Augustine  w^as  chosen  as  patron 
of  the  whole  university.  . 

In  the  year  of  the  publication  of  these  statutes,  the  Augustin  Luther 
received  the  appointment  of  professor  of  ethics  and  dialectics  in  Wit- 
tenberg, became  doctor  of  theology  in  1512,  published  his  theses  in 


* See  Raumer’s  Tliaiory^  i.  127-‘213,  316-330;  the  descriptions  of  Luther,  Melancthon,  and  the 
University  of  Wittenberg.  The  following  account  is  intended  in  particular  to  elucidate  the  re- 
lations of  this  university  to  the  early  German  ones.  ^ 

t G rohmann,  i.  108.  Ivo  was  also  patron  of  the  faculty  of  law  at  Vienna  and  Erfurt.  He  was 
Bishop  of  Chartres  in  the  11th  century,  and  served  as  a patron  of  the  poor  without  pay. 
Motschmann,  i.  147.  SL  Catharine  was  patroness  of  the  philosophical  faculty  at  Vienna  and  In 
golstadt. 

No.  16.— [VoL.  VI.,  No.  1.]— 3.  3 


84 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


1517,  and  in  1518  took  Melancthou  as  his  fellow-laborer  in  the  great 
work  of  the  Reformation,  which  was  mainly  based  upon  the  teaching  of 
the  patron  of  the  theological  faculty,  St.  Paul, — upon  the  doctrine  of 
Justification  by  Faith. 

Wittenberg  is  strongly  distinguished  from  the  earlier  universities, 
not  only  by  its  powerful  Reformatory  influence,  but  also  by  the  new 
studies  introduced  there,  and  the  new  spirit  and  method  in  which  they 
were  pursued. 

It  is  true  that  in  the  older  universities  lectures  were  read  upon  the 
Bible,  but  it  was  by  beginners  in  the  profession  of  teaching,  the  Bac- 
calaurei  Bihlici ; while  at  Wittenberg  two  doctors  lectured  in  the  Old 
Testament  and  two  in  the  New,  and  that  upon  the  original  text.  In 
the  place  of  the  mediaeval  dogmatics  of  the  Sentences  of  Petrus  Lom- 
bardus,  appeared  Melancthon’s  Zoa,  composed  in  the  very  spirit  of  the 
Reformation. 

In  comparing  the  courses  of  lectures  in  the  older  universities  with 
those  at  Wittenberg,  we  find  also  in  the  latter  the  seven  liberal  arts, 
except  music ; but  in  none  of  them  were  the  earlier  text-books  used, 
except  in  astronomy  and  geometry.  At  first  sight  it  would  appear 
that  dialectics  played  a part  in  many  respects  the  same  as  in  the  older 
universities  ; but  further  examination  shows  that  instead  of  the  muti- 
lated translations  of  Aristotle  formerly  used,  the  Greek  originals  were 
introduced.  Thus,  the  Wittenbei'g  statutes  say : “ The  professor  of 
ethics  shall  read  Aristotle’s  Ethics  in  the  Greeks  word  for  word 
and  in  like  manner  is  the  professor  of  physics  to  read  Aristotle’s  Phy- 
sics. And  where  the  original  text  is  not  made  the  basis  of  instruction, 
Melaucthon’s  manuals  of  dialectics,  physics,  and  ethics,  composed  with 
the  most  thorough  study  of  Aristotle,  are  substituted  for  them.  In 
like  manner,  Melancthon’s  Rhetoric  was  a text-book,  in  which  he 
closely  followed  especially  Cicero  and  Quintilian ; and  which,  as  he 
says,  was  intended  as  an  elementary  introduction  to  the  understanding 
of  the  writings  of  both  those  authors,  who  were,  in  the  middle  ages,  as 
good  as  forgotten.  The  entirely  subordinate  place  previously  occupied 
by  rhetoric  in  comparison  with  dialectics,  and  its  introduction  to  a 
higher  one  by  means  first  of  Cicero  and  Quintilian,  and  in  general  of 
the  study  of  the  classics,  appears  from  the  fact  that  in  Wittenberg  dec- 
lamation alternated  with  disputation  on  the  Saturdays,  whereas  pre- 
viously there  had  been  disputations  every  Saturday. 

In  grammar,  great  changes  took  place.  We  have  elsewhere  related 
how  the  scholars  of  Ilegius  in  particular,  as  Busch,  Murmellius,  Ca^A- 


♦ Corpus  Reformatorum,  x.  1010. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


35 


rius,  (fee.,  strenuously  opposed  the  received  grammatical  text-books, 
pai  ticularly  the  Boctrinale  of  Alexander  de  Villa  Dei,  and  how  they 
were  more  than  once  persecuted  for  that  reason  by  the  adherents  of 
the  ancient  scholasticism,  especially  the  Cologners.  The  “ Einstles  of 
Ohsciu’e  Men'"  was  a prominent  satire  upon  the  vulgar  lives,  and  the 
correspondingly  barbarous  style  of  these  scholastics. 

Melancthon’s  Latin  Grammar  Avas  the  result  of  the  study  of  the 
classics,  and  both  promoted  that  study  and  drove  out  the  previous 
grammatical  text-books. 

Lectures  upon  the  Latin  and  Greek  classics  were  not  given  at  all  in 
the  earlier  universities,  .while  they  filled  a very  important  place  at 
Wittenberg.  By  the  study  of  the  Latin  classics,  the  new  Latin  gram- 
mar, and  a rhetoric  based  on  that  of  antiquity,  was  gradually  substi- 
tuted for  the  barbarous  mediaeval  Latin.  Melancthon’s  historical  lec- 
tures, also,  took  the  place  of  Gallon’s  Chronicon^  as  a new  Avork. 

The  University  of  Wittenberg — mainly  through  Melancthon’s  in- 
fluence during  the  16th  century — became  a model  for  other  Protestant 
universities.  This  Avill  appear  at  once  upon  comparing,  for  instance, 
the  lectures  of  the  theological  and  philosophical  faculties  of  Konigs- 
berg  and  Greifswald  Avith  those  of  Wittenberg;  they  Avill  be  found  en- 
tirely similar  in  substance  to  the  latter.^ 

While  it  thus  appears  that  the  University  of  Wittenberg  AV'as  far  in 
advance  of  the  earlier  ones  in  respect  to  learning  and  instruction,  the 
question  also  arises.  What  was  it  as  to  morals  and  discipline  as  com- 
pared with  them  ? 

To  judge  from  its  statutes  of  1546,  it  was  in  no  better  condition  than 
Vienna,  Tubingen,  Ingolstadt,  Ac.,  had  been  before.  These  denounce 
the  folly  of  such  youths  as  imagine  the  university  to  be  a place  of  un- 
bridled license,  and  who  by  their  bad  example  ruin  many  others ; who 
destioy  quiet  and  studious  industry,  disobey  the  rector,  do  not  attend 
church,  Avauder  about  by  day  and  night,  stir  up  disturbances,  break 
into  houses,  rob  gardens,  commit  thefts,  and  Avantonly  insult  and  in- 
jure others.  They  enact  that  none  shall  challenge  another  to  fight ; 
harlots  are  threatened  Avith  severe  punishment;  decent  clothing  is 
enjoined  ; immodest  dancingj-  forbidden  at  festivals,  and  lampooners 
and  liars  are  declared  to  be  infamous.]; 

* Koch,  i.  604,  3CS,  372,  sqq.  Music  is  among  the  subjects  of  lectures  at  Greifswald.  Ib.,  37D. 
Luther  may  be  security  that  although  there  were  no  lectures  on  music  at  AVittenberg.  music  it- 
self did  not  fail  there.  In  part  i.  of  this  history,  p.  ITS,  an  e.xtract  from  his  Table  Talk  is  given, 
beginning  thus:  “On  the  17th  Dec.,  1538,  when  Dr.  M.  Luther  entertained  some  musicians,  and 
they  sang  some  beautiful  motets  and  set  i)ieces,”  Ac. 

t “ We  shall  punish  those  who  are  immodest  in  dancing,  and  who  carry  young  women  round  In 
a circle  (waltzing?),  in  violation  of  the  ordinary  forms  of  decent  dancing.” — Corpus  Reform.,  x, 

% Ib.  X.  995,  Ac. 


36 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Various  discourses,  drawn  up  by  Melancthon,  to  be  delivered  by 
the  rector  before  and  after  the  annual  reading  of  the  statutes,  prove 
the  sad  state  of  things  which  the  statutes  indicate  clearly  enough. 
Thus,  one  of  these  addresses,  delivered  in  1537,*  says:  “When  I con- 
sider how  at  this  time  discipline  is  broken  down  and  disorder  prevails, 
deep  grief  seizes  me.  I see  in  spirit  the  severe  punishment  which 
shall  overtake  the  obdurate.  Never  were  youth  so  hostile  to  the  laws ; 
they  are  resolved  to  live  according  to  their  own  desires  only,  and  not 
to  regard  the  wishes  of  others.  They  are  deaf  to  the  word  of  God  and 
to  the  law.  IIow  few  strive  after  profound  and  thorough  learning ! A 
few  learn  here  and  there  something  which  will  afterward  be  useful  to 
them,  and  the  rest  learn  nothing  whatever.” 

“ Let  it  not  be  imagined,”  says  another  of  these  addresses,  “ that 
universities  are  intended  to  assemble  young  men  of  leisure  to  amuse 
themselves  and  gamble.  No  ; they  are  meant  to  foster  divine  knowl- 
edge and  other  good  learning;  they  are  meant  to  enlighten  men 
around  them  by  wisdom  and  virtue.”f 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  observe  that,  despite  the  vices  thus  cen- 
sured, to  which  part  of  the  students  at  Wittenberg  were  addicted,  yet 
at  this  same  time  there  proceeded  from  the  school  of  Luther  and  Me- 
lancthon most  influential  and  excellent  men ; men  like  Trotzendorf, 
Camerarius,  Neander,  Matthesius,  and  many  others.^; 

It  may  perhaps  be  asked.  How  was  it  that  such  extraordinary 
teachers  as  Luther  and  Melancthon  did  not  exert  greater  moral  in- 
fluence on  these  vicious  students  ? The  great  number  of  them  w’as  one 
hindrance ; and  the  more,  as  they  gathered  to  AVittenberg  from  all 
the  countries  of  Europe,  and  by  reason  of  their  differences  in  national 
character,  were  harder  to  manage  than  if  all  natives.  It  should  also 
be  remembered  what  requirements  were  made  upon  Luther,  Melanc- 
thon, and  the  other  teachers  for  the  great  work  of  the  Reformation  in 
church  and  school ; how  much  they  printed,  what  an  extensive  cor- 
respondence they  kept  up.  Thus  it  happened  that,  notwithstanding 
their  wonderful  activity,  very  little  time  remained  to  them  for  personal 
intercoui’se  with  the  students  ; and  that  only  with  such  as  sought  them 
of  their  own  accord  ;§  not  with  those  who  kept  at  a distance  from 
them,  living  a low  life,  and  desiiing  to  be  undisturbed  in  it.  Lastly, 
the  history  of  the  Reformation  shows  that  the  students  in  various  ways 
misinterpreted  for  evil  the  newly  rising  intellectual  freedom,  and,  not 


♦ Corp.  Reform.,  x.  934.  t Ib.  x.  939. 

i Compare  the  previous  remarks  as  to  the  existence  at  the  same  time  of  good  and  evil  at  the 
universities. 

§ For  Me’.ancthon's  kindness  to  such,  see  Uiis  work,  part  i.  1S9. 


THK  GEHMAN  UNIVEUSITIES. 


37 


having  any  religions  adaptation  to  it,  foolislily  and  wildly  broke  over 
all  bounds.  To  understand  this  state  of  things,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
recall  the  excesses  which  forced  Luther  to  leave  the  Wartburg  and  re- 
turn to  Wittenberg  to  lestore  order  there. 

V. — History  of  the  Manners  of  the  Universities  in  the  Seventeenth 

Century. 

'We  have  described  the  dark  side  of  the  discipline  at  Wittenberg  in 
the  IStli  century.  At  the  other  universities,  Protestant  and  Catholic, 
the  students  were  in  a similar  condition  of  disorder.  Thus  at  Tiibiu- 
gei’,  Konigsberg,  Greifswald,  Ingolstadt,  the  statutes  prohibited  drink- 
ing, gaming,  lechery,  fighting,  street  tumults,  (fee. ; the  same  excesses 
which  are  threatened  with  punishment  by  the  statutes  at  Wittenberg.^ 

It  would  seem  that  such  insubordination  could  not  be  exceeded.  It 
was,  however,  during  the  l7th  century;  a period  when  wickedness 
was  more  wanton,  influential,  and  universal  than  before. 

But  in  order  the  better  to  describe  the  peculiarities  of  this  terrible 
demoralization,  something  must  first  be  said  of  the  deposition. 

A. DEPOSITION, 

Called,  also,  Beania.  “ Beani”  were  those  who  are  now  called  by  the 
universally  received  term,  which  needs  no  definition,  of  “Foxes.”  The 
Avord  is  derived  from  the  French  bee  jaune,  yellow-bill. f The  Beania 
or  Deposition  was  a strange  ceremony  by  which  the  Beani  were  re- 
ceived to  be  students. 

In  a dissertation  of  the  Swede  Fryksell,  there  is  a description  of  a 
Deposition  which  the  author  attended  in  1716,  at  Upsala;  and  which, 
from  the  illustrations  accompanying  it,  seems  to  have  been  precisely 
like  the  German  ones.J 

“The  principal  of  the  ceremony,  called  Herr  Depositor,”  says  this  author, 
“caused  the  youths  who  desired  to  be  received  into  the  class  of  students  to 
dress  in  clothes  of  various  patterns  and  ct)h)rs.  Their  faces  were  blacked,  and 
long  ears  and  horns  were  fastened  to  their  hats,  whose  brims  were  fastened 
down  smooth  ; in  each  corner  of  their  mouths  was  inserted  a long  boar’s  tusk, 
which  they  must  hold  fast,  like  two  little  tobacco  pipes,  during  the  subsequent 
beating  ; and  on  their  shoulders  were  placed  long  black  mantles.  Thus  hid- 
eously and  ridiculously  clothed,  like  those  whom  the  Inquisition  has  condemned 
to  the  flames,  the  Depositor  dismisses  them  from  the  Deposition-chamber 
and  drives  them  before  him  with  a stick  like  a herd  of  oxen  or  asses,  to  a hall 
where  the  spectators  are  awaiting  them.  Here  he  arranges  them  in  a circle,  in 
the  middle  of  which  he  stands,  makes  flices  at  them  and  silent  reverences,  ridi- 
cules them  for  their  absurd  appearance,  and  then  delivers  a discourse  to  them, 
proceeding  from  burlesque  to  earnest.  He  speaks  of  the  vices  and  follies  of 
youth,  and  shows  how  necessary  it  is  for  them  to  be  improved,  disciplined,  and 

♦ See  Klupfel,  21 ; Koch,  i.  387-393,  592-595. 

t Beanua  was  defined,  acrostically,  Beanua  eat  Animal  Keaciena  Vitam  Studioaorum.  In 
stead  of  Beani,  Bacchanien  is  often  found  ; and  instead  of  Fucha  (Fox),  Meyfart  says  Feuoo. 

% DiaaerUition  on  the  Origin  of  the  Initiation  of  New-Comers  into  Univeraitiea,  1755. 


38 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


polished  hy  study.  Then  he  asks  them  various  questions,  wliich  they  must 
answer.  But  as  the  swine’s  tusks  which  they  hold  in  their  mouths  hinder 
them  from  speaking  distinctly,  they  make  a noise  more  like  swine’s  grunting  ; 
whereupon  the  Depositor  calls  them  swine,  gives  them  a light  heating  with  a 
stick  over  the  shoulders,  and  a reproof.  These  teeth,  he  says,  signify  ex- 
cesses ; for  young  people’s  understandings  are  obscured  by  excess  in  eating  and 
drinking.  Then  he  produces  out  of  a bag  a sort  of  wooden  tongs,”  with 
which  he  takes  them  about  the  neck,  and  shakes  them  about  until  the  tusks 
fall  down  on  the  ground.  If  they  are  docile  and  industrious,  he  says,  they 
will  get  rid  of  their  tendencies  to  intemperance  and  gluttony,  as  of  these 
swine’s  tusks.  Then  he  pulls  off  their  long  ears,  by  which  he  gives  them  to 
understand  that  they  must  study  diligently,  unless  they  wish  to  remain  like 
asses.  Then  he  removes  their  horns,  which  signify  brutal  rudeness,  and  draws 
out  of  his  bag  a plane.  Each  Bean  must  now  lie  down,  first  on  his  stomach, 
then  on  his  back,  and  then  on  each  side,  while  the  Depositor  planes  him  his 
whole  length  in  each  position,  saying,  ‘ Literature  and  liberal  arts  will  in  like 
manner  polish  your  mind.’  After  some  other  laughable  ceremonies,  the  De- 
positor fills  a great  vessel  with  water,  which  he  pours  upon  the  head  of  the 
novice,  and  afterward  wipes  him  with  a coarse  towel.  The  buffoonery  being 
ended  by  this  washing,  he  admonishes  the  planed,  scrubbed,  and  washed  as- 
semblage that  they  must  commence  a new  life,  strive  against  wicked  impulses, 
and  lay  aside  evil  habits,  which  will  envelope  their  minds  just  as  their  differ- 
ent garments  envelope  their  bodies.” 

This  account  was  illustrated  with  cuts,  and  it  and  they  appeared  in 
a little  book  published  in  IGSO.f  The  frontispiece  represents  all  the 
instruments  of  deposition, J and  the  remaining  cuts  the  use  of  them, 
and  under  each  is  a brief  explanatory  rhyme.  In  the  first  the  Beanus 
is  having  his  hair  cut  off,  in  the  second  his  ear  cleaned  with  an  enor- 
mous ear-pick,  and  underneath  two  lines,  importing — 

“ Let  your  ears  be  elosed  to  protect  you  against  fools  ; 

I cleanse  you  for  learning,  not  for  vile  buffoonery.” 

Further  on,  his  Bacchant's  teeth  are  shaken  out,  his  hand  filed,  a beard 
painted  on  him  ; he  is  hewed  with  an  axe,  planed,  bored  ; the  horns  are 
taken  off"  him,§  and  he  is  measured  with  a measure. 

Besides  the  explanations  already  given  of  the  meaning  of  these 
ceremonies,  there  are  many  others  substantially  similar.  Thus,  one 
write!- II  says  : 


* “With  legs  which  stretch  out  and  draw  back  in  zig-zag” — an  instrument  very  vividly 
represented  in  the  accompanying  cuts, 
t ''■Jiitus  Depofiitionis.  Argentorati,  apud  Albertum  Dolhopff.  16S0.” 

X These  are  named  in  the  following  hexameters: 

“ Serra,  dolahra,  hidens,  den%  clava,  novacula,  pecten 
Cum  terebra  tornus,  cum  lima  malleus,  incus, 

Rastraq^ie  cum  roatris,  cum  furca  et  forcipe  forpex.''' 

§ II.  Conring  (7)e  Antiquitatilnis  Academicis,  Dissert  iv.  p.  122)  says,  “The  initiation  of  new 
students,  which  we  call  the  Deposition  of  the  hornsC  Does  this  give  rise  to  the  phrase,  “He 
must  get  rid  of  liis  horns  first?”  Another  derivation  of  “ Deposition"  i.s,  from  the  putting  off 
their  Eeanus-ship  upon  a goat;  or  their  rustic  manners,  with  it.  See  Monum.  Univ.  Drag.,  i. 
2,  553.  The  phrase  reminds  us  of  Leviticus,  xvi.  20-22. 

I '■'•Short  Account  of  the  Academical  Deposition,  for  New  Gentlemen  Students  and  Others, 
by  F.  B.  Pfenning,  Imperial  Notary  Public  and  Depositor  in  the  University  of  Jena.”  Unfor- 
tunately without  date. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


39 


“The  hat  and  horns  represent  a wanton,  wild,  and  insubordinate  nature, 
like  that  of  an  obstinate  ox  ; the  Bacchant’s  teeth  represent  a man  who  is  like 
a wild  boar,  and  when  the  Depositor  takes  them  away  from  the  new  student, 
there  should  also  be  taken  away  all  such  wild,  snappish,  and  devouring  quali- 
ties. The  great  axe  and  plane  allude  to  coarse,  unpolished,  and  boorish  man- 
ners. And  as  eruditus  means  nothing  else  than  an  image  hewn  and  shaped  out 
of  a rough  block,  thus  should  a student  be  erudite  from  such  coarse,  unpolished 
manners  ; that  is,  hewn  and  planed,  so  that  after  the  Deposition  he  may  be  a 
polite  and  well-mannered  student.  The  comb,  shears,  knife,  and  soap,  refer  to 
purity  of  body  and  soul  ; and  the  auger  means,  ‘ that  by  pains  and  industry, 
men  in  like  manner  pierce  into,  investigate,  and  discover  the  secrets  of  nature.’  ’ ’ 

The  above  account  of  the  Deposition  at  Upsala  omits  a concluding 
act  of  the  ceremony  which  was  practiced  both  there  and  in  Germany.^ 
After  the  Beani  had  gone  through  all  their  symbolical  annoyances, 
they  were  brought  to  the  dean  of  the  philosophical  faculty,  who  ex- 
amines them  about  their  school-knowledge,  and  admonishes  them  how 
to  use  it  in  studying  and  in  life.  Then  he  consecrates  them,  putting 
salt  in  their  mouths,  and  pouring  wine  on  their  heads.  The  salt  was  a 
symbol  of  wisdom,  and  reminded  them  of  the  words,  “ Let  your  con- 
versation always  be  salted  with  salt the  wine  signified  purification 
from  the  dirt  of  the  Beania^  and  admonishes  the  student  thenceforward 
to  lay  aside  all  uncleanliness,  and  to  live  a pure  life. 

Most  writers  on  Deposition  state  that  in  ancient  times,  at  Athens, 
Constantinople,  and  Berytus,  the  novices  were  subjected  to  the  same 
annoyance.f  ' 

That  the  ceremony  of  Deposition,  at  the  German  universities,  was 
not  merely  a piece  of  buffoonery  invented  by  the  students,  but  was 
reckoned  an  officially  authorized  ceremony,  appears,  for  example,  from 
the  following  statute  of  the  University  of  Erfurt:  “No  one  shall  be 
enrolled  as  a student  who  shall  not  previously  have  undergone,  here  or 
elsewhere,  the  rite  of  Deposition,  anciently  established.^  In  like  man- 
ner, by  the  ancient  statutes  at  Prague,  no  one  could  be  admitted  to 
the  baccalaureate  examination  who  had  not  undergone  Deposition. 
The  ceremony  was  permitted  to  be  performed,  however,  immediately 
before  the  examination  or  during  it,  in  the  presence  of  the  master.§ 

The  Greifswalde  statutes  of  1545  say,||  “The  Deposition  is  to  be 


* Fryksell  (p.  17)  says,  “We  learn  from  Freinsheimius  that  salt  and  wine  were  commonly- 
brought  in  here  (at  Upsala)  as  at  other  universities;”  and  he  cites  an  address  of  Freinsheim  at  a 
Deposition  at  Upsala  in  1645. 

t So  Conring,  who  gives  an  extract  from  Gregory  Nazianzen,  in  which  the  latter  mentions 
the  usual  annoyances  of  novices  at  Athens;  which  carries  the  custom  back  into  the  fourth  cen- 
tury. In  the  sixth,  the  Emperor  Justinian  forbade  the  tormenting  of  novices  coming  to  Constan- 
tinople and  Berytus.  The  statutes  of  the  University  of  Vienna  of  13S4  say:  “ Also,  let  none  pre- 
sume to  vex  the  new-comers,  who  are  called  Beani,  with  exactions  not  due,  or  to  molest  them 
with  other  injuries  or  contumely.” 

t Motschmann,  i.  797 ; and  he  says  (1st  continuation,  p.  465),  “The  chief  beadle  conducted  the 
Deposition  in  the  faculty-room.” 

§ Monum.  Unit).  Prag.,  i.  1, 125. 


B Koch,  i.  867. 


40 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


kept  up.  Such  Beani  as  feel  themselves  free  from  school  discipline, 
are  inclined  to  idleness,  and  think  themselves  exceedingly  learned,  are 
to  be  somewhat  sharply  admonished  during  the  Deposition  how  trifling 
their  learning  is,  and  how  much  they  have  yet  to  learn.” 

Opinions  of  the  Deposition  were  very  different.  Melancthon  said, 
“ This  vexation  may  remind  you  that  you  must  meet  in  life  many 
troubles  and  difficulties,  which  are  to  be  borne  with  patience,  lest  im- 
patience bring  you  into  worse  condition.” 

Luther’s  views  were  similar.  Matthesius  relates  that  at  one  Deposi- 
tion, Luther  himself  “absolved”  the  novices.  Among  many  other 
beautiful  remarks,  he  said,  “ This  was  only  a child’s  Deposition ; when 
they  grew  up  and  served  the  people  in  church,  school,  or  state,  they 
would  then  really  ‘depose’  their  parishioners,  pupils,  and  citizens. 
And  this  annoyance  accustoms  the  children  from  their  youth  to  endu- 
rance ; and  he  who  cannot  endure  and  listen  to  any  thing,  will  not  do 
for  a preacher  or  governor.”^ 

“ When  Martin,”  it  is  related  elsewhere  (Luther’s  Table  Talk^  Walch, 
xxii.  2282  and  2233),  “was  at  a Deposition,  he  ‘absolved’  three  boys, 
saying,  ‘These  ceremonies  will  also  be  of  this  service,  that  they  will 
make  you  humble,  not  pompous  and  presumptuous,  nor  accustomed  to 
wickedness.  For  such  vices  are  frightful  monstrous  beasts,  which  have 
horns,  and  are  not  good  for  students,  but  do  them  harm.  Therefore 
be  humble,  and  learn  to  suffer  and  have  patience,  for  you  will  be  pass- 
ing through  a Deposition  all  your  lives AVhen  any  thing  be- 

falls you,  do  not  be  mean-spirited,  cowardly,  and  impatient  .... 
but  be  bold,  and  endure  such  a cross  with  patience,  without  murmur- 
ing : remember  that  at  Wittenberg  you  were  consecrated  to  endurance ; 
and  you  can  say,  when  such  a thing  happens.  Well,  I began  to  be 
“ deposed”  at  Wittenberg,  and  it  will  last  me  all  my  life.  Also,  this 
Deposition  of  ours  is  only  a figure  and  picture  of  human  life,  in  all 
manner  of  ill-fortune,  trouble,  and  discipline.  Pour  wine  on  their 
heads,  and  absolve  them  from  being  Beani  and  Bachants'’’^ 

Later  writers,  again,  spoke  with  contempt  of  the  Deposition,  and 
called  it  a stupid  buffooneryf  and  a barbarous  custom.^ 

These  opponents  lived  during  the  17th  century,  in  the  time  of  the 
terrible  custom  of  Pennalism ; and  in  the  shameful  abuse  of  the  Pen- 
nals  they  saw  only  an  extension  of  the  Deposition.  The  Deposition, 
says  Weisius,  is  finished  in  an  hour,  while  the  vexations  of  the  Pennals 


* Matthesius’  \ 2th  Sermon  on  Luther. 

t Conring — “The  folly  of  petulant  students.”  Conring  died  in  1681. 

t “ Put  away  this  barbarism  from  Germany,”  says  Limnaus,  who  was  inspector  of  studies  at 
Ausbach.  lie  died  in  1665. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


41 


last  a year.* * * §  In  Jena,  Valentin  Hoffmann  came  out  in  defense  of  the 
Deposition,!  saying  that  “the  barbarous  and  barbarously  named  custom 
of  Pennalization,  though  it  looked  much  like  the  Deposition,  was 
nevertheless  as  wide  as  the  heavens  apart  from  it,  since  the  Deposition 
was  not  private  but  public,  and  conducted  by  some  one  appointed  by 
the  authorities.” 

Although  we  may  well  believe  the  respectable  and  officially  ap- 
pointed depositor  Hoffmann,  still  there  are  many  reasons  for  believing 
that  the  Deposition  was  what  gave  its  origin  to  Pennalism,  as  it  cer- 
tainly was  what  the  latter  falsely  claimed  to  resemble.  Luchten,  in 
his  “ Oration  against  Pennalism^'’  says  that  “the  Schorists  do  not 
pass  over  those  who  have  been  ‘absolved’  by  Deposition.  From  Be- 
anism,  they  tell  them,  you  are  free ; but  you  are  now  Pennals ; you 
must  remain  in  that  equally  shameful  condition,  and  cannot  escape 
from  it  in  less  than  a year.”J;  The  same  appears  from  the  above  cited 
description  of  the  Deposition  in  Upsala.  After  the  ceremony  of  De- 
position, it  is  said,  the  Depositor  declares  that  the  Beani  are  thence- 
forth free  scudents,  but  that  they  must  still  for  six  months  wear  the 
same  black  mantle  used  at  the  Deposition,  and  must  every  day  offer 
themselves  to  do  service  to  their  older  fellow-students  of  the  same  na- 
tion, both  in  their  rooms  and  at  taverns,  and  must  do  all  things  which 
they  are  commanded,  and  endure  all  reproaches  and  abuse.  “And 
this,”  adds  the  French  relater,  “is  what  they  call  les  Phiales'"''^ 

This  unfortunate  similarity  between  the  Deposition  and  Pennalism, 
would,  of  course,  at  a time  when  all  means  were  resorted  to  to  put 
down  the  latter,  destroy  the  former  also.  Thus,  the  Deposition  was 
discontinued  at  Tubingen  in  I7l7,  although  new  students  continued  to 
be  examined  on  their  school  studies  by  the  dean  of  the  philosophical 
faculty. II 

The  statutes  of  the  University  of  Halle,  of  1G94,  also  put  an  end  to 
the  Deposition.  “At  the  same  time,”  they  say,  “we  retain  the  pur- 
pose for  which  a judicious  antiquity  established  that  ceremony  ; name- 
ly, that  the  students  may  be  examined  by  the  dean  of  the  philosophical 
faculty,  may  be  admonished  of  the  piety,  modesty,  and  manners  which 


* “ <?.  D.  R V.  ritum  depositionis  academiccz^  Prseses  Scnftius,  respondens  Weisins: 
1697,  Wittenberg. 

t Praise  of  the  Deposition  of  Beani;  pronounced  in  1657  by  Valentine  Hoffman,  Depositor 
at  this  University.  2d  ed.  Jena,  1688. 

$ Luchtenius.  In  Chrysander,  p.  42. 

§ Fryksell,  p.  17.  “ Ce  qui  s'appeloit  les  Penales!^  The  relater  seems  to  derive  it  from  the 
French  penal  {pomalis). 

I|  Arnoldt,  i.  234:  and  he  gives,  at  p.  414,  an  extract  from  M.  Sahmen’s  ^’■Dissertation  on  tTie 
Ceremony  of  Deposition." 


42 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


befit  an  ingenuous  youth ; that  advice  for  the  prosperous  beginning  of 
their  studies  may  be  supplied  them  ; and  that,  evidence  of  this  being 
given,  they  may  be  admitted  to  the  study  of  letters,  if  their  age  per- 
mits, by  the  use  of  wine  and  salt,  and  dismissed.”^ 

In  Jena,  the  Deposition  was  restricted  to  this  : that  the  instruments 
of  martyrdom  were  only  exhibited  to  the  new-comers,  their  use  ex- 
plained, an  appropriate  admonition  given,  and  then,  as  before,  they 
were  taken  to  the  dean  of  the  philosophical  faculty,  who  examined 
them,  and  instructed  them  how  they  ought  to  live  and  to  study In 
Wittenberg,  the  practice  was  discontinued  in  lYSS  ; and  sixteen  gros- 
chen,  which  the  Depositor  had  received  from  a Beanus^  were  handed 
over  to  the  philosophical  faculty.]; 

B. PENNALISM. 

The  Deposition,  in  spite  of  all  the  tragi-comic  annoyances  to  which 
the  new-comers  had  to  subject  themselves,  was  still,  as  we  have  seen, 
intended  in  earnest ; was  even  recognized,  and  indeed  commanded,  in 
the  academical  statutes,  and  performed  in  the  presence  and  with  the 
help  of  the  dean  of  the  philosophical  faculty. 

Unprincipled  older  students  perverted  the  practice,  however,  in  a 
dishonest  manner,  into  the  devilish  caricature  of  Pennalism.  This  has 
been  described  to  us  by  many  cotemporaries,  even  in  many  official 
papers,  in  royal  rescripts,  and  in  a decree  of  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon  ; all 
of  which  agree  so  perfectly  that  we  cannot,  unfortunately,  doubt  at  all 
of  the  actual  existence  of  this  imp  of  the  devil. 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  university  statutes  and  annals  show 
that  at  all  times  dangerous  vices  and  disorders  were  arising  in  all  the 
universities. 

In  a discourse  by  Prof.  Wolfgang  Heyder,  of  Jena,§  in  1607,  the 
whole  repulsive  life  of  a rude,  disorderly  student  is  described  in  the 
strongest  language ; but  Pennalism  is  not  alluded  to  in  it.  But  only 
a few  years  later,  about  1610  and  1611,  it  first  appeared,!  and  for  fifty 
years,  until  1661,  it  had  possession  of  the  universities.  The  flourishing 
season  of  its  tyranny  fell  in  a most  terrible  period  for  our  country,  in 
that  of  the  Thirty  Years’  War  ; in  those  years  when  it  seemed  as  if  evil 
had  completely  gained  dominion  over  good. 


* Koch,  i.  478.  t Pfenning;  at  the  end. 

X Grohmann,  iii.  47.  § See  Appendix  VIII. 

[ In  the  ordinance  of  the  University  of  Jena,  relating  to  the  entire  disuse  of  Pennalism,  dated 
in  1661,  it  is  said  that  fifty  years  and  more  ago  it  had  come  thither,  and  that  a prohibition  of  it 
liad  appeared  as  early  as  1610.  (Schdttgen,  81.)  Luchtenins,  at  Ilelmstadt,  delivered  an  address 
in  1611,  at  the  conclusion  of  his  vice-rea;torate,  in  which  he  says,  “A  contagious  plague  has  even 
now  {pridem)  attacked  our  university,  coming  I know  not  whence” — namely,  Pennalism. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


43 


What ‘now  was  the  distinction  between  Pennalism  and  the  otlier 
previous  vices  of  student-life ; and  how  did  it  come  to  pass  that  even 
governments  allied  themselves  together  and  sought  all  possible  means 
of  exterminating  it  ? 

The  reason  was,  that  this  case  was  not  one  of  excess  by  a single  per- 
son, as  had  previously  happened,  but  was  a real  conspiracy,  an  organi- 
zation of  bad  men,  by  means  of  which  older  and  abandoned  students 
exercised  the  harshest  tyranny  over  the  younger,  and  made  all  disci- 
pline impossible.  Nor  was  this  organization  confined  to  one  isolated 
German  university.  The  ringleaders  in  all  of  them  had  entered  into  a 
league  for  the  maintenance  of  their  villainous  scheme,  for  the  prevention 
of  all  discipline,  and  the  frustration  of  all  the  regulations  of  academical 
authorities. 

If  it  is  asked  how  this  hellish  league  could  establish  itself  in  so  few 
years,  it  may  be  said  that  the  existing  ceremony  of  Deposition  was  an 
assistance  to  it.  And  when  one  generation  of  elder  students  had, 
under  the  cloak  of  inflicting  only  the  usual  annoyances,  established 
complete  authority  over  the  new-comers,  and  kept  them  for  a year  in 
the  harshest  manner,  under  the  indecent  and  abominable  Pennal  ser- 
vice, it  was  endured  in  the  hope,  after  the  Pennal  year  was  ended,  of 
taking  a place  among  those  who  should  in  turn  tyrannize  over  new- 
comers. Thus  the  government  of  these  tyrants  propagated  itself  from 
one  generation  to  the  next. 

The  older,  or  tyrannizing  students,  were  called  Schorists,  “because 
they  cut  off  {ahgeschoren)  the  hair  of  the  younger  students,  and  also 
gave  them  a good  dressing  down,  or,  as  their  vulgar  dialect  had  it, 
sheared  (geschoren)  them.”  They  were  also  called  Ahsoluti^  as  being 
freed  from  the  Pennal  obligations.* 

The  name  (Pennals)  of  the  subject-students  has  been  variously  de- 
rived. It  might,  very  evidently,  have  been  derived  from  the  wearing 
of  such  a bunch  of  feathers  as  is  even  now  used  in  schools  under  the 
name  of  Pennal  ;f  those  students  were  intended  to  be  ridiculed  by  it 
who  industriously  made  notes  of  the  lectures.  J 

The  mode  in  which  the  Schorists  apprehended  the  new-comers  is 
given  by  Schroder.  “When  young  people,”  he  says,  “come  to  the 
university,  they  have  scarcely  set  one  foot  inside  a door,  or  house,  or 
city,  before  one  of  these  national  brothers  waits  upon  them  to  inquire, 

‘ Will  you  come  to  the  magnificus,  and  promise  to  obey  him  in  all 
proper  things?’  ‘What  magnificus?’  they  ask.  ‘You  have  no  friend 
near  him,’  it  is  answered,  ‘and  his  opinion  of  you  will  be  small.  We 


* Schottgen,  16. 


t Ib.  13. 


t For  other  nicknames  of  the  Pennals,  see  Appendix  IX. 


44 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


will  advise  you  how  to  arrange  matters  so  that  you  shall  thank  us  all 
your  lives.  Follow  our  advice  with  cheerfulness,  or  you  will  have  to 
follow  it  in  sorrow  ; join  yourself  to  the  nation  ; a year  soon  goes  by  5 
lest  they  treat  you  so  that  you  will  have  cause  to  curse  them  all  your  life.’ 

“ To  accomplish  their  designs  they  used  both  deceit  and  force.  As  for 
the  former,  they  pretended  that  their  organization  and  meetings  estab- 
lished love  and  friendship, — as  the  Epicureans  were  accustomed  to  do> 
probably ; that  is,  by  great  glasses,  beakers,  and  cans.  There  they 
bound  themselves  to  each  other,  with  cursing  and  swearing,  to  live  and 
die  like  brothers  for  the  welfare  of  each  other.  But  scarcely  would 
an  hour  or  half  an  hour  go  by,  when  from  one  word,  or  one  cup  which 
one  had  got  more  or  less  than  another,  arose  a great  quarrel ; and  those 
who  a little  before  had  been  willing  to  praise  each  other  to  the  heavens, 
both  by  word  and  writing,  were  abusing  each  other  and  pulling  each 
other  by  the  hair.”* 

We  have  many  descriptions  of  the  vile  and  abandoned  student-life  of 
the  period  of  Pennalism ; the  following  very  lively  one  is  from  the 
pseudonymous  Philander  von  Sittewald  : f 

“ Meanwhile  I saw  a great  chamber  ; a common  lodging-room,  or  museum, 
or  study,  or  beer-shop,  or  wine  shop,  or  ball-room,  or  harlot’s  establishment, 
&c.,  &c.  In  truth  I cannot  really  say  what  it  was,  for  I saw  in  it  all  these 
things.  It  was  swarming  full  of  students.  The  most  eminent  of  them  sat  at 
a table,  and  drank  to  each  other  until  their  eyes  turned  in  their  heads  like 
those  of  a stuck  calf.  One  drank  to  another  from  a dish — out  of  a shoe  ; one 
ate  glass,  another  dirt ; a third  drank  from  a dish  in  which  were  all  sorts  of 
food,  enough  to  make  one  sick  to  see  it.  One  gave  another  his  hand  : they 
asked  each  other’s  names,  and  promised  to  be  fi  iends  and  brothers  forever ; 
with  the  addition  of  this  clause,  ‘ I will  do  what  is  pleasant  to  you,  and  avoid 
what  is  unpleasant  to  you  ;’  and  so  each  would  tie  a string  off  his  leather 
breeches  to  the  many-colored  doublet  of  the  other.  But  those  with  whom 
another  refused  to  drink  acted  like  a madman  or  a devil  ; sprang  up  as  high  as 
they  could  for  anger,  tore  out  their  hair  in  their  eagerness  to  avenge  such  an 
insult,  threw  glasses  in  each  others’  faces,  out  with  their  swords  and  at  each 
other’s  heads,  until  here  and  there  one  fell  down  and  lay  there  ; and  such  quar- 
rels I saw  happen,  even  between  the  best  friends  and  blood  relatives,  with  dev- 
ilish rage  and  anger.  There  were  also  others  who  were  obliged  to  serve  as 
waiters  and  pour  out  drink,  and  to  receive  knocks  on  the  head  and  pulls  of  the 
hair,  and  other  similar  attentions,  which  the  others  bestowed  on  them  as  if  on 
so  many  horses  or  asses  ; sometimes  drinking  to  them  a dishful  of  wine,  and 
singing  the  Bacchus  song,  or  repeating  the  Bacchus  Mass — ‘ 0 vitrum  gloriomm!’ 
Resp.  'Mihi  gratissimum  !' — which  waiters  were  termed  by  the  rest,  Bacchants, 
Bennals,  hou.se-cocks,  mother-calves,  sucklings,  quasimodogeniti ; and  they 
sang  a long  song  about  them,  beginning — 

‘ Proudly  all  the  Pennals  hither  are  gathered. 

Who  are  lately  newly  feathered, 

And  who  at  home  have  long  been  tethered. 

Nursing  their  mothers.’ 

And  which  ends — 

‘Thus  are  all  of  the  Pennals  treated. 

Although  they  all  are  very  conceited.’ 


♦ Schroder’s  Trumpet  of  Peace,  33;  in  Schottgen,  p.  40;  and  compare  Meyfart's  description, 
Appendix  X. 

t Sixth  Tale,  Part  i.  Given  by  Schottgen,  p.  35. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


45 


“ At  the  conclusion  of  these  ceremonies  and  songs  they  cut  off  their  hair,  as 
they  do  that  of  a professing  nun.  From  this,  these  students  are  called  Scho- 
risten,  also  Agirer,  rennalisirer ; but  among  themselves  they  call  each  other  gay, 
free,  honest,  brave,  or  stotit-hearted  students. 

“ Others  I saw  wandering  about  with  their  eyes  nearly  shut,  as  if  they  were 
in  the  dark,  each  with  a drawn  sword  in  his  hand,  which  they  would  strike  on 
the  stones  till  the  sparks  flew  ; then  would  cry  out  into  the  air  so  that  it 
would  give  one  a pain  in  the  ears ; would  assault  the  windows  with  stones, 
clubs,  and  sticks,  and  cry  out.  Here,  Pennal ! here,  Feix ! here,  Bech ! here, 
caterpillar ! here,  Mount-of-Olives-man  ! with  such  a tearing  and  striking, 
driving  and  running  about,  cutting  and  thrusting,  as  made  my  hair  stand  on 
end.  Others  drank  to  each  other  oft’  seats  and  benches,  or  off  the  table  or  the 
floor,  under  their  arms,  under  their  legs,  on  their  knees,  with  the  cup  under 
them,  over  them,  behind  them,  or  before  them.  Others  lay  on  the  floor  and 
let  it  be  poured  into  them  as  if  into  a funnel. 

“Soon  the  drinking-cups  and  pitchers  began  to  fly  at  the  doors  and  the 
stove,  and  through  the  windows  so  outrageously,  that  it  provoked  me  ; and 
others  lay  there,  spewing  and  vomiting  like  dogs.” 

A second  description  of  this  abominable  student-life  is  given  by 
Schottgen,  from  a work  published  at  Giessen,'^  which  states  that  “ the 
Schorists,  at  the  Pennal  feasts,  when  they  have  eaten  and  drank  to 
their  satisfaction,  are  accustomed  to  carry  off  movables,  books,  manu- 
scripts, clothes,  and  whatever  else  they  happen  to  find ; and,  moreover, 
to  be  guilty  of  all  manner  of  insolences,  such  as  breaking  down  and 
destroying  stoves,  doors,  windows,  tables,  and  chests. 

“And,  further,  the  younger  students  have  been  made  to  copy  all  sorts 
of  writings,  to  wait,  to  go  of  eriands,  even  ten  and  twenty  miles  and 
more.  If  one  of  these  maleferiata  and  Pennal-flayers  happens  to  choose 
to  have  something  copied,  the  junior  must  be  at  hand  to  serve  as  his 
scribe ; has  he  guests  and  friends  with  him,  the  young  man  must  be 
there  to  wait ; is  there  any  thing  else  to  be  done  or  to  be  obtained,  or 
to  be  brought  from  any  of  the  neighboring  villages,  the  young  fellow 
must  go  at  his  order,  and  be  his  servant,  messenger,  and  porter.  Does 
he  choose  to  walk,  the  junior  must  attend  as  his  body-guard ; is  he 
stupidly  drunk,  the  novice  must  not  flinch  nor  budge  from  him,  but 
must  remain  close  at  hand  as  if  he  were  his  master,  must  serve  him  and 
help  him  along  the  street.  Is  he  sick,  the  juniors  must  wait  on  him 
by  turns,  so  that  he  need  never  be  alone ; does  he  wish  for  music,  if 
the  junior  is  skilled  in  it  he  must  be  his  musician,  all  night  long  if  he 
desires  it.  Is  any  thing  else  whatever  required,  the  new-comer  is  set 
about  it,  and  he  must  be  forthcoming,  even  if  he  were  sick  in  bed 
from  his  discipline,  and  at  midnight.  Does  the  older  student  get  into 
a quarrel  or  a fight,  the  junior  must  carry  his  sword  to  him,  and  be 
ready  for  assiduous  service  in  the  matter.  Would  he  gratify  his  vile 
desires  with  blows,  the  junior  must  suffer  the  blows  and  boxes  on  the 


* Schottgen,  p.  46;  from  Pennaliemi  Ahrogatio  et  Prqfligatio  ex  Academia  Uasso  Lis- 
eena."  Giessen,  1660,  folio. 


46 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


ear  wliich  come  from  his  cursed  and  devilish  passion  ; must  patiently 
endure  the  most  shameful  personal  abuse,  and  must  let  the  other  work 
his  entire  will  upon  him  as  if  he  were  nothing  but  a dog.  In  short, 
he  treats  him  like  a slave,  after  his  own  hateful  will,  almost  more 
harshly  than  the  harshest  tyrants  or  most  shameless  men  could  do ; 
and  what  is  still  more,  although  these  tormentors  inflict  the  most  un- 
endurable tortures  upon  these  young  people,  they  must  preserve  per- 
petual silence  about  it,  and  must  not  dare  to  open  their  lips  or  com- 
plain to  any  one,  even  to  the  academical  authorities ; or  othei  wise 
they  will  never  be  ‘absolved’  and  admitted  to  become  students  ; which 
threat  terrifies  them  so  much,  that  they  would  suffer  the  most  severe 
and  vilest  shame  and  torment  ten  times  over  rather  than  to  inform 
any  one  about  it.” 

We  find  a third  description  in  a rescript  of  Duke  Albrecht  of 
Saxony  to  the  University  of  Jena,  in  1624.'^  He  says  : “ Customs  be- 
fore unheard  of — inexcusable,  unreasonable,  and  wholly  barbarian — 
have  come  into  existence.  When  any  person,  either  of  high  or  low 
rank,  goes  to  any  of  our  universities  for  the  sake  of  pursuing  his 
studies,  he  is  called  by  the  insulting  names  of  Pennal,  fox,  tape-worm, 
and  the  like,  and  treated  as  such ; and  insulted,  abused,  derided,  and 
hooted  at,  until,  against  his  will,  and  to  the  great  injury  and  damage 
of  himself  and  his  parents,  he  has  prepared,  given,  and  paid  for  a 
stately  and  expensive  entertainment.  And  at  this  there  happen, 
without  any  fear  of  God  or  man,  innumerable  disorders  and  excesses, 
blasphemies,  breaking  up  of  stoves,  doors,  and  windows,  throwing 
about  of  books  and  drinking-vessels,  looseness  of  words  and  actions, 
and  in  eating  and  drinking,  dangerous  wounds,  and  other  ill  deeds ; 
shames,  scandals,  and  all  manner  of  vicious  and  godless  actions,  even 
sometimes  extending  to  murder  or  fatal  injuries.  And  these  doings 
are  frequently  not  confined  to  one  such  feast,  but  are  continued  for 
days  together  at  meals,  at  lectures,  publicly  and  privately,  even  in  the 
public  streets,  by  all  manner  of  misdemeanors  in  sitting,  standing,  or 
going,  such  as  outrageous  howls,  breaking  into  houses  and  windows, 
and  the  like ; so  that  by  such  immoral,  wild,  and  vicious  courses  not 
only  do  our  universities  perceptibly  lose  in  good  reputation,  but  many 
parents  in  distant  places  either  determine  not  to  send  their  children  at 
all  to  this  university — founded  with  such  great  expense  by  our  honored 
ancestors,  now  resting  in  peace  with  God,  and  thus  far  maintained  by 
ourselves — or  to  take  them  away  again  ; so  that  if  this  most  harmful 
state  of  affairs  is  not  ended  and  removed  out  of  the  way  at  the  begin- 


* Dated  Dec.  9 ; given  by  Meyfart,  p.  205. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


47 


ning,  it  may  well  happen  that  very  soon  no  students  whatever  will  be 
left  in  the  place,  and  that  this  institution,  which  even  in  these  careful 
and  perilous  times  is  so  useful  in  advancing  the  glory  of  God,  spread- 
ing abroad  his  name,  which  alone  makes  blessed,  the  promotion  of  all 
good  and  liberal  arts,  and  the  maintenance  of  spiritual  and  temporal 
government,  which  depends  on  them,  may  go  entirely  to  ruin.”^* 

Much  influence  was  exerted  by  a work  upon  Pennalism,  entitled, 
“ Christian  Recollections  of  the  Orders  and  Honorable  Customs  intro- 
duced in  many  of  the  Evangelical  Universities  in  Germany,  and  of  the 
barbarous  ones  now  for  some  years  crept  in  during  these  miserable 
times,  by  Johannes  Matthseus  Meyfart,  Doctor  in  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures and  Professor  in  the  Ancient  University  of  Erfurt : Schleissin- 
gen,  1636.”  The  author  will  be  remembered  by  many  readers  by  his 
hymn,  “Jerusalem,  thou  lofty  builded  city,”  and  by  his  two  works 
“ On  the  Heavenly  Jerusalem,”  and  “ On  the  Four  Last  Concerns  of 
Men.”  It  may  be  imagined  what  the  feelings  of  one  who  found  such 
pleasure  in  the  great  themes  of  eternity  would  be  in  respect  to  the 
immoral  and  vicious  courses  of  the  students  of  his  university.f  In  se- 
vere anger  against  it,  he  describes  it  in  the  coarsest  terms,  only  caring 
to  make  his  account  true  and  comprehensive.  His  anger  sometimes 
carries  him  beyond  moderation,  and  even  to  injustice  to  the  Lutheran 
Church  ; but  the  substantial  truth  of  his  description  of  Pennalism  is 
shown  by  its  agreement  with  those  of  his  con  tern  poraries.J 

Although  in  earlier  times  part  of  the  students  lived  immorally,  still 
new-comers  could  easily  avoid  them,  and  follow  their  own  course. 
But  during  the  ascendency  of  Pennalism  this  was  substantially  impos- 
sible, as  appears  by  a letter  of  the  well  known  Schuppius  to  his  son, 
who  was  about  entering  the  university.  He  says  to  him  : “You  may 
imagine  that  at  the  universities  they  sup  clear  wisdom  up  by  spoon- 
fuls, and  that  no  folly  is  to  be  seen  in  any  corner,  but  when  you  come 
there,  you  must  be  a fool  for  the  first  year.  You  know  that  I have 
spared  no  pains  or  money  upon  you,  and  that  you  have  not  grown  up 
behind  your  father’s  stove,  but  that  I have  carried  you  about  from  one 
])lace  to  another,  and  that  already  a great  lord  has  looked  upon  you 
with  pleasure  and  given  you  a place  at  his  table.  But  you  must  for- 
get this.  For  it  is  a part  of  wisdom  to  be  foolish  with  the  age,  and 
to  give  in  to  its  manners  so  far  as  conscience  will  allow.  Let  yourself 
be  plagued  and  abused  for  this  year,  not  only  in  good  German  but  in 
s'ang.  When  an  old  Wetterauer  or  Yogelsberg  Milk  Cudgel  steps  up 

* Luchtenius  says  of  Pennalism,  even  in  1611 : “ It  cannot  be  said  how  it  produces  all  manner 
of  corrupt  ways,  destroys  all  discipline,  and  evidently  cools  down  a love  of  learning.” 

t M.-yfart  was  born  at  Jena  in  1590,  and  died  at  Erfurt  in  1642.  i Appendix  X. 


48 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


and  pulls  your  nose,  let  it  not  appear  singular  to  you ; endure  it,  and 
harden  yourself  to  it.  ‘‘Olim  meminisse  juvabit,^  I warn  you  faith- 
fully against  becoming  yourself  one  of  the  gang  of  Schorists  after  the 
Pennal  year  is  over.”^  Whether  the  son  followed  this  advice  after 
enduring  the  frightful  Pennal  life  for  a whole  year,  is  very  doubtful. 

“ The  end  of  the  Pennal  year,”  says  Schottgen,  “ was  the  absolution  ; 
in  which  a member  of  the  whole  Landsman nsch aft  ‘absolved’  them, 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  year,  and  declared  them  real  students.  For 
this  purpose  the  poor  Pennal  was  obliged  first  to  go  round  to  all  the 
members  of  the  Landsmannschaft,  and  request  them  to  permit  him  to 
be  released  from  his  slavery.  If  he  found  grace  in  their  eyes,  he  had 
now  to  furnish  an  absolution  feast.  After  this  he  was  a student,  and 
there  forthwith  entered  into  him  seven  evil  spirits,  who  made  him 
torment  the  Pennals  just  as  he  had  himself  been  tormented.” 

The  various  governments  now  undertook  to  put  an  end  to  these 
evils,  but  after  a time  they  found  that  successful  efforts  were  impossible 
singly.  For  if  an  ill-conducted  Schorist  were  sent  away  from  Leipzig, 
he  would  go  to  Jena,  and  be  received  with  open  arms  by  his  com- 
panions there.  For  this  reason  several  universities,  as  Wittenberg, 
Konigsberg,  Marburg  and  others,  associated  together  and  made  stat- 
utes in  common  against  the  practice.!  Still  they  accomplished  no 
more  than  other  single  universities  with  their  innumerable  prohibitions 
and  severe  punishments. 

In  1654,  the  German  princes  took  occasion,  at  the  Diet  of  Ratisbon, 
to  procure  the  following  ordinance  “ Whereas  we  have  taken  into 
careful  consideration  the  severe  and  bitter  afflictions,  especially  the 
bloody  and  wearisome  war,  with  which  Almighty  God,  in  his  justice, 
is  disciplining  our  beloved  fatherland  and  the  German  nation,  together 
with  other  neighboring  kingdoms  and  countries,  and  have  still  more 
ripely  considered  the  causes  whereby  these  evils  have  come  upon  a 
country  and  people  so  remarkably  prosperous,  we  have  found  not  to  be 
the  least,  among  other  fearful  vices  which  have  come  into  vogue  not- 
withstanding both  the  first  and  second  tables  of  the  Ten  Command- 
ments of  God,  that  most  harmful  and  disorderly  custom  which  has 
crept  into  the  universities  of  Germany,  called  Pennalism ; by  which 
certain  young  persons,  reckless,  wicked,  evil-trained,  and  neglecting  all 
Christian  discipline,  waylay  in  the  most  scandalous  manner  those  who 
come  from  other  places  to  the  universities  from  trivial-schools,  pseda- 


♦ Schuppius’  '‘'•Friend  in  JVeed,”  i.  252. 

+ These  statutes  are  given  in  Arnoldt  (i.  438),  and  were  confirmed  by  Elector  George  William. 
(Ibid.  444.)  Schiittgen  (p.  140)  gives  the  same  information  from  the  orations  of  Schuppius. 

X Schottgen,  149. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


49 


gogiiims,  or  gymnasiums,  to  acquire  various  learning  in  the  classical 
tongues,  liberal  arts,  philosophy,  or  in  the  higher  faculties,  as  well  as 
those  who  are  born  and  brought  up  in  the  places  where  such  univer- 
sities are, — who  treat  them  barbarously,  not  only  with  insulting  scoffing 
gestures  and  words,  but  with  dishonorable  and  abominable  abuses  and 
blows,  and  often  demand  of  them  such  service  and  waiting  on  as  a rea- 
sonable master  would  hesitate  to  require  from  the  least  of  his  servants, 
— but  also  oblige  these  new  students,  at  coming  and  going,  and  when- 
ever else  they  choose,  to  furnish  them  with  feasts  and  entertainments; 
so  that  the  money  which  their  parents,  often  with  the  utmost  difficult3q 
in  these  times,  when  money  is  so  scarce,  have  given  them  to  maintain 
them  through  the  year,  must  be  squandered  in  one  and  another  drink- 
ing-bout and  feast ; so  that  many  good  minds  are  driven  desperate  by 
such  ‘ exagitations’  and  ‘ concussions and  the  result  is,  that  many  well- 
begun  courses  of  study  are  obstructed,  and  parents  disappointed  in  the 
hopes  they  have  conceived,  as  well  as  the  church,  the  government, 
schools  and  the  commonwealth,  deprived  in  the  most  unjustifiable  man- 
ner of  useful  instruments.”^ 

But  this  ordinance  in  like  manner  failed  of  its  effect ; and  successful 
steps  in  the  business  were  only  first  taken  from  1G60  to  1662.  Saxony 
was  first ; Peunalism  being  driven  out  from  her  universities  of  Witten- 
berg, Jena,  and  Leipzig,  by  the  regulation  that  a student  expelled  from 
one  of  them  for  that  reason,  should  not  be  admitted  into  either  of  the 
others.  This  example  was  followed  by  the  universities  of  Ilelmstadt, 
Giessen,  Altorf,  Rostock,  Frankfurt,  and  Kdnigsberg.  In  1664,  Elector 
Friedrich  Wilhelm  powerfully  confirmed  the  Konigsberg  anathema 
against  Pennalism,  by  an  edict,  in  which  he  expresses  great  indigna- 
tion against  the  mode  in  which  students  newly  come  to  the  university 
are  “held  in  servitude  for  a year,”  and  demoralized  through  and 
through.  And  he  adds:  “This  vicious  and  disorderly  life  so  well 
pleases  the  Pennals,  that  they  forget  their  freedom,  and  take  so  much 
pleasure  in  their  servitude,  hard  as  it  is,  that  they  not  only  do  not 
shame  to  recognize  this  slavery  by  assuming  disreputable  costumes  and 
other  outward  distinctions  and  disgraces,  but  even  hold  them  a credit ; 
and  thus  come  to  inspect  the  usurped  authority  of  their  disorderly 
seniors  more  than  the  regular  power  of  the  established  academical 
magistracy.”! 

It  was  only  after  the  extinction  of  Pennalism,  which  w’as  finally  de- 
stroyed about  1660,  that  well-meaning  students  could  employ  their 
time  well  at  the  universities.  This  appears  by  the  following  letter 

* This  ordinance  is  followed  by  the  prohibition  of  Pennalism  issued  by  Duke  Eberhard  of 
WUrtemberg,  in  1655.  (Kliipfel,  184.)  t Arnoldt,  i.  446. 

No.  16.— [VoL.  VI.,  No.  1.]— 4 


4 


50 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


from  Dr.  Haberkorn,  at  Giessen,  to  Dr.  Weller,  April  6,  1661.'*'  He 
writes:  “The  condition  of  our  university  since  we  have  utterly  de- 
stroyed the  Pennal  system,  is  quiet  and  prosperous.  The  number  of 
students  does  not  ■ decrease,  but  increases.  The  ridiculina:  and  other 
features  of  the  accursed  Pennalism  have  entirely  ceased,  so  that  I 
liardly  seem  to  be  rector,  although  I yet  hold  that  office.  Many  pa- 
rents thank  God  with  uplifted  hands,  and  wdsh  our  university  much  of 
the  divine  blessing.  I remember  to  have  earnestly  urged  your  high- 
worthiness, at  Frankfurt,  to  push  your  efforts  to  banish  this  hell-hound 
out  of  all  the  universities  in  the  Roman  Empire ; but  that  in  spite  of 
all  the  pains  that  could  be  taken,  it  could  not  be  done.  Now,  how'- 
ever,  I doubt  not  your  high-w^orthiness  wdll  make  use  of  your  great  in- 
fluence and  good  fortune,  to  banish  this  deviltry  at  least  out  of  the 
Saxon  universities.  For  our  example  shows  clearly  that  the  object  is 
proved  practicable,  and  that  the  devil  wdll  fail  of  his  purpose,  how'ever 
much  pains  he  takes  to  maintain  his  kingdom  of  Pennalism.” 

To  return  once  more  to  the  history  of  that  vile  custom.  It  has  been 
observed  that  the  old  practice  of  the  Deposition  may  have  given  rise 
to  Pennalism,  and  that  it  was  made  a cloak  for  it;  and  also,  that 
thoroughly  organized  societies  of  students  made  opposition  to  all  dis- 
cipline, and  this  not  only  in  single  universities,  but  that  there  existed 
a league  embracing  several  of  them,  which  prevented  the  operation 
even  of  the  severest  regulations. 

These  societies  w^e  have  referred  to  as  “ nations but  they  had 
nothing  in  common  wdth  the  “nations”  of  an  earlier  period.  The  lat- 
ter, as  w'e  have  seen,  w^ere  openly  established  and  recognized  corpora- 
tions, who  elected  procurators,  took  part  in  the  government  of  the 
university,  &c. ; whereas  the  “nations”  of  the  17th  century  corre- 
sponded to  the  Land smannschaf  ten!" \ This  is  clearly  shown  by  a 
“ programme”  issued  by  the  University  of  Leipzig  in  1654,  at  expelling 
a Schorist.  “From  this,”  says  Schottgen,;};  “we  see  that  the  Schorists 
had  their  ‘ nations,’ and  in  them  seniores^  fisci^  and  a fiscal  officer; 
that  they  had  a correspondence  with  other  universities,  and  that  when 
one  university  would  endure  one  of  their  number  no  longer,  they  pro- 


♦ Schottgen,  111. 

t It  has  been  stated  that  Duke  Rudolph  organized  four  “ nations”  at  the  University  of  Vienna, 
os  having  taken  that  of  Paris  for  a model.  Each  of  these  included  students  from  the  most  dif- 
ferent and  distant  countries  :—e.  g.,  the  Saxon  nation  included  Treves,  Bremen,  and  Prussia. 
The  Landsmannschaftm,  on  the  other  hand,  belonged  to  the  countries  after  which  they  wero 
named.  Thus,  in  the  17th  century,  at  Tubingen,  the  students  from  Hohenlohe  organized  the 
New  Wiirtemberg  Landsmanmchaft ; those  of  Ulm  the  Danubia;  those  of  Old  Wiirtemberg 
the  W'iirtcmbergia,  and  the  Swiss  the  Helvetia.  (Kliipfel,  293.) 

$ Sclibltgen,  103.  The  “nations”  thus  broken  up  at  Leipzig,  had  no  relation  whatever  to  the 
four  old  “ nations”  which  e-xisted  from  the  foundation  of  the  university  until  1830. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


51 


vided  for  liiiii  elsevhere ; that  they  held  those  dishonorahle  who  re- 
vealed any  matter  to  the  authorities,  and  persecuted  them  everywhere.’’ 
From  a similar  document  of  November  13,  1659,  we  see  in  still  greater 
detail,  “that  each  ‘nation’  had  its  seniors,  directors,  fiscal  department, 
and  even  its  beadles,  who  held  their  offices  by  turns,  some  for  a longer 
and  some  for  a shorter  time.  New-comers  had  to  submit  to  be  ‘in- 
scu-ibed’  in  one  of  these.  They  were  cited  before  the  Schorists,  and 
their  cases  adjudicated ; and  every  one  who  according  to  this  tribunal 
was  guilty  of  any  thing,  was  fined  in  money  or  in  an  entertainment. 
Any  one  who  told  tales  out  of  school,  or  went  to  the  authorities  to 
complain,  was  held  dishonorable.” 

What  a devilish  sort  of  authority  the  “seniors”  of  these  nations 
practiced,  appears  from  an  example  given  by  Schottgen."'^  In  1639  a 
student  named  lloldorff  complained  to  the  prorector  at  Rostock,  that 
“as  his  Pennal  year  was  out  some  days  since,  and  he  was  required  to 
jiroceed  to  Copenhagen  to  enter  into  an  employment  there,  he  had 
gone  to  Ilopner,  as  senior  of  his  nation,  and  had  asked  to  be  absolved, 
lie  answered,  however,  that  it  had  been  decided  in  the  nation  that  he 
must  stay  six  weeks  over  his  year;  and  therefore  he  required  him  to 
stay.  He  went  to  him  again  and  asked  amicably  that  he  might  be 
absolved  ; to  which  Ilopner  answered  that  he  must  remain,  and  should  ; 
and  that  if  he  did  not  complete  his  year,  and  six  weeks,  six  days,  six 
hours,  and  six  minutes  besides,  he  would  be  sent  for.  He  asked  him  a 
third  time  to  absolve  him ; but  Ilopner  answered  no  less  positively 
that  if  he  did  not  stay,  and  went,  he  would  surely  be  sent  for.”  Hop- 
ner  afterward  cited  Holdorff  before  him,  and  because  for  fright  he  did 
not  appear,  that  senior  and  four  others  broke  into  his  lodgings  at  night 
with  drawn  swords. 

As  the  tyranny  of  Pennalism  was  based  on  these  nations,  and  oper- 
ated by  means  of  them.  Elector  Friedrich  Wilhelm,  in  the  rescript 
already  quoted,  ordains  with  great  justice,  “that  the  most  injurious 
system  of  Pennalism,  as  well  as  the  national  organizations,  shall  be 
wholly  broken  up  and  destroyed.”!  The  truth  of  the  fuitlier  allega- 
tion in  the  same  rescript,  viz.,  that  Pennals  have  become  so  coi’rupted 
by  their  disorderly  life  that  they  have  forgotten  tlieir  freedom,  and 
take  pride  in  their  severe  servitude,  appears  from  the  following  fact. 
When  the  Elector  of  Saxony’s  ordinance  against  Pennalism  in  Leipzig 
was  published  in  1661,  “ more  than  two  hundred  Pennals  got  together, 


* P.  94  Schottgen  took  the  account  from  a university  protocol. 

t Arnoldt,  i,  44S.  The  attempt  made  by  the  University  of  Konigsberg,  in  1679,  to  legalize  four 
nations — Pomeranian,  Silesian,  Prussian,  and  Westphalian— and  to  exercise  authority  over  them, 
failed.  Arnoldt,  i.  261. 


52 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


and  foolishly  swore  to  adhere  to  the  practice  of  Pennalism,  and  not 
permit  it  to  perish.  They,  however,  soon  thought  better  of  it.”* 

But  were  these  associations  destroyed,  together  with  Pennalism,  in 
the  year  1662  ? By  no  means.  We  shall  see  that  the  Burschenschaft 
substantially  put  an  end  to  Pennalism,  although  it  may  be  said  to  have 
continued  to  exist  in  the  Landsmannscliaften^  but  not  in  its  earlier 
coarse  and  abominable  phase. 

YI.  History  of  the  Universities  in  the  Eighteenth  Century. 

A.  Nationalism. — The  Landsman nschaften. 

Pennalism,  as  we  have  seen,  was  based  upon  the  national  organiza- 
tions. When  it  was  suppressed,  in  the  year  1662,  it  was  asked 
whether  it  was  extirpated  from  the  roots,  or,  in  other  words,  whether 
these  organizations  also  were  suppressed  ? The  answer  given  was,  by  no 
means.  It  is,  however,  not  easy  to  substantiate  this  answer  by  facts, 
ddie  national  organizations  being  strictly  forbidden,  it  was  necessary  to 
conceal  their  existence  by  all  possible  means.  The  statutes  of  one  of 
the  LandsmannHchaften^  for  example,  provide  that  a new  member,  at 
his  entrance,  shall  give  his  word  of  honor  “that  he  will  never  reveal 
what  happens  at  any  time  within  the  society,  that  he  will  always  be 
diligently  watchful  against  renouncers  (students  belonging  to  no  so- 
ciety), and  will  never  reveal  that  such  a society  exists,  and  will  even 
endeavor  to  cause  the  contrary  to  be  believed.  But  in  case  he  shall 
be  seriously  questioned  on  the  subject  by  the  police  or  the  rector,  he 
must  lie  stoutly,  and  be  willing  to  give  up  his  existence  at  the  univer- 
sity for  the  sake  of  the  society.”* 

In  such  secrecy,  it  is  natural  that  the  Landsmanmchaften,  as  long 
as  they  were  prohibited,  should  come  to  light  only  occasionally.  We 
will  give  a few  examples. 

In  1682,  twenty  years  after  the  suppression  of  Pennalism,  there 
arose  a great  tumult  of  the  students  in  Leipzig,  upon  the  prohibition 
of  the  national  organizations  by  an  electoral  rescript,  and  it  required 
the  severest  penalties  to  carry  out  the  rule.f 

In  1717  there  arose,  all  at  once,  at  Halle,  a multitude  of  Lands- 
mannschaften ; Meiners  names  twelve.  They  chose  seniors  and  sub- 
seniors, and  openly  wore  colors  as  marks  of  distinction,  as  those  of  the 
Marches  of  Pomerania,  &c.  These  associations  were  immediately 
prohibited  by  a royal  rescript.^ 

The  Lund Htnannschaf ten  were  forbidden  at  Rostock  § in  1750,  at 

♦ Ilaupt,  204.  t Gretschel,  274. 

X Meiners  {Tliatory^  iv.  IC3)  says  ttiat  these  associations  were  in  fact  suppressed.  But  quaere, 

§Ib.  pp.  163-174. 


THE  GEItMAX  UNIVEUSITIES. 


53 


Jena  in  1VG5  and  1778,  at  Kiel  in  1774,  at  Gutting-en  in  17G2,  at  Er- 
fui  t in  1794,  in  Prussia  and  at  Altorf  in  consequence  of  the  decree  of 
the  diet  of  1795.  In  181G,  when  the  B arschenschaft  was  organized, 
Landsmannschaften  existed  in  most  of  tlie  universities,  and  a contest 
took  place  between  them  and  the  B arschenschaft. 

From  two  of  these  academical  prohibitions,  it  appears  that  Pennal- 
ism  still  survived  in  the  Londsmanmchofteii.  Thus  the  Rostock  law 
of  1850  says:  “Pennalism,  that  barbarous  custom,  barbarously  named, 
having  been  driven  into  exile  from  our  universities,  for  their  good,  let 
Nationalism  also,  with  the  evils  which  come  with  it,  be  put  away  from 
our  course  of  education.  Therefore,  if  any  one  shall  attempt  to  set  on 
foot  any  thing  either  of  the  name,  or  the  thing  itself,  who  shall  assume 
the  title  of  senior,  . . who  shall  subject  to  himself  new-comers  or 

others,  or  annoy  them,  or  shall  exact  money  from  them,  even  a penny, 
him  we  shall  estimate  altogether  unfit  to  be  a member  of  this 
academy.” 

The  law  of  the  University  of  Kiel,  of  1774,  is  still  more  severe: 
“ Any  one  daring  to  introduce  or  establish  the  infamous  custom  of 
Pennalism,  condemned  and  proscribed  by  all  good  and  wise  persons, 
or  to  call  together  seditious  assemblies,  or  to  set  up  the  national  socie- 
ties, or  to  annoy  students  lately  come  to  the  university,  by  the  exac- 
tion of  money,  or  entertainments,  or  other  unjust  treatment,  shall  be 
subjected  to  penalties,  to  be  determined  in  each  case,  and  shall  be  put 
away,  as  an  enemy  and  traitor  to  the  university.” 

That  Pennalism  still  prevailed  in  Gottingen,  appears  from  a rescript 
of  Mlinchhausen  to  the  university,  of  1757  ; which  directs  care  to 
be  taken,  “ that  neither  shall  newly  arrived  students,  by  the  post  or 
other  conveyance,  be  made  sport  of;  nor  shall  such  students  as  use,  for 
their  own  pleasure,  to  form  the  acquaintance  of  new-comers,  and  to 
that  end  to  put  themselves  in  their  way,  obtain  them  lodgings  and 
strike  up  friendships  with  them,  be  permitted  to  practice  such  pre- 
sumptuous means  of  coiTupting  young  persons.”* 

Kliipfelf  gives  a striking  sketch  of  the  Landsmannschaften  or  Corps. 

“Each  Corps,”  he  says,  “ is  divided  into  regidar  and  irregular  members, 
Corps-burschen,  and  Renoncen.  Only  the  former  are  full  members  of  the  associa- 
tion, and  form  its  nucleus  ; the  others,  as  their  name  indicates,  are  such  as  do 
not  claim  full  members’  rights,  but  attach  themselves  to  the  Corps  for  the  sake 
of  its  protection  and  influence.  In  like  manner  the  Renoncen  are  in  a sort  of 
novitiate,  where  every  one  wishing  to  join  the  Corps  has  to  reniain  for  a time. 


* Mciners,  ii.  210. 

t Pp.  293-398.  It  must  be  understood  that  KlUpfel's  description  does  not  apply  equally  to  all 
the  Corps  (Landsmannschaften  National  Societies),  and  much  less  to  all  their  individual  mem- 
bers. I know  very  estimable  persons,  and  myself  had  e.xcellent  pupils,  belonging  to  Corps  of 
the  better  sort  But  this  does  not  impair  the  general  correctness  of  his  picture. 


54 


niF.  GERMAN  UNIVEUSITIES. 


until  lie  can  claim  full  membership.  A(lmis.sion  is  attended  with  cei  tain  cere- 
rnonie.s,  frequeutl)-  with  a sort  of  catechisatiou  on  the  Coimaent  and  principles  of 
the  associaiion,  tiie  attaching  a ribbon,  the  communication  of  tlie  cipher  of  the 
association,  and  the  kiss  of  brotherhood.  At  the  head  of  the  organization,  and 
chosen  from  among  members,  for  one  3mar,  stands  a senior,  a consenior,  a 
secretarj’,  and  a number  of  special  committeemen  (weitere  Chargirte),  pro[)or- 
tioned  to  that  of  the  members.  All  these  together  constitute  the  council, 
which  resolves  absolutely  upon  all  matters  connected  with  the  Corps,  attends 
to  its  connections  abroad,  presides  at  its  regular  festivals,  and  to  which  the 
unconditional  obedience  of  every  member  is  due.  Each  Corps  has,  besides, 
minor  distinctive  peculiarities,  to  which  it  is  a point  of  importance  to  adhere 
without  variation.  The  various  Corps  are  connected  together  by  their  com- 
mon object  of  maintaining  the  Comment,'''  and  of  keeping  up  their  fantastic 
and  brilliant  phase  of  student-life.  The  co-operation  necessary  for  these  pur- 
poses is  kept  up  by  the  convention  of  seniors,  and  the  convention  of  committee- 
men. These  hold  the  place  of  supreme  authority  among  the  students,  and 
seek  to  maintain  their  position  by  means  of  the  rule,  tliat  every  student  who 
would  have  a voice  in  public  matters  must  belong  to  an  association  and  act 
through  his  Senior  ; that  the  Convention  of  Seniors  alone  shall  give  laws, 
direct  festivals,  and  put  forth  decisions  ; and  that  any  one  opposing  its  deter- 
minations or  disobeying  its  decisions  on  points  of  honor,  &c.,  shall,  by  so  doing, 
incur  the  condemnation  of  infamy. 

“ From  these  societies,  and  among  them,  there  grew  into  existence  a kind 
of  student  life,  social  among  its  members,  and  jovial  to  others.  Tlieir  mem- 
bers had  frequently  been  friends  at  the  inferior  schools  ; each  upheld  all,  and 
all  each  : the  consciousness  of  belonging  to  an  organization  gave  a certain  con- 
fidence and  freedom  to  their  manners  ; prominent  and  favorite  persons,  such 
as  every  Corps  contained,  planted  and  cherished  a cheerful  and  bold  spirit. 
At  the  same  time,  each  society  strove  to  outdo  the  rest  in  the  splendor  and 
solemnity  of  their  society  and  anniversary  feasts ; and  there  was  always  a mag- 
nificent display  when  whole  Corps,  with  all  their  dependents,  met  at  some  fes- 
tival, and  the  society  colors  vied  with  each  other  in  display. 

“But  dangerous  and  grievous  harms  began  to  show  themselves,  derived 
from  the  Corps  organization. 

“d'he  Circuli  Fratrum,  or  circles  of  brothers,  were  intended  to  be  societies  of 
intellectually  educated  young  men,  of  an  age  most  susceptible  to  lofty  ideas, 
and  who  were  summoned  to  mental  growth  in  an  atmosphere  such  as,  when 
kept  in  motion  by  the  flights  of  genius,  will  stimulate  the  noblest  powers. 
But  these  circles  became  too  exclusively  mere  open  convivial  societies  of  good- 
fellows,  aiming  chiefly  at  pleasure,  and  very  often  at  exceedingly  material 
pleasures,  without  any  higher  purpose,  or  broad  and  inspiriting  beliefs.  This 
emptiness  and  insipidity  must,  of  course,  very  soon  become  irksome  to  intel- 
lects and  spirits  of  the  higher  class.  These  would  not  suffer  themselves  to  be 
hidden  under  showy  externals  and  pompous  public  appearances.  The  brother- 
hood among  the  brethren  of  the  societies,  which  was  held  upas  one  of  the  chief 
aims  of  the  mganization.  was  not  always  that  true  friendship  so  delightful  to 
the  hearts  of  the  young,  which  forms  a basis  for  lifelong  a.ssociations,  although 
the  Corps-statutes  expressly  prescribe  such  ; for  the  real  basis  of  friendship 
was  frequently  wanting,  namely,  true  respect,  arising  from  noble  aims  and 
goodness  of  character.  The  Corps  was  altogether  unfit  to  be  a school  for  such 
virtues  ; the  system  of  subordination  to  the  seniors  was  opposed  to  noble  im- 
pulses. The  ambition  of  becoming  one  of  that  number  perverted  and  destroyed 
friendship.  The  less  the  interest  felt  in  intellectual  things,  so  much  the 
greater  was  the  power  of  sensual  influences  ; and  the  ]uinciple  adopted  by  the 
Corps,  that  the  private  life  of  a member  was  no  concern  of  the  whole  body,  as 
long  as  he  did  not  endanger  what  the  Comment  held  as  their  honoi',  inclined 
towards  a tolerance  in  respect  to  morals,  which  was  only  too  well  adapted 
shamefully  to  j)ervert  the  moral  perceptions  of  a young  man,  and  to  lead  him 
off  into  a vicious  course  of  sensual  and  dissolute  indulgence  in  which  many  have 
been  ruined,  but  from  which  the  Corps,  as  such,  never  saved  one. 

“ The  state  of  feeling  within  these  societies  may  be  judged  of  from  the  pro- 


* A sort  of  constitution. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


55 


visions  in  the  statutes  and  the  Comment,  wliich  require  tluit  any  memhev  liav- 
ing  a venereal  disease  shall  notify  tlie  fact  at  the  heer-house  (Kneipe),  and  shall 
sutfer  a penalty  if  he  fight  a duel  while  ill.  It  is  demonstrable,  also,  that  the 
Corps-festival  often  ended  in  mere  orgies  ; and  many  unfortunate  and  per- 
verted youth  were  first  induced  to  procure  membership  and  standing  in  socie- 
ties for  the  sake  of  their  vicious  indulgences.  At  Tubingen,  it  has  happened 
that  a whole  Corps  has  become  corrupted.  This  same  low  condition  of  morals 
is  indicated  more  and  more  by  the  meetings  at  the  Kneipe,  where  the  beer- 
laws  (Bier-Conment)  were  so  easily  made  an  instrument  of  vulgar  drunkenness, 
and  where  the  abilities  of  honor,  as  well  of  individual  members  of  the  same 
Corps,  as  of  the  different  Corps  themselves,  was  determined  by  the  standard  of 
their  capacity  for  drinking,  whose  highest  grade,  that  of  Beer-king,  was  given 
for  the  abilit}'-  to  dispose  of  eighty  pints  (schoppen). 

“ With  this  coarseness  and  even  vulgarity  of  tone,  which  soon  prevailed  in 
the  Corps,  was  connected  the  misuse  of  the  Comment  as  a stimulus  to  duel- 
ing, and  the  bullying  (pauksucht)  and  ‘ renowning  ’ which  were  its  consequen- 
ces. No  one  was  thought  honorable  except  such  as  were  ready  to  give 
satisfaction  on  the  dueling-ground  ; and  he  was  a jolly  respectable  Bursch, 
and  the  pride  of  his  society  was  such  a one  as  had  already  fought  many  duels, 
and  was  known  as  a keen  and  powerful  swordsman.  To  become  such  was  the 
aim  of  their  ambition.  Quarreling,  insults,  provoking  conduct,  a touchiness 
carried  so  far  as  to  be  ridiculous,  and  innumerable  duels  were  the  consequence. 
To  make  up  the  full  number  of  a hundred  duels  was  the  only  ambition  of 
many  students ; and  while  learned  studies  suffered  in  this  state  of  things, 
social  life  was  an  unpleasant  existence  upon  a continual  war-footing,  in  whicli 
those  unacquainted  with  weapons  were  entirely  defenseless.  Indeed,  to  behave 
toward  these  last  in  a manner  usually  reckoned  utterly  dishonorable,  was  no 
prejudice  to  the  honor  of  a Bursch,  and  to  break  one’s  word  of  honor  to  a Phi- 
lister  was  only  a matter  of  sport.  The  societies  were  also  in  a state  of  constant 
excitement  and  irritation  against  each  other.  The  privilege  of  changing 
freely  from  one  Corps  to  another  availed  nothing  ; for  any  one  who  had  in- 
sulted one,  was  obliged,  before  he  could  enter  another,  to  fight  duels  all  round 
with  the  former  ; nor  could  a new  Corps  establish  itself  on  a received  footing 
except  by  fighting  itself  into  recognition.  A continual  rivalry,  also,  gave 
abundance  of  occasion  for  constant  quarrels,  which  ended  in  duels  for  the 
honor  of  each  man’s  country  ; in  which  every  member  of  the  Corps,  as  the  lot 
or  the  decision  of  the  senior  should  determine,  was  obliged  to  fight  for  the 
honor  of  the  society.  In  this  manner  it  came  to  pass,  lastly, .that  the  whole 
body  of  students  were,  by  means  of  the  Corps,  only  divided  into  larger  parties  ; 
and  that  much  the  largest  number  had  to  submit  to  be  tyrannized  over  by  a 
minority  of  the  members  of  the  Corps,  and  even  by  a still  smaller  number, 
namely,  the  Convention  of  Seniors,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  constituted 
by  no  means  of  the  most  respectable,  but  only  of  the  most  bullying  of  the 
students.” 

With  this  description  of  Klupfel’s  may  be  compared  the  Comments 
of  two  of  the  Corps,  given  in  the  Appendix,  and  agreeing  entirely  with 
him.*  The  Comment  treats  chiefly  of  honor,  how  it  may  be  pre- 
served, attacked,  and  regained  when  lost.  The  sword  is  the  talisman 
of  honor.  Accordingly,  much  of  the  Comment  discusses  the  duel,  and 
how  it  may  be  occasioned  and  fought.  Nothing  is  said  of  good 
morals;  and,  on  the  contrary,  more  than  one  paragraph  betrays  how 
low  was  the  condition  of  the  Corps  in  this  respect,  and  proves  only  too 
clearly  the  truth  of  Klupfel's  description. 

This  author  cites,  in  another  place,  the  technical  terms  of  the  societies. 
The  Comment  defines  the  names  Fox,  Brand.fox,  Young  Bursch,  Old 


See  Appendix  III. 


56 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Bursch,  Mossy  Ilead.'^  “ Every  student  not  a member  of  a society  is 
a reuouncer.”  One  not  holding  himself  subject  to  the  Comment  was 
a “savage”  or  a “finch,”  and  on  such,  when  opportunity  offered,  pun- 
ishment was  inflicted  with  a whip  or  a stick. 

“The  Comment,”  observes  Kliipfel,  “was  probably  modeled  upon 
the  ceremonial  of  the  later  chivalry  and  court  life,  as  developed  at  the 
court  of  Louis  XIV.  Most  of  the  French  technical  terms  used  in  it 
are  from  this  source.”f  Such  words,  in  part  in  distorted  forms,  are 
numerous;  including  Comment,  Comment  suspendu,  Satisfaction, 
Avantage^  Touche,  Secundieren^  Renommieren,  Renonce,  Maltraitionen, 
Char'gierte,  &c.J  According  to  Kliipfel,  the  rapier  with  the  plate- 
shaped guard  came  also  from  France.§  ' 

After  the  period  of  the  dominion,  and  indeed  tyranny,  of  the  Lands- 
mannschaften,  in  the  German  universities,  dating  from  the  sixteenth 
century,  there  ai-ose  against  them,  in  succession,  two  violent  adversa- 
ries; first  the  Students’  Orders,  and  afterwards  the  Burschenschaft. 
The  latter,  as  we  have  seen,  definitely  put  an  end  to  Penualism. 

B.  Students’  Orders. 

These  arose  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  first 
prohibition  of  them  appeared  at  Gottingen,  in  1748,  and  was  repeated 
in  1760  and  1762.||  In  the  latter  year  appears  the  first  trace  of  the 
same  at  Erlangen,^  in  1765**  at  Tubingen  ; in  the  same  year,  1765,  ap- 
peared the  first  prohibition  of  them  at  Jena,  and  another  in  l767.ff 
A third  came  out  in  1795,  in  connection  with  an  imperial  edict  against 
secret  societies;  and  a similar  one  was  then  issued  in  the  Prussian 
universities  and  at  Altdorf.J;];  In  1802,  Meiners  announces,  with  sat- 
isfaction, of  Gottingen, §§  that  “it  is  now  some  years  since  the  strictest 
inquiry  could  detect  any  of  the  orders  at  our  university ;”  although  he 
naively  adds,  in  a note,  that  “ within  a very  short  period  traces  of  an 
order  have  been  discovered.”  An  accident,  as  I myself  remember,  led 
to  this  discovery.  A student  was  drowned,  and  in  sealing  up  his 

♦ Comment  (App.  HI.),  § 16-22,  For  Fox,  was  used,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  Feux. 
Schottgen's  very  full  list  of  nicknames  of  Pennals  contains  no  other  now  used.  The  name 
Schorists,  for  students  who  have  passed  through  their  Pennal  year,  has  also  gone  out  of  use. 
t KlUpfel,  182.  % Butmann  would  even  derive  Ve7‘schiss  (dishonor),  from  verjus. 

§ Kliipfel,  184.  The  opinion  of  those  who  find,  in  the  present  students’  duels,  a trace  of  the 
mediieval  German  chivalry,  is  contradicted  by  KlUpfel’s  view,  which  is  certainly  correct,  of 
their  French  origin.  There  is  a difference  as  wide  as  the  heavens  between  a chevalier  of  the 
time  of  Louis  XIV.  and  a German  Ritter  of  the  time  of  Hohenstaufen ; and  as  much  between  a 
duel  upon  a point  of  honor  and  a decision  of  God  by  means  of  a joust. 

D Meiners,  '■^Constitution  and  Administration  of  the  German  Universities,"  ii.  296, 
t Englehardt,  177.  **  Kliipfel,  279.  ft  Meiners,  '•'■  Ilistoryf  »fec.,  iv.  169. 

Xt  Ibid.,  174.  , §§  Meiners,  “ Constitution,"  &c.,  ii.  302. 


TflE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


57 


effects,  a list  was  found  of  names  of  members  [Konstantisten).  Thus 
the  orders  lasted  until  the  first  years  of  the  nineteenth  century.  At 
the  time  of  the  rise  of  the  Burschensckaft  (1810),  they  seem  to  have 
disappeared.  I fiud  no  record  of  any  contest  of  the  Burschensckaft 
with  the  orders,  but  only  against  the  Landsmannschaften. 

What  distinction  existed  between  these  Orders  and  the  Landsmann- 
schaften or  Nations?  There  must  have  been  one,  because  they  were 
always  at  enmity.  Meiners  says  that  they  had  much  in  common  in 
their  organization,  and  that  the  orders  differed  from  the  Landsmann- 
schaften “only  in  that  they  admitted  members  without  regard  to  their 
nationality.”  This  was,  it  is  true,  one  distinction,  but  not  the  only 
one ; a second  was,  the  adoption  by  the  orders  of  symbols  analogous 
to  those  of  the  Free  Masons.  Thus,  there  were  found,  in  1765,  “traces 
of  a lodge  of  Free  Masons  among  the  students  at  Tubingen.”  Kliipfel 
says,  “most  of  the  orders  in  the  universities  were  off-shoots  of  Free 
Masonry.”^  In  like  manner,  Englehardt  saysf  that  the  Order  of  the 
Cross,  founded  in  1762,  was  organized  throughout  in  the  forms  of 
Free  Masonry.  “In  the  place  of  assembly  of  the  order,  there  was  a 
basin  with  water,  whose  symbolic  meaning  was  explained  to  those 
initiated ; a statue  of  friendship,  and  one  of  virtue,  skulls,  a cross  of 
the  order,  with  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  and  a crucifix.”  The  university 
senate  reported,  in  1767,  that  it  had  taken  away  some  insignia  of  an 
order  from  some  students,  and  that  the  orders,  in  spite  of  prohibitions, 
were  universal,  both  in  Erlangen  and  the  other  German  univei’sities, 
and  that  scarcely  a student  could  be  found  who  did  not  belong  to  au 
order. 

In  1770  the  Order  of  Coopers  was  discovered,  which  held  lodges, 
had  degrees,  and  had  a destructive  influence.];  The  Black  Order,  or 
Order  of  Harmony,  arose  in  1771,  at  Erlangen,  and  had  members  in 
Nurembei’g  and  Coburg.  Its  grand  lodge  was  in  Brunswick.  In 
1797  were  found  in  the  papers  of  this  order  catechisms  of  the  first, 
second,  and  third  grades,  with  symbols  having  au  et'hical  signification. 
“The  ceremonies  of  admission  were  adopted  from  the  Free  Masons, 
with  whom  the  Black  Order  seems  to  have  maintained  very  friendly 
relations.  The  statutes  of  this  order  named  Pythagoras  as  their  first 
known  master.”  So  much  will  serve  to  describe  this  order  as  such ; 
and  it  also  appears  that  they  were  not  confined  to  the  universities,  nor 
to  students.  The  same  was  the  case  with  the  Constantists,  who  existed 
at  Halle  in  1786,  and  had  afterward  (about  1798),  members  in  civil 
and  military  stations  at  Berlin.  Their  laws  seem  to  have  included 


* Kliipfel,  280. 


t Englehardt,  178. 


$ Ib.,  ISO,  183, 181. 


58 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


the  reckless  Jacobinical  religious  and  political  opinions;  and  the 
Prussian  ministry  believed  “that  the  revolutionists  sought  to  make 
use  of  the  students  in  their  designs.”"* 

From  the  foregoing,  it  seems  that  the  orders  were  especially  active 
in  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  only  lasted  into  the 
first  years  of  the  nineteenth  century  ; that  they  were  entirely  distinct 
from  the  Landsmanmchaften^  having  no  regard  for  nationality,  as  the 
latter  did;  having  also  symbols  and  degrees,  and  being  in  connection 
with  orders  outside  the  universities;  neither  of  which  was  the  case 
with  the  Landsmannschafkn.  Considering  the  existence  of  so  essen- 
tial differences,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  two  organizations 
w^ere  in  a state  of  bitter  enmity. 

VII.  History  of  the  Universities  in  the  Nineteenth  Century. 

Introduction. — My  own  Academical  Experience. 

From  the  description  of  the  Landsmannscliaft  and  orders,  I might  pass 
at  once  to  the  Burschenschaft.  But  the  question  might  justly  be  asked, 
Were  there  not,  in  these  earlier  times,  some  students  who  did  not  belong 
to  these  orders;  or  would  it  not  be  worth  while  to  consider  them? 
There  certainly  were  many  such  ; but  it  is  difficult  to  find  much  in- 
formation about  them,  for  the  very  reason  that  they  did  not  swear  to 
any  standards  or  emblems,  nor  were  organized  as  an  associated  body, 
under  common  statutes.  They  did  not,  however,  live  in  entire  isola- 
tion, but  in  friendly  circles ; and  they  were  united  by  a friendship  which 
needed  no  statutes.  These  circles,  moreover,  had  a very  definite  char- 
acter : a common  ideal,  common  labor,  endeavors  after  a common 
purpose. 

I have  known  several  such  circles,  and  have  belonged  to  them.  It 
appeared  to  me  that  a simple  description  of  my  own  student-life 
will  afford  a more  lively  picture  of  such  a circle,  than  to  give  an 
abstract  characteiiz  ition  of  them. 

But  the  idea  carried  me  further.  Why  should  I,  I asked,  confine 
myself  to  my  experience  as  a student?  Why  not  add  that  of  my  life 
as  a professor  ? 

I entered  the  university  in  the  first  year  of  this  century,  1801,  and 
from  that  time  to  1854,  with  comparatively  small  intervals,  I have 
lived  in  the  German  universities.  Having  been  a professor  since  1811, 
I have,  as  such,  stood  in  close  personal  relations  with  the  students, 
and  have  taken  sincere  and  active  interest  in  their  weal  and  woe. 

I give,  therefore,  after  ripe  consideration,  an  account  of  all  that  was 


* The  Jena  ordinance  against  the  Orders,  in  17G7,  names  the  Orders  of  Hope  (Esperance), 
tiiat  of  Concord  or  of  the  Cross,  the  Coopers',  and  that  of  the  Lilies. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVER6ITIES. 


59 


important  in  my  academical  life  and  experience,  in  clironological 
order;  having  liad  excellent  opportunities  of  consulting  the  best  oral 
and  written  sources,  and  testimony  on  the  spot,  as  to  matters  at  a 
distance,  and  having  observed  the  influence  of  whatever  happened, 
upon  the  university  where  I might  happen  to  be  at  the  time. 

A.  Going  to  Halle,  in  1799. 

Preliminary  View. 

Fifty-five  years  have  passed  since  my  first  glance  into  university-life. 
I had  left  the  Joachimsthal  Gymnasium,  at  Herlin,  and  was  going  to 
visit  my  elder  brother,  Friederick,  then  a student  at  Ilalle.  lie,  and 
other  previous  school-fellows,  took  me  with  them  to  the  lectures. 
There  I heard,  for  the  first  time,  F.  A.  Wolf,  whose  lecture-room  was 
crowded  full,  and  who  made  a profound  impression  upon  me.  I 
thought  it  very  singular,  during  the  lectures  of  Master  Giite  on  Isaiah, 
to  hear  the  poor  old  man  every  moment  interrupted  by  “ Fst !”  on 
which,  according  to  the  custom,  he  was  obliged  to  repeat  what  lie  had 
been  saying.  I also  visited  the  fighting- rooms,  where  I was  intro- 
duced to  the  greatest  fighter  and  bully  for  the  time  being.  He  was  a 
great  stout  Bursch^  in  very  simple  costume — shirt,  drawers,  monsti’ous 
pantaloons,  and  on  his  head  a lofty  stunner.,  i.  e.,  a three-cornered  hat, 
with  one  corner  brought  forward  to  protect  his  eyes.  This  ogre  made 
such  an  impression  upon  me,  that  I was  at  the  trouble,  some  years 
afterward,  of  inquiring  what  had  become  of  him.  I found  that  he 
had  become  tutor  in  the  family  of  a miller,  wliere  he  had  every  thing 
free,  and  a fixed  daily  allowance  of  nine  pots  of  beer.  There  could 
scarcely  be  a greater  contrast  than  after  this  visit  to  the  fighting-i“oom, 
an  excursion  which  I took  on  the  Saale  by  moonlight,  in  listening  to 
the  melancholy  notes  of  the  Frenchdiorn  at  a distance.  This  short 
visit  to  Halle  was  a foretaste,  indeed,  of  all  the  pleasures  and  sorrows 
which  I experienced  there  some  years  later. 

B.  Gottingen. 

Easier,  1801,  to  Easter,  1803. 

I left  the  Gymnasium  at  Easter,  1801,  and  went,  in  company  with 
my  friend,  now  Privy  Councillor  of  Finance,  Sotzmann,  to  Gottingen, 
by  way  of  Thuringia. 

We  passed  through  Weimar.  How  glorified,  to  my  youthful  imagi- 
nation, did  every  thing  appear  in  this  home  of  the  greatest  genius  of 
Germany!  I watched  everywhere  for  Goethe,  Schiller,  and  Herder. 

I had,  how'ever,  only  the  pleasure  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the 
latter,  mv  father  havincj  mven  me  a letter  of  introduction  to  him.  He 

' y O O 


60 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


received  me  in  a very  friendly  manner,  and  invited  me  to  supper, 
where  I found  Consistory-Councillor  Gunther.  It  may  be  imagined 
how  I hung  upon  every  word  fiom  Herder.  Fifty-three  years  have 
passed  since  that  evening,  but  I can  yet  hear  his  observations  on  the 
idea  of  character.  As  he  was  in  the  habit  of  doing  in  his  writings,  he 
did  orally;  beginning  with  the  word  itself,  as  derived  from  ;^apa(7(7eir’, 
&c.  From  various  remaiks  of  Herder  and  Gunther,  I saw,  with  sor- 
row, that  there  was  a division  among  the  heroes  of  Weimar ; a division 
with  which  I afterward  became  acquainted  from  Goethe’s  “ Truth  and 
Poetry  from  my  Life.”  As  I write  this  title,  I lose  all  courage  to 
give  a more  detailed  account  of  Herder,  in  thinking  of  Goethe’s  incred- 
ibly correct  and  most  masterly  description  of  him. 

On  arriving  at  Gottingen,  I took  lodgings  in  the  house  of  an  instru 
ment-maker  named  Kriimer,  which  I mention  for  a reason  that  will 
soon  appear. 

My  father  intended  me  for  a jurist.  I commenced  my  studies  by 
attending  lectures  on  the  Institutions,  from  Councillor  Waldeck,  taking 
notes  industriously.  At  the  same  time  I procured  a book  then  uni- 
versally used,  Hopfner’s  Institutions,  and  made  use  of  it  in  studying, 
along  with  my  notes  on  Waldeck’s  lectures.  To  my  astonishment,  I found 
such  an  entire  agreement  between  the  book  and  my  notes,  that  I gave 
up  taking  notes  at  all,  but  took  Hopfner  to  lectures,  to  follow  along  in 
it.  Unfortunately,  I sat  pretty  near  the  lecturer’s  chair,  and  Waldeck 
espying  my  book,  his  keen  eyes  recognized  it.  To  do  this,  and  to 
break  out  into  the  most  violent  and  pitiless  attacks  upon  Hopfner, 
were  the  work  of  the  same  moment.  My  situation  was  not  the  most 
comfortable,  as  I had  not  the  remotest  intention  of  provoking  old 
Waldeck.  He  did  not,  however,  la}^  it  up  against  me,  but  was  very 
friendly,  when  I attended  his  lectures  on  the  Pandects,  in  the  winter 
term,  and  afterward  gave  me  an  excellent  testimonial,  earned,  how- 
ever, with  infinite  discomfort.  He  lectured  on  the  Pandects  three 
hours  daily! 

Fie  belonged  entirely  to  the  old  school  of  jurists;  his  edition  of 
Heineccius’  Compendium  of  the  Institutes  is  now  used  only  at  Coimbra. 

In  the  summer  term  of  1802,  I attended  the  lectures  on  civil  law  of 
one  who  prepared  the  way  for  the  subsequent  school  of  Savigny — 
namely,  Hugo.  His  lectures,  in  connection  with  which  we  had  ques- 
tions in  jurisprudence  to  solve,  were  marked  by  critical  acumen ; 
and  his  relentless  controversial  powers,  not  seldom  directed  against 
Waldeck  as  a representative  of  the  old  school,  did  not  at  all  displease 
us.  Hugo  also  wrote  the  sharpest  reviews  in  the  Gottingen  papers, 
otherwise  chiefly  of  a neutral  character.  I remember  one  such,  an 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


61 


attack  on  Malblanc’s  Pandects,  under  wliicli  a reader  Lad  written 
^ Hunc  tu  Romane  caveto^* 

111  Illy  fourth  term  I turned  my  attention,  with  my  father’s  consent, 
to  political  economy,  attended  Sartorius’  lectures  on  politics,  and 
studied  for  myself.  Smith’s  celebrated  work  on  the  Wealth  of  Nations. 
These,  my  professional  studies  at  Gottingen,  I pursued,  in  truth,  not 
with  much  love  of  them,  but  still  constrained  myself  to  a considerable 
degree  of  industry. 

In  each  term  I attended  one  or  two  courses  not  juridical.  Thus, 
for  two  terms  I attended  the  valuable  mathematical  lectures  of  Thi- 
baut,  brother  of  the  celebrated  jurist;  and  applied  myself  with  the 
greatest  assiduity  to  algebra,  in  which  my  friend  Sotzmann  gave  me  the 
most  faithful  and  patient  assistance. 

At  another  time  I attended  Bliimenbach’s  lectures  on  natural  his- 
tory. Most  of  his  hearers  cared  little  for  any  knowledge  of  the  sub- 
ject, but  attended  for  the  amusement  of  the  entertaining  accounts — of 
shaved  beai’s,  earth-eating  Otornaks,  &c. — which  he  used  to  narrate 
with  superabundant  humor.  After  the  lecture  we  often  went  to 
Putter’s  house,  where  we  were  entertained  with  a quartette,  in  which 
he  himself  played  first  violin.  The  excellent  old  man  used  to  be 
pleased  to  have  us  for  an  audience. 

I also  attended  Blumenbach’s  lectures  on  mineralogy,  without  hav- 
ing the  remotest  idea  that  I should  ever  myself  become  a professor 
of  natural  history  and  mineralogy. 

A course  by  Fiorillo,  on  the  history  of  art,  was  very  instructive,  al- 
though he  did  not  speak  German  very  correctly.  Thus  he  would 
say,  that  “ in  this  century  there  arose  a fury  for  spires  ;”f  meaning  a 
passion  for  building  them.  Ilis  principal  subject  was  the  history  of 
painting.  He  described  the  various  schools  of  painting,  and  the  most 
celebrated  artists  of  each ; mentioned  the  localities  of  the  chief  works 
of  each  master,  and  exhibited  copper-plates  of  the  most  remarkable. 
In  connection  with  Fiorillo’s  course,  I made  excursions  to  Cassel,  only 
five  miles  distant.  Tischbein,  director  of  the  valuable  collection  of 
paintings  there,  was  very  kind  in  giving  access  to  them.  I became  quite 
intimate  with  Hummel,  from  Naples,  a shrewd  and  agreeable  man.| 
In  Gottingen  I made  the  acquaintance  of  Riepenhausen,  the  engraver 
on  copper.  His  two  sons,  both  known  as  artists,  and  of  whom  one  is 


* Snvigny  has  given  an  excellent  account  of  Hugo, 
t The  mispronunciation  cannot  be  transferred  to  English. — [^TransJ] 

X Napoleon  had  the  Cassel  gallery  carried  to  France,  and  its  finest  pictures,  such  as  Claude 
Lorraine’s  Four  Hours  of  the  Day.  were  made  over  to  the  Empress  Josephine,  at  Malmaison, 
and  afterward  were  taken  to  St.  Petersburg  by  Alexander. 


62 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


yet  living  at  Rome,  were  my  friends.  Among  the  works  of  the  father 
are  his  widely  known  copies  of  Hogarth’s  pictures,  to  wliicli  Lichteii- 
berg  wrote  an  explanation.  Riepenhausen  possessed  a treasure  of 
Diirer’s  engravings,  from  copper  and  w'ood,  then  valued  only  by  a very 
few'  amateurs,  and  consequently  not  so  costly  a luxury  as  at  present. 
The  oftener  I examined  these,  the  more  I liked  them  ; and  now  I can- 
not look  enough  at  the  St.  Jerome,  the  Hubert,  the  Melancholy,  and 
many  others. 

My  elder  brother,  a student  before  me  in  Gottingen,  w’as  w'ell  knowm 
to  Music-director  Forkel.  I inherited  the  acquaintance,  and  the  more 
easily,  as  he  and  I lived  in  the  same  house.  At  this  time  he  stood 
quite  alone  in  the  musical  world.  A scholar  of  Emanuel  Bach,  of 
Hamburg,  he  had  an  unbounded  reverence  for  ^Emaiiuers  father,  the 
great  Sebastian  Bach,  and  played  his  compositions  for  piano-forte  and 
organ  in  a masterly  style,  after  the  manner  which  had  descended  from 
liim.^  Almost  all  other  music  w^as  strange  and  unpleasant  to  him, 
and  his  over-severe  criticism  upon  the  celebrated  and  splendid  over- 
ture to  Gluck’s  Iphigenia  in  Aulis,  gave  dissatisfaction  to  many,  and 
with  good  reason.  This  criticism  would,  of  course,  be  unfair,  because 
Forkel  judged  of  all  music,  even  Gluck’s,  by  the  pattern  of  that  of 
Sebastian  Bach.  One  who  should  take  Palladio  for  the  normal  archi- 
tect, or  Michael  x\ugelo  for  the  normal  painter,  wmuld  judge  wrongly 
of  the  Strasburg  Minster,  and  of  Correggio.  Thus,  as  Forkel  disliked 
all  the  universally  liked  modern  music,  the  fiiends  of  it  disliked  him  ; 
and  many  left  him,  also,  because  they  were  entii'ely  unable  to  com- 
prehend Sebastian  Bach’s  compositions.  By  means  of  my  brother,  I 
took  piano-forte  lessons  of  Forkel.  He  made  me  begin,  not  on  his 
grand  piano,  but  on  a common  Silbermann’s  instrument,  with  learning 
the  touch,  and  the  production  of  a pure  tone,  and  then  proceeded  to 
exercises,  and  thence  to  the  “ Inventions”  which  Bach  wrote  for  the  piano. 

I studied,  also,  modern  languages.  I took  French  lessons  of  a 
French  abbe,  wdio,  with  undoubting  self-sufFiciency,  considered  French 
literature  elevated  high  above  that  of  all  other  nations.  He  hardly 
knew'  what  to  say  wdien  I praised  Shakspeare — that  mo)i8treP  1 re- 
member how',  once,  he  was  almost  beside  himself  at  my  translating  to 
him  a passage  bom  Lessing’s  “Dramaturgy,”  beginning  with  the  woi'ds, 
“ Let  any  one  name  to  me  a composition  of  the  great  Corneille  which 
I cannot  improve.  What  wdll  you  bet  ?”  “ Who  is  this  Monsieur 


* Forkel  published  several  collections  of  Sel)a.stian  Bach’s  compositions  for  the  pi.ano.  But 
the  works  of  this  profound  master  were  not  valued  by  the  public  at  lar^je,  until  Mendclssolin,  in 
1S2S,  summoned  to  life  some  of  them,  which  had  slept  as  silent  us  death,  in  manuscrija,  lor  a 
hundred  years. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


63 


Lessing,”  he  nshed,  “ wlio  dares  to  come  out  in  this  way  against  the 
great  Corneille  ?”  And  the  explanations  which  Lessing  added  could 
not  satisfy  him  at  all. 

I learned  Spanish  with  the  theologian  Tychsen,  who  was  long  em- 
ployed in  the  Escurial ; and  with  the  friendly  and  thorough  Beneke, 
I read  Shakspeare. 

With  my  love  of  art  was  connected  also  love  of  nature.  In  every 
vacation  I used  to  take  journeys.  At  Whitsuntide,  1801,  with  Meckel, 
the  anatomist;  Luden,  the  historian;  and  some  other  friends,  I visited 
the  Hartz.  There  was  collected  on  the  Brocken  a cheerful  company 
of  some  forty  students  from  different  universities. 

In  the  Michaelmas  vacation  of  1801  I went  to  Hamburg;  at  Easter, 
1802,  to  Berlin;  at  Michaelmas,  1802,  to  Switzerland,  and  down  the 
Ilhine,  from  Basle  to  Coblentz.  As  appears — or  ought  to — my  jour- 
neys were  mostly  on  foot;  as,  fortunately,  the  seductive  railway  was 
not  in  existence; — fortunately,  I mean,  in  reference  to  the  journeys  of 
students.  Not  that  I would  have  them,  as  I did  in  my  youth,  plod 
through  the  sandy  deserts  of  the  Mark,  Pomerania,  and  Lunebiii-g,  on 
foot ; although  even  those  routes  have  their  enjoyment  when  traveled 
with  congenial  and  cheerful  friends,  who,  in  spite  of  wind  and  weather, 
bad  roads,  and  worse  inns,  remain  courageous  and  cheerful,  and  never 
despair  as  long  as  the  money  lasts.  But  I heartily  pity  those  students 
who  go  fi-om  Frankfort  to  Basle  by  railway,  and  see  all  the  magnifi- 
cence of  the  Rhine  and  its  beautiful  mountains,  with  their  castles,  and 
strong  old  towns,  flit  swiftly  past  their  eyes  without  leaving  one  single 
fixed  and  clear  picture. 

The  custom  of  students’  journeys  began  first  to  obtain,  as  far  as  I 
know,  in  the  beginning  of  this  century  ; especially  long  ones.  When, 
in  the  Michaelmas  vacation  of  1802,  I went  from  Gottingen  to  Stutt- 
gart, with  four  acquaintances,  and  challenged  them  there  to  proceed 
with  me  to  Switzerland,  the  thing  seemed  to  them  impossible.  They 
were  so  far  from  accepting  my  proposal,  that  one  of  them  made  a wager 
with  me  that  I would  not  enter  Switzerland.  I won  the  wager. 

Traveling  is  of  the  greatest  value  to  students.  How  otherwise 
could  they  use  their  vacations  ? Most  of  them  go  home.  The  moi-e 
indolent  of  them  are  often  an  annoyance  at  home,  and  even  to  the 
W'hole  neighborhood,  by  their  foolish  tricks,  and  return,  tired  out,  to 
the  university,  having  learned  nothing  in  the  vacation,  but  forgotten 
much.  And  even  to  the  industrious,  the  season  is  not  one  of  active 
exertion.  They  probably  do  not  desire  to  be  entirely  at  leisure,  and 
often  fall  into  an  unfortunate  way  of  half  working  and  half  not,  in 
which  their  heart  is  only  half  in  what  they  do.  So  they  return  to  the 


64 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


univeisity  without  being  either  satisfied  or  refreshed  Avith  their 
vacation. 

The  case  is  far  otherwise  Avith  students  Avho  spend  tlieir  vacation  in 
traveling.  To  begin  with  a very  obvious  remark,  it  is  a good  thing 
that  the  money  which  others  often  Avaste  so  uselessly,  should  be  spent 
in  a pleasure  so  elevating  as  that  of  traveling. 

Traveling — that  is,  of  industrious  students — makes  a pause  in  their 
studies,  so  that  they  do  not  work,  year  in  and  year  out,  like  soulless 
machines  wound  up  and  set  going.  This  pause,  raoreoA^er,  is  not  a 
useless,  wearisome,  and  enervating  idleness;  on  the  contrary,  traveling 
necessarily  excites  a most  vivid  activity  of  mind;  for  the  traveler  can- 
not be  satiated  with  examining  all  the  beauty  Avhich  appears  every- 
where, in  nature  and  art.  I shall  never  forget  how  overpowering  was 
my  first  impression  upon  seeing  the  Alps,  the  Rhine  country,  the 
ocean ; and  the  Strasburg  Minstei',  the  cathedral  of  Cologne,  and  juany 
other  such  things.  All  such  things  are  deeply  impressed  on  the  mind 
of  the  youth,  and  he  collects  in  his  memory  a treasure  of  splendid 
pictures  which  he  can  recall  with  pleasure  in  after  years,  perhaps  when 
unable  to  leave  home.  IIoav  he  Avill  learn,  also,  in  such  journeys,  to 
knoAV  his  beautiful  German  fatherland,  and  to  love  it  Avith  youthful 
affection  ! But  enough  of  traveling,  the  pleasure  of  my  youth,  and  by 
the  memory  of  it,  of  my  old  age. 

Having  sketched  the  bright  side  of  life  at  the  University  of  Gottin- 
gen, I must  not  hide  the  dark  side. 

Whoever  has  read,  with  attention,  Meiners’  “ Oiganization  and 
Management  of  the  German  Universities,”  has  found  an  account  of 
this  dark  side  in  the  former  days  of  Gottingen.  The  book  appeared 
in  1802,  Avhen  the  author  Avas  prorector  there.  Ilis  description  throAVS 
the  strongest  light  upon  the  traits  of  the  University  of  Gottingen  ; and 
how  does  he  begin  ? What  does  he  say,  tor  instance,  ot  the  students  ? 
lie  speaks  especially  of  those  from  leading  families;  who,  he  thinks, 
give  tone  and  character  to  the  university.  As  at  that  time  such  young 
men  “of  condition”  studied  almost  nothing  but  juiisprudence,  this 
fact  seems  to  have  been  the  cause  of  Meiners’  statement,  that  in  Ger- 
many jurisprudence  “undeniably  held  the  highest  place,  medicine  the 
second,  theology  the  third.” 

Meiners  discusses  the  duel  like  a pedant  trying  to  appear  a man  ot  the 
woi-ld,  and  therefore  quite  unable  to  “ touch  the  honor”  of  those  of  high 
condition  ; and,  indeed,  having  more  consideration  for  that  than  tor  his 
own  dutv  as  rnagnijicus.  He  repeatedly  uses  the  term  “a  young  man 
of  condition,”  in  speaking  of  challenges  and  duels  by  such  persons. 

His  tone  is  very  different  in  speaking  of  the  poor  students  of  his 


THE  GERMAN"  UNIVERSITIES. 


65 


tliird  faculty,  the  theological.  “At  our  university,”  he  says,  “the 
period  seems  to  me  not  hir  distant,  when  it  will  be  universally  con- 
sidered not  only  punishable,  but  ridiculous,  for  future  teachers  of 
Christ’s  religion  to  be  demanding  satisfaction  with  the  sword  for 
insults  received.”  These  future  teachers  of  .Christ’s  religion,  then, 
were  at  that  time  never  persons  “ of  condition.”'^- 

Among  other  objections  to  the  examinations  at  Gottingen,  Meiners 
cites  this:  that  the  wealthy  would  go  to  other  universities  to  escape 
them  ; and  that  they  would  occasion  “still  fewer  well-born  and  wealthy 
young  men  to  devote  themselves  to  the  sciences  than  heretofore.” 
But  he  says  nothing  against  the  half-yearly  examinations  of  the  poor 
beneficiaries  (mostly  theological  students).  While  he  is  very  tender 
of  all  considerations  which  might  restrain  the  wealthy  and  well-born 
from  studying  at  Gottingen,f  he  gives  advice,  on  the  other  hand,  for 
preventing  the  poor  from  attending  the  university.  “ Even  a mod- 
erate number  of  industrious  young  persons,”  he  says,  “ with  whom  no 
fault  can  be  found,  who  cannot  support  themselves  through  the  course, 
are  a great  evil.” 

Meiners’  remarks  on  gaming,  as  follows,  are  also  characteristic : 

“ Playing  hazard  will  never  he  stopped  at  universities  where  man}"  wealthy 
young  men  of  family  are  gathered  together.  . . . Sons  hear  and  see  it 

going  on  from  their  earliest  childhood,  and  imitate  their  fathers  in  it  as  early 
as  possible.  ...  A few  years  since,  certain  persons  convicted  of  playing 
hazard,  declared  before  the  court  that  they  had  played  the  game  from  their 
childhood  in  their  parents’  houses,  that  they  thought  it  justiliable,  that  they 
knew  no  other  game,  and  that  they  should  continue,  when  they  had  leisure, 
to  play  it ; and  they  were  content  to  suffer  the  legal  penalty  for  it  when  dis- 
covered. Even  tutors  believe  it  to  he  a good  plan  to  play  hazard  under  proper 
oversight — on  the  principle  of  acquainting  young  people  with  such  games,  and 
of  teaching  them  early  to  play  with  moderation.”  J 

Every  count  sat,  at  lecture,  at  bis  own  table — the  “count’s  table;” 
they  were  addressed  separately,  at  the  beginning  of  the  lecture,  by  the 
title  of  “High  and  well-born  lord  count,”  and  paid  a double  fee.§ 

These  quotations  sufficiently  show  that,  when  I came  to  Gottingen, 
students  from  high  finnilies  did  actually  give  tone  and  character  to  the 
university.  This  shows  why  Meiners  laid  so  extraordinarily  much 
stress  on  the  behavior  of  the  students;  caring  more  for  the  varnish  on 
their  education  than  for  the  education  itself.  lie  would  have  the  way 
of  thinking  of  the  high  nobility  prevail  at  the  university ; and  hence 
his  opinions  on  tlie  duel,  playing  hazard,  &c.  In  like  manner  he 

* Meiners  afterward  adheres  to  the  unanswerable  judgment  upon  the  duel,  given  by  his  col- 
league, the  theologian  Micliaelis. 

t Even  his  opinions  on  the  duel  clearly  indicate  tliis  delicacy.  + Meiners,  2S0. 

§ Meiners,  IS9.  lie  mentions,  also,  other  privileges  of  counts;  such  as  the  entering  their 
names  at  coming  in  a separate  book  ; liaving  a seat  before  the  court,  &c. 

No.  17. — [VoL.  VI.,  No.  2.]— 0 5 


G6 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


expresses  himself,  with  remarkable  tenderness,  in  disagreement  with 
the  strictness  of  the  Gottingen  academical  laws,  not  only  against  wild 
howling  in  the  streets,  but  against  singing;  against  cries  both  oi  'pereat 
and  vivat. 

According  to  him,  the  whole  university  ought,  like  the  single  stu- 
dents, to  be  always  careful  of  its  manners,  and  never  be  disagi-eeable 
to  any  high  personages  passing  through  it. 

I had,  unfortunately,  an  opportunity  to  become  well  acquainted  with 
the  dark  side  of  this  varnished  academical  outside  behavior,  by  means 
of  a very  dear  school-fellow  who  went  from  the  Gymnasium,  a year 
before  me,  to  Erlangen,  and  thence,  the  next  year,  to  Gottingen. 
Through  him  I became  acquainted  with  some  students  who,  as  indeed 
gradually  became  apparent  to  both  of  us,  lived  in  a manner  altogether 
vicious.  Nothing  was  at  first  perceptible,  except  that  they  were  pas- 
sionate hazard-players.  As  to  Meiners’  remark,  that  it  is  not  strange 
that  the  sons  of  good  families,  who  have,  from  childhood,  been  used  to 
see  their  fathers  playing,  should  bring  a fondness  for  it  to  the  univer- 
sity with  them,  the  case  was  exactly  reversed  with  me.  I was  earn- 
estly warned,  by  my  parents,  against  dissipation ; but  they  never 
thought  of  warning  me  against  playing  hazard,  for  the  game  never 
entered  into  their  minds.  Thus  it  happened  that  I was  led  into  play- 
ing. The  game  did  not  seem  to  me  a sin,  but  a matter  of  indifference. 
But  what  a life  did  it  lead  me  into ! The  passion  got  entire  possession 
of  me,  and  made  me  indifferent  to  every  thing  which  I had  before  loved 
most.  It  was  as  if  my  heart  had  frozen  to  ice  within  me.  I thank 
God,  that  after  a little,  I had  the  great  good  fortune  to  have  ill-foitune 
at  play,  which  brought  me  to  reflection  upon  this  unholy  and  devilish 
occupation,  and  caused  me  to  make  a fixed  resolution  to  give  it  up  at 
once,  and  forever. 

At  the  gaming-table  I found  out  how  terribly  vicious  were  the  lives 
of  these  men — most  of  them  being  loathsomely  syphilitic.  God  pre- 
served me  from  any  dissipation  in  that  direction,  however,  by  means  of 
the  advice  which  my  father  had  impressed  strongly  on  me,  and  the 
fearful  warnings  which  I saw  before  my  eyes.  And  yet  these  men 
belonged  to  that  “well-born”  class  who  passed  for  refined  people,  who 
understood  good  mannei's,  and  who  were  everywhere  invited  to  par- 
ties, and  who  shone  in  them. 

My  glance  into  this  abyss  of  moral  destruction  made  so  profound  an 
impression  upon  me  that,  for  a time,  I even  shut  myself  up  misan- 
thropically  from  everybody.  It  still  remains  with  me,  and  subsequent 
experience  has  strengthened  it.  It  may  be  imagined  how  much 
pleasure  I received  when  the  Burschenscka/t  took  ground  earnestly  and 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


C7 


strongly  against  sucli  abominations ; and  how  decidedly  I thought  it 
my  official  duty,  as  professor,  to  speak  everywhere  in  favor  of  that 
body.  To  my  encouragement,  I found  an  exceedingly  true  friend,  al- 
together the  opposite  of  these  rouh  ; an  anima  Candida^  the  true  son 
of  his  mother,  remarkably  interested  in  his  profession,  that  of  juris- 
prudence, and  moreover,  a competent  mathematician.  This  was  the 
present  Senior  of  the  University  of  Tubingen,  Chief  Councillor  of  Jus- 
tice von  Schrader. 

Not  to  conclude  the  account  of  my  Gottingen  experiences  with  a 
discord,  I will  mention  an  occurrence  which  put  me  into  the  greatest 
excitement.  This  was  the  coming  of  Goethe,  who,  in  the  summer  of 
1801,  went  to  Pyrmont  by  way  of  Gottingen.  Scarcely  had  it  become 
known  that  he  had  taken  lodgings  at  the  Crown  Inn,  when  we,  his 
enthusiastic  admirers,  determined  to  give  him  a vivat^  at  the  risk  of 
being  taken  up  by  the  catch-poles. 

We  agreed  to  meet  in  the  evening,  before  the  Crown — Achim 
Arnim,^  Kestner,f  Blurnenbach’s  son,  with  others,  being  the  most 
active.  We  were  all  punctual  at  the  moment.  Arnim  commenced 
the  vivat^  and  we  all  joined  in  right  heartily,  but  thought  best  instantly 
to  scatter  in  every  direction.^; 

On  his  return  from  Pyrmont,  Goethe  spent  a longer  time  in  Gottin- 
gen, lodging  at  Kramer’s  house,  where  I myself  lodged.  Though  this 
delighted  me  much,  I was  still  too  diffident  to  approach  him,  though 
I saw  him  often.  One  evening  he  took  supper  with  some  professors 
and  students,  at  a club,  presided  over  by  Bouterwek  and  Reinhard,§ 
and  which  had  been  sportively  named  the  Improvement  Club.  Some 
pedantic,  stiff  professors  gave  us  to  understand  that  it  did  not  corre- 
spond with  this  name,  that  we  gave  Goethe’s  liealth,  with  cheers,  at 
table,  although  it  was  done  with  .great  enthusiasm. || 


* In  the  summer  term  of  ISOl  I was  much  with  Arnim  and  Brentano;  both  had  been  my 
friends  at  school. 

t This,  I believe,  was  the  same  who  died  at  Rome  two  years  ajro,  universally  lamented.  We 
called  him  Lottiades,  for  (i  reason  which  appears  from  his  mother's  correspondence,  the  publi- 
cation of  which,  by  my  dear  friend.  Councillor  R.  W'agner,  was  so  much  disliked  by  many 
persons. 

X I was  much  pleased  to  find  this  virat  mentioned  by  Goethe  (Bor.?'.!.',  1S40,  part  27,  p.  SI), 
lie  says,  ‘•Rutting  up  at  the  Crown,  in  Gdttinsren,  I observed,  as  twilight  came  on.  a movement 
in  the  street:  students  came  and  went,  disappeared  in  side  streets,  and  appeared  again  in 
groups.  At  last  tlierc  arose,  all  at  once,  a friendly  vivat!  and  in  a twinkling  every  thing  was 
silent.  I was  informed  that  such  demonstrations  were  prohit.ited.  and  was  the  more  pleased 
because  they  had  only  dared  to  greet  me  from  the  street,  in  passing  by.”  So  little  did  the  curii- 
tor  'perpetuus  of  the  University  of  Jena  sympathize  with  this  over-scrupulous  j.rohibition  I 

§ Editor  of  Burger’s  Poems. 

1!  Goethe’s  W’orks,  xxvii.  9‘2.  lie  gives  a very  ludicrous  account  of  a night-scene  at  Kramer's 
house,  when,  between  the  barking  of  dogs  and  Miss  Kramer’s  pra;ticiug  trills,  he  fell  almost 
into  despair.  I have  ofleti  heard  the  singer,  my  fellow-lodger. 


68 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


C.— Halle. 

At  Easter,  1803,  I left  Gottingen  and  went  to  Halle,  the  reputation 
of  which  was  then  very  high,  on  account  of  the  celebrated  physician, 
Reil,  and  F.  A.  Wolf.  I had  labored  excessively  at  Gottingen.  The 
library,  access  to  which  was  made  very  easy  to  me  through  Beneke’s 
friendly  interposition,  had  betrayed  me  into  an  immoderate  amount  of 
reading.  Some  recreation  was  absolutely  necessary  for  me.  This  I 
found,  by  liiring  a summer  lodging  along  with  friends,  among  whom  were 
some  previous  school-fellows.  We  fixed  ourselves  in  the  house  known 
as  The  Bunch  of  Grapes,  beautifully  situated,  between  Halle  and 
Giebichenstein,  whose  garden  looked  down  from  a height  upon  the 
Saale.  AVe  occupied  ourselves  mostly  with  reading  some  of  the  great 
poets.  AVe  formed  a society,  which  we  called  by  the  somewhat 
doubtful  name  of  the  Esthetic  Society  ; whose  members  applied  them- 
selves in  part  to  philosophical  studies,  and  in  part  to  poetry.  AA^e  met 
weekly,  and  contributed  in  turn,  manuscript  articles  of  the  most  vari- 
ous kinds — historical,  aesthetic  ; some  poems,  translations,  prose  and 
poetical.  AA^e  reckoned  ourselves  of  the  school  of  Schlegel.  AVith 
him  I had  previously,  while  at  the  Gymnasium,  come  into  contact  in  a 
singular  way.  Kotzebue  had  written  his  “Hyperborean  Ass,”  a satire 
on  the  brothers  Schlegel.  One  of  our  teachers,  who  hated  the  broth- 
ers, committed  the  mistake  of  reading  this  composition  to  us  in  the 
class.  How  this  should  have  appeared  to  us  as  it  did,  when  our 
teacher  was  so  high  an  authority  to  us,  I do  not  know.  But  as  we 
did  not  like  it,  he  himself  permitted  us,  after  it,  to  read  A.  AAA  Schle- 
gel’s  answer  to  it,  “The  Triumphal  Arch  of  Ilei’r  von  Kotzebue,”  and 
then  the  various  writings  of  the  romantic  school,  of  Tieck,  Wack- 
enroder,  Novalis,  &c.  The  opinions  of  these  writers  upon  the  heroes 
of  ancient  and  modern  times  had  great  weight  with  us.  Dante,  Shak- 
speare,  Cervantes,  &c , whom  they  praised  enthusiastically,  were  read 
by  us  with  eagerness ; while  we  neglected  other  authors,  such  as 
AVieland,  for  example,  who  had  before  been  earnestly  recommended 
to  us."^ 

In  the  AA^hitsuntide  vacation  of  1 803  I visited  Dresden  and  the 
Saxon  Switzerland.  The  Dresden  gallery  of  paintings,  in  particular, 
attracted  me.  It  would  cany  me  too  far,  were  I here  to  speak  of  the 
pictures  which  gave  me  always  increasing  pleasure;  especially  the 

* Wieland  liad  pn-viously  ranked  as  the  representative  of  the  golden  age  of  German  litera- 
ture. esi)ecifilly  hi.s  AgatJn  n and  Oheron,  It,  is  incredihle  how  Ids  authority  was  shaken  by  the 
few  lines  of  the  Citacio  EdicUtlis.  in  the  Athena'iim,  ii.  840.  Our  eyes  were  first  opened,  at  a 
subsequent  time,  to  man;’  doubtful  and  exceptionable  views  of  the  romantic  school. 


TIIK  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Cd 


Sistine  Miulonna — that  apparition  from  a hio-lier  world  —of  the  Correo- 
gios,  Holbein’s  Madonna,  the  Christ  of  John  Bellini,  Von  Ruysdael’s 
and  Claude  Lorraine’s  landscapes. 

At  Michaelmas,  1803,  I left  my  summer  lodging  and  went  to  Halle, 
where  again  I lodged  in  the  house  with  dear  friends.  One  was  the 
excellent  Winterfeld,  who  was  even  then  living  entirely  in  the  element 
of  music.  Unfortunately,  we  had  some  other  fellow-lodgers,  who  lived 
in  so  shamefully  debauched  a manner,  that  at  Easter,  1804,  I gave  up 
my  boarding-place,  and  procured  one  in  the  house  of  the  well-known 
eclectic  philosopher,  the  aged  Eberhard.  He  had  formerly  been  a 
preacher  at  Chari ottenburg,  near  Berlin,  and  was  thence  invited  to 
become  professor  of  philosophy  at  Halle.  His  bearing  was  that  of  a 
polished  and  educated  Frenchman  ; such  as  used  to  be  that  of  many 
educated  Beiliners.  He  belonged  to  the  circle  of  Nicolai,  that  of  the 
Universal  German  Library  [Allegemeine  Deutscher  Bibliothek\  which 
so  long  wielded  the  critical  scepter  of  the  German  literary  world. 
Hamann  and  F.  H.  Jacobi,  at  an  earlier  period,  and  afterward  Fichte, 
Goethe,  Schiller,  and  the  romantic  school,  attacked  the  intellectual 
despotism  of  that  periodical,  and  it  is  now  obsolete. 

I listened  with  the  greatest  interest  to  Wolf;  attending  all  his  lec- 
tures, from  Easter,  1803,  to  September,  1804,  except  his  course  on 
Matthew,  which  I designedly  omitted,  not  wishing  to  become  familiar 
with  his  views  in  that  direction.  Those  which  I did  attend  were  on 
the  History  of  Greek  Literature,  the  Satires  and  Epistles  of  Horace, 
the  Menon  of  Plato,  the  Iliad,  and  the  Clouds  of  Aristophanes.  As  I 
have,  in  the  second  part  of  this  work,  attempted  to  describe  Wolf’s 
character,  I will  here  only  mention  with  gratitude  that  he  assisted  me 
in  a friendly  manner,  with  advice  and  books. 

A companion  and  dear  friend  at  the  university,  Immanuel  Bekker, 
was  at  that  time  my  most  faithful,  pains-taking,  reliable  teacher.  He 
will  remember  how,  in  the  summer  of  1804,  we  read  Greek,  Avith 
little  intermission,  from  early  in  the  day  until  late  at  night,  often  in 
the  open  air,  in  the  most  beautiful  spot  of  the  lofty  bank  of  the  Saale, 
at  Giebichenstein.  At  the  end  of  fifty  years,  his  old  scholar  would 
once  more  offer  him  hearty  thanks. 

In  the  summer  of  1804  Goethe  came  to  Halle,  and  lodged,  not  as 
previously  at  Gottingen,  in  the  sa*me  house  with  me,  but  opposite  me, 
at  Wolf’s  house.  The  street  was  not  very  wide,  and  I could,  there- 
fore, see  him  often,  especially  when  he  sat  at  the  window  with  Wolf. 
But  I did  not  speak  to  him  even  this  time  ; not  until  the  year  1808, 
when  I was  introduced  to  him  in  Carlsbad,  as  a pupil  of  Werner,  from 
Freiberg.  Goethe’s  deep  interest  in  geognosy,  especially  in  Werner’s 


70 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


system,  made  him  put  himself  on  very  friendly  terms  with  me,  and  he 
questioned  me  very  fully  about  life  and  instruction  in  Freiberg. 

The  baths  of  Lauchstedt  are  two  miles  from  Halle.  The  Weimar 
stage  company  came  thither  every  summer  for  several  years.  Goethe’s 
biography  tells  how  much  he  was  interested  in  the  artistic  training  of 
this  troupe,  and  how  much  pains  he  took  to  substitute  classical  plays 
for  the  usual  miserable  ones.  It  may  be  imagined  how  much  delight 
this  theater  afforded  us.  They  represented  Julius  Caesar,  Othello,  The 
Natural  Daughter,  The  Bride  of  Messina,  William  Tell,  and  Jerv  and 
Bately.  When  Friedrich  Schlegel’s  Alarcos  was  produced,  we  thought 
it  our  duty  to  support  the  tragedy  against  the  anti-Schlegelian  party, 
although  our  admiration,  being  founded  on  principle,  was  somewhat 
cool.  Wallenstein’s  Camp  was  excellently  given.  The  numerous  per- 
sons, notwithstanding  the  apparently  confused  and  pell-mell  movements 
of  the  piece,  represented  in  a manner  so  wonderfully  good,  one  artistic 
group  after, another,  that  we  seemed  to  hav'e  before  our  eyes,  in  the  little 
theater,  the  whole  of  the  rude  and  troubled  life  of  the  Thirty  Years’  War. 
This  picture  of  restless,  homeless  warfare,  in  the  constant  face  of  death, 
made  a profoundly  tragic  impression  upon  the  spectators. 

Schiller  came  to  Lauchstedt,  being  then  near  the  end  of  his  life. 
While  Goethe,  in  the  beauty  and  pow'er  of  full  health,  wore  an  impe- 
rial geniality  of  aspect,  Schiller  had  nothing  extraordinary  or  imposing 
in  his  appearance,  but  seemed  modest,  reflective,  and  withdrawn  within 
himself.  We  approaclied  the  great  poet  as  much  as  civility  permitted, 
and  ate  at  the  public  table  with  him,  where  I had  the  good  fortune 
to  sit  nearly  opposite  him.  In  the  evening  we  gave  him  a vivat, 
with  music.  The  wretched  band  of  music  had  been  directed  to  play 
melodies  to  songs  by  Schiller;  but  they  only  knew  that  threadbare 
and  almost  vulgarized  one  of  “Pleasures,  rays  of  beauteous  gods.” 
But  the  kind-hearted  poet  did  not  shame  our  good-will,  and  thanked 
us  most  heartily. 

At  Michaelmas,  1804,  I had  to  leave  the  university  and  go  from 
Halle  to  remain  in  my  father’s  house  at  Dessau.  This  parting  from 
the  university  was  very  painful  to  me.  I had  to  give  up  so  much  in 
which  my  whole  soul  was  interested,  to  lose  sight  of  aims  in  life  just 
coming  into  view,  to  resign  all  my  wishes  and  hopes,  and  to  enter  a 
prosaic  every-day  life  among  law-papers.*  While  in  this  uncomfort- 
able state  of  mind,  I received  a letter  from  an  intimate  friend  at  Halle. 
“ You  must,”  he  said,  “positively  come  back  to  Halle  for  one  half  year. 
Steffens  is  come;  only  become  acquainted  with  him;  he  is  exactly 

* Such  was,  with  myself  and  many  other  of  my  student  friends,  the  opposition  of  the  ideas 
of  student-life  and  Philister-life. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


71 


the  man  for  you.”  This  letter  only  expressed  my  own  ardent  desires, 
and  I earnestly  besought  my  father  to  permit  me  to  return  once  more 
to  Halle.  Although  my  joy  was  great  at  his  consent,  still  I had  no 
idea  how  profound  an  influence  that  consent  was  to  have  upon  my 
whole  after-life. 

To  return  to  my  university  life. 

Having  returned  to  Halle,  I attended  Steffens’  lectures  on  the  inter- 
nal history  of  the  earth.  These  had  a very  remarkable  influence  upon 
me.  Above  all,  I was  impressed  with  Steffens’  great  idea  that  the 
earth  has  a history.  This  idea  was  neither  brought  out  as  an  appa- 
rition of  earth-giants,  so  as  to  prevent  bold  investigations  by  mere 
men,  nor  as  a mere  accident,  without  connection  or  basis.  I learned, 
for  the  first  time,  that  Werner  had  based  a history  of  the  development 
of  the  earth  upon  observations  made  at  the  present  day ; how  the  old- 
est mountains  contain  no  traces  of  fossil  animals  and  plants;  how  these 
are  gradually  found  in  the  younger  mountain  formations,  and  stand 
out  individually  from  the  general  mass  of  the  stone.  Man,  according 
to  Steffens,  was  the  most  individualized  and  independent  creature ; the 
crown  and  key-stone  of  the  earthly  creation. 

Steffens’  “ Contributions  to  the  Internal  History  of  Haturef  so  full 
of  genius,  were  the  basis  of  his  lectures.  He  himself  considered  these 
views  as  the  masterpiece  of  his  life.  He  wrote  them  at  Freiberg,  in 
1801,  under  the  inspiration  of  Werner’s  explanation  of  the  epochs  of 
mountain  formations,  but  had  based  more  deeply  and  developed  more 
widely  the  views  of  his  master.  This  he  did  in  one  treatise  in  them, 
entitled,  “ Proof  that  nitrogen  and  carbon  are  the  representatives  of 
magnetism  in  chemical  processes.”  A second  treatise  is  entitled, 
“Nature,  by  its  whole  organization,  seeks  only  the  most  individual 
development.”  Here  Steffens  steps  behind  Werner’s  scientific  circle, 
and  characterizes,  in  sketches  full  of  genius,  the  development  of  the 
classes  of  animals,  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest,  as  one  graded  indi- 
vidualization. He  closes  with  the  words,  “ He  whom  nature  permits 
to  find  her  harmonies  within  himself,  who  finds  a whole  infinite 
world  within  himself,  is  the  most  individualized  creation  ; and  is  the 
consecrated  priest  of  nature.” 

Goethe  and  Schelling  had  the  greatest  influence  upon  Steffens,  he 
having  become  acquainted  with  them  while  a young  man,  in  1799. 
This  occasioned  the  dedication  of  his  contributions  to  Goethe ; and  the 
work  itself  shows  a close  adherence  to  Schelling. 

But  how  thoroughly  is  Steffens’  work  forgotten  ! It  is  sad  to  see 
how  eagerly,  and  with  what  restless  haste  the  present  generation  drives 
forward,  looking  and  aspiring  forward  only,  without  looking  back  at 


12 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


all  upon  the  past.  And  yet  very  much  could  be  learned  from  our  pre- 
decessors. They  did  not  divide  and  lose  themselves  in  an  infinite 
number  of  single  things;  indeed,  compared  with  ourselves,  tliey  pos- 
sessed but  a small  ti  easure  of  knowledge.  But  they  were  faithful  in  a 
few  things,  and  put  their  money  at  usury ; holding  their  intellectual 
powers  compactly  together,  and  living  in  great  presentiments.  They 
drew  the  sketches  for  mighty  edifices.  And  even  though  tliey  had 
not  building  materials  enough  to  complete  them,  and  sometimes  used 
bad  ones,  still  their  successors  cannot  exalt  themselves  over  them  for 
it,  merely  on  the  ground  of  liaving  had  access  to  the  richer  and  better 
materials  which,  in  the  course  of  time,  have  accumulated.  Indeed, 
they  have  even  the  stronger  claim  to  rank  as  masters,  because,  with 
such  materials,  they  built  in  a firm,  symmetrical,  and  workmanlike 
manner. 

Before  veiy  long  I came  in  closer  contact  with  my  beloved  teacher, 
and  visited  him  daily.  He  introduced  me  to  the  family  of  his  father-in- 
la^v.  Kapellmeister  Reichardt  in  Giebichenstein,  whose  hospitable  dwell- 
ing was  visited,  for  longer  or  shorter  periods,  by  the  most  eminent 
men,  such  as  Goethe,  Jean  Paul,  Voss,  Fichte,  Schelling,  brothers 
Schlegel,  Tieck,  Novalis,  Arnim,  &c.  The  most  prominent  members 
of  the  University  of  Halle  were  also  to  be  seen  in  the  family  circle  of 
the  Reichardts.  Thus,  Wolf  was  often  at  Giebichenstein.  But  the 
most  intimate  member  of  the  circle  was  Schleiermacher,  who  had  been 
invited  to  Halle  together  with  Steffens,  and  was  his  most  intimate* 
friend.  Their  mutual  relations  will  elucidate  what  Goethe  says  of  his 
connection  with  Schiller.  That  is,  they  w^ere  of  the  most  entirely 
opposite  nature  and  character,  and,  for  that  very  reason,  were  supple- 
mentary and  attracted  to  each  other.  Steffens,  then  thirty-one  years 
old,  was  a handsome,  intellectual  man,  very  lively,  easily  excited,  often 
flying  into  a great  passion,  though  of  the  utmost  goodness  of  heart, 
imaginative,  truly  eloquent;  indeed  a born  orator,  hurried  on  by  the 
fullness  of  his  own  feelings,  and  therefore  carrying  away  his  hearers  by 
his  enthusiastic  speech.  His  lectures,  in  which,  as  in  the  ancient 
natural  philosophy,  science  rose  upon  the  wings  of  poetry,  absorbed 
us  wonderfully.  His  oration  for  war,  delivered  at  Breslau,  in  Febru- 
ary, 1813,  had  a most  powerful  influence;  and  a second,  against  the 
French,  at  the  market  in  Marburg,  in  October,  1815,  to  the  people 
gathered  about  him,  so  excited  them  that  such  partisans  of  the  French 
as  happened  to  be  there  were  scarcely  rescued  from  their  hands  by 
being  locked  up  in  the  common  prison. 

Schleiermacher  was  entirely  different  from  Steffens;  being  a small, 
quiet,  and  thoroughly  discreet  man.  In  society  he  never  fell  into 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


73 


liaraiigues.  He  attended  closely  to  what  others  said,  understood  it 
clearly,  and  agreed  or  opposed,  with  his  well-known  and  peculiar  dia- 
lectic keenness  and  skill.  He  never  was  seen  excited  into  a passion ; 
and  even  when  his  anger  was  aroused,  he  expressed  it'powerfully,  but 
always  calmly,  and  not  without  measure.  He  maintained  constant 
control  over  himself,  enough  to  enable  him  to  fix  his  attention  upon 
things  for  the  full  comprehension  of  which  he  had  no  gift;  and  thus 
always  appeared  judicious,  even  in  respect  to  matters  not  fiimiliar  to 
him.  The  almost  tyrannical  dominion  which  he  had  and  exerted  over 
himself,  was  shown,  even  most  strikingly,  in  little  things.  In  a contro- 
versy, for  example,  whether  the  Low  German  pi’onunciation  of  sp,  st,, 
&c.,  was  more  correct  and  euphonious  than  the  South  German,  which 
would  say  schp,  scht,  as  in  schpitz  for  spitz^  he  declared  for  the  for- 
mer. But,  it  was  answered,  why  do  you  not  pronounce  accordingly 
in  the  desk?  Instead  of  alleging  in  reply  his  habitude  from  youth  up, 
lie  said  “I  will,  beginning  with  next  Sunday;”  and  I have  been 
assured  that  he  never  afterward  violated  the  promise. 

Many  students  became  followers  of  Steffens  and  Schleiermacher. 
These  w'ere  divided  according  to  their  preferences  for  science  or  the- 
ory, or  for  the  lectures  of  one  or  the  other.  But  this  never  grew 
into  the  distinct  development  of  two  opposing  schools,  or  even  parties. 
As  the  two  teachers  were  friends,  who  pi'omoted  each  the  good  of  the 
other,  so  the  same  w'as  true  of  the  pupils  of  each.  It  was  also  a 
characteristic  fact  that  neither  Steffens  nor  Schleiermacher  was  jealous 
of  the  pupils  of  the  other.  I never  attended  one  lecture  of  Schleier- 
macher, and  yet  he  was,  in  every  respect,  as  friendly  to  me  as  he  could 
have  been  to  his  most  faithful  and  punctual  hearer.  He  saw  how  pro- 
foundly I was  interested  in  the  results  of  geological  investigations,  and 
thought  it  entirely  a matter  of  course  that  I should  adhere  especially 
to  Steffens.  I once  had  the  confidence  to  say,  in  the  presence  of  Stef- 
fens and  Schleiermacher,  that  I was  no  friend  to  dialectical  talking 
backward  and  forward,  of  long  circuits  about  the  truth,  but  that  I 
preferred  profound  and  compact  aphorisms,  which  bring  the  truth 
directly  before  the  eye,  are  simple  in  foi’m,  and  need  no  such  para- 
phrases. With  the  greatest  reverence  and  love  for  our  teachers,  such 
was  the  freedom  with  which  we  might  express  ourselves  before  them. 
Accordingly,  my  presumptuous  self-confidence  in  this  case  Avas  wisely 
answered,  and  they  gave  me  examples  in  Socratic  dialectics,  with 
friendly  irony;  but  this  without  any  the  least  disturbance  of  my 
relations  with  Schleiermacher. 

It  may,  perhaps,  be  thought  that  the  conversations  and  discussions 
in  our  circle  were  too  exclusively  on  scientific  subjects.  But  this  was 


u 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


not  at  all  tlie  case.  The  most  eager  zeal  of  our  scientific  convei  sations 
■was  relieved  by  the  participation  of  ladies  in  them ; and  the  talking 
ceased  whenever  their  very  excellent  singing  commenced.  They  exe- 
cuted with  pure  and  beautiful  voices,  and  in  a pure  style,  the  best 
music  from  Palestrina,  Leonardo  Leo,  Durante,  Handel,  and  others. 

This  side  of  our  academical  life  I felt  obliged  to  glance  at;  indeed 
no  one  could  omit  it  who  should  desire  to  characterize  the  influence  of 
Steffens  and  Schleiermacher  at  that  important  period."^ 

I was  so  fortunate  as  to  spend,  also,  the  summer  term  of  1805  at  the 
iiniversity.f  In  that  summer  Gall  visited  Halle,  and  lectured  on  his 
theory  of  the  brain,  which  was  then  making  a great  excitement.  Ac- 
cording to  him,  definite  local  protuberances  of  the  skull  indicate  defi- 
nite endowments ; organs  of  good  and  bad  qualities.  Thus,  he  found 
an  organ  for  religion,  and  one  for  murder,  and  another  for  theft.  Gall 
had  more  remarkable  hearers  in  Halle  than  anywhere  else;  eminent 
men  with  eminent  skulls,  which  we,  the  other  hearers,  during  the  lec- 
tures, used  diligently  for  models.  Above  all,  there  was  Goethe’s  mag- 
nificent head,  whose  lofty,  mighty  forehead  showed  no  particular 
prominent  organ;  thus  indicating  a great,  symmetrical,  all-sided,  calm 
organization.  Near  him  sat  Wolf,  whose  forehead,  by  the  prominence 
over  the  eyes  and  at  the  root  of  the  nose,  indicated  critical  tendencies. 
Steffens,  Schleiermacher,  and  Reil  were  also  among  the  audience. 

At  the  end  of  Gall’s  lectures,  Steffens  made  known  that  he  should 
come  out  against  them.  The  new  osteological  theory  of  predestination 
had  displeased  him;  and  doubly,  because  it  threatened  to  interfere 
with  established  things  to  an  incredible  extent.  He  delivered  three 
lectures,  which  have  appeared  in  print. 

A faithful  teacher  should  be  interested,  not  only  in  his  own  special 


* Steffens’  Autobiography^  Varnhagen’s  Recollections  (vol.  ii.),  and  Sclileiermacher’s  let- 
ters of  the  period,  all  agree  with  me  in  this.  But  this  is  not  the  place  to  describe  fully  the 
pleasant  garden  life  of  Giebichenslein,  or  the  never  to  be  forgotten  evenings  with  Steffens, 
t In  the  beginning  of  the  spring  a very  dear  friend,  Bartholin,  and  I,  accompanied  Steffens 
and  Schleiermacher  to  the  Petersberg,  where  we  staid  from  Friday  to  early  Sunday  morning. 
On  Saturday  we  saw  a most  beautiful  sunset,  whose  silence  was  broken  only  by  the  sound  of  tho 
bells  of  innumerable  villages,  ringing  from  the  plain  below  us.  We  sat  until  after  midnight, 
enjoying  a most  lively  conversation  between  our  teachers.  This,  however,  ended  early  Sun- 
day morning,  for  Schleiermacher  was  to  preach  the  sermon  on  the  death  of  the  late  queen  dow- 
ager of  Prussia,  at  nine  o’clock,  in  Ilalle.  In  order  to  meditate  the  better,  he  walked  twenty  or 
thirty  steps  in  advance  of  us.  We  arrived  at  Halle  so  late  that  he  had  barely  time  to  dress  in 
the  utmost  haste  and  ascend  the  pulpit;  yet  no  one  could  see  in  the  sermon  any  marks  of  his 
almost  sleepless  night  and  journey  on  foot;  so  clear  and  thoughtful  was  it.  I felt  obliged  to 
mention  this  pleasure  excursion,  as  it  had  so  important  an  influence  upon  the  mutual  under- 
standing, recognition,  and  friendship  of  Schleiermacher  and  Steffens;  as  appears  from  Steffens’ 
account,  and  from  a letter  of  Schleiermacher  to  Frau  Ilerz.  In  one  point  I quite  agree  with 
Schleiermacher;  namely,  in  his  statement  that  he  and  Steffens  were  accompanied  by  two 
students. 


Till?  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Vo 

followers,  but  in  every  thing  which  may  promote  the  development  of 
the  individual  gifts  of  each  of  his  hearers.  Such  a faithful  teacher 
was  Steffens;  who  urged  me  earnestly  to  go  to  Freiberg  and  attend 
Werner’s  lectures. 

I had  been  pi-ofoundly  stimulated  by  Steffens,  and  even  almost  daz- 
zled by  his  brilliant  fireworks,  compounded  of  varied  pictures  of  nature, 
and  vast  predictions;  and  Werner’s  geognostic  expositions  affected  me 
like  a mild  light;  quieting  and  calming.  He  was  not  so  mystical, 
nor  poetically  comprehensive  as  Steffens ; but  he  gave  me  firmness 
and  fixed  views ; and  the  sense  of  truth,  founded  directly  upon  the 
mountains,  and  comprehended  by  a clear  and  intelligent  mind. 

After  the  close  of  Werner’s  lectures  I returned  to  Halle,  remained 
there  until  September,  1816,  and  then  returned  to  Freiberg,  In  Octo- 
ber the  terrible  period  of  the  French  domination  commenced.  After 
the  battle  of  Jena,  Napoleon  came  to  Halle  and  dissolved  the  univer- 
sity. Steffens  returned  to  Denmark;  and  Wolf,  Schleiermacher,  and 
Reil  were  afterward  invited  to  Berlin.  Jerome,  when  king  of  West- 
phalia, re-established  the  university  at  Halle.  Steffens  returned,  but 
complained,  with  a sad  heart,  of  the  entire  destruction  of  the  pleasant 
life  formerly  existing  there.  And  how  could  it  flourish  and  blossom 
under  the  hateful  dominion  of  foreigners,  so  degrading  to  Germany  ? 

Before  I now  take  leave  of  Halle  for  many  years,  I will  name  some 
few  of  those  who  studied  there  between  1799  and  1806  ; Achim 
Arnim,  Von  der  Hagen,  Nasse,  and  my  brother  Friedrich,  among  the 
earlier  ones;  and  later,  Boeckh,  Immanuel  Bekker,  the  theologians 
Theremin,  David  Schultz,  Scheibel,  Strauss,  Kniewel,  Neander;  and 
also  Yarnhagen,  Winterfeld,  A.  Marwitz,  Dahlmann,  the  younger 
Scharnhorst,  Przystanowski.  Most  of  these  belonged  to  the  circle  of 
Steffens  and  Schleiermacher,^  and  have  since  become  known  and 
celebrated  as  authors;  and  many  more  might  be  named,  who  have  not 
written,  but  who  have  proved  themselves,  and  still  are  proving  them- 
selves, in  actual  life,  most  valuable  men. 

The  well-known  and  remarkable  variety  of  character  among  those 
just  mentioned  is  the  best  proof  that  there  was  in  Halle,  at  that  time, 
no  such  uniform  school  as  was  that  of  Hegel  afterward.  In  Wolf, 
Schleiermacher,  and  Steffens,  we  had  three  teachers  of  character  so 
different  that  it  was  impossible  to  be  imitating  them  all.  This  directed 
us  the  more  to  the  noble,  free  spirit  of  all  three ; who  cared  not  at 
all  for  a troop  of  parroting  and  aping  scholars. 


♦ Part  of  them  are  described  in  Steffens’  ^^Autobiography,"  vol.  v. ; and  by  Yarnhagen,  in 
his  ‘■'Recollections.  ’ 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


It  was  asked  whether,  in  a history  of  the  German  Univei'sities, 
there  would  be  nothing*  to  be  said  of  any  students  except  such  as 
belonged  to  the  societies — Landsmannschaften  and  Orders?  And  the 
answer  was,  theie  were  many  students  who  belonged  to  no  such  soci- 
ety, but  formed  circles  of  friends,  without  any  statutes  whatever,  but 
yet  with  a very  definite  character,  with  common  ideals,  a common 
work,  and  an  endeavor  after  a common  purpose.  I said  that  I had 
known  such  circles,  and  had  been  a member  of  them. 

It  seemed  to  me  very  difficult,  and  indeed  impossible  to  describe 
these  circles  by  any  abstract  representations;  and  I therefore  resolved 
to  give,  instead,  some  account  of  my  own  student  life. 

If  any  reader  is  dissatisfied  at  my  giving  so  many  details  of  my  own 
pursuits,  I may  reply  that  this  has  served  the  purpose  of  exhibiting  a 
picture  of  my  own  variously  directed  industry.  Many  others,  of  like 
views  with  myself,  labored  in  like  manner.  Even  in  Gottingen,  and 
much  more  strongly  in  Halle,  we  had,  firmly  fixed  before  us,  a noble 
ideal  of  mental  development,  which  we  labored  after  with  the  most 
persevei’ing  effort.- 

In  order  to  fill  up  the  chasm  between  my  student  life  and  my  aca- 
demical professorship,  I may  mention  brietiy  that  I studied  from  1806 
to  1808  at  Freiberg;  made  some  geognostical  journeys  in  company 
with  a dear  friend.  State  Councilor  Von  Engelhardt,  lately  deceased, 
in  Dorpat;  lived  in  Paris  from  September,  1808,  to  June,  1809;'^  went 
in  October,  1801),  to  Pestalozzi,  at  Yverdun,  remained  there  to  the 
end  of  April,  1810;  wrote  my  fii  st  book  in  the  summer  of  1810,  at 
Nuremberg,  at  the  house  of  my  beloved  friend  Schubert,  then  went 
to  Berlin,  and  there  received  an  official  appointment,  in  December  of 
the  same  year. 

D. — Breslau.  (1810-181'7.) 

In  December,  1810,  I was  appointed  private  secretary  to  Chief 
Mining  Superintendant  Gerhard,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Prussian 
department  of  mines.  I accompanied  him  on  his  official  journeys,  and 
thus  came  to  Breslau,  in  May,  1811.  Here  he  directed  me  to  make 
out  instructions  for  a geologist  who  was  to  be  sent  to  investigate  the 
Silesian  mountains.  These,  as  I drew  them,  required  a great  deal 
from  the  geologist.  When  I handed  them  to  the  superintendent,  he 
returned  them  to  me,  much  to  my  astonishment.  “The  instructions 
are  for  yourself;”  said  he,  “ you  are  to  make  the  examination.” 

I left  immediately,  and  although  it  was  in  the  heat  of  summer, 


♦ An  account  of  my  life  and  studies  at  Freiberg  and  Paris  is  given  in  my  “ Miscellaneous 
Works"  part  ii.  i)p.  1-35. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


11 

made  my  trip  tlirongh  the  mountains  with  great  zeal.  At  this  time 
tlie  University  of  Breslau  was  organized.  The  appointees  might  be 
divided  into  three  classes.  The  first  were  accomplished  Catholic  pro- 
fessors, some  of  them  having  formerly  been  Jesuits,  and  all  having  be- 
longed to  the  Catholic  University  at  Breslau,  founded  in  1708.  The 
second  were  Protestant  professors,  members  of  the  University  of  Frank- 
fort, dissolved  in  1810.  Among  these  were  the  lexicographer  and 
philologist,  Schneider;  the  theologian,  David  Schultz;  the  physician, 
]>erends,  (fee.  In  the  third  class  were  men  invited  from  very  various 
places  : as  Link,  Steffens,  Von  der  Hagen  ; the  mathematician,  Braudes  ; 
the  old  Sprickmann,  formerly  a member  of  the  Gottingen  Society ; 
Passow,  my  brother  Friedrich  and  myself ; and,  a little  later,  Wach- 
ler.  My  appointment  was  that  of  Professor  of  Mountain  Mineralogy. 

Having  come  to  Breslau,  I received,  for  use  in  my  lectures  on 
oryctognosy,  an  exceedingly  meager  collection  of  minerals.  They 
came  originally  from  the  minister,  Count  Reden  ; but  unfortunately. 
Chief  Mining  Superintendent  Karsten  had  already  selected  out  the 
best  part  of  them  for  the  Berlin  collection.  I was  placed  in  a most 
uncomfortable  condition,  for  the  specimens  given  me  were  not  sufficient 
for  my  use  in  teaching;  and  were,  besides,  so  dirty  that  I had  my 
hands  full  in  cleaning  them  during  the  winter  term  of  1811-12. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I was  almost  glad  to  serve  two  mas- 
ters— for  besides  my  professorship,  I was  appointed  Mining  Councilor 
in  the  mining  department  of  Breslau.  In  this  capacity  I continued 
my  investigations  of  the  Silesian  mountains  during  the  summer  of  1812. 

Teaching  mineralogy,  in  the  absence  of  the  necessary  means,  could 
not,  of  course,  give  me  mucdi  pleasure.  I was  in  the  case  of  a profes- 
sor of  exegesis  without  a Bible,  a professor  of  the  Roman  law  without 
the  Pandects,  an  anatomist  without  a subject.  I had,  nevertheless,  in 
the  winter  term  of  1812-13,  five  hearers;  who,  as  I very  soon  saw, 
imbibed  a general  impression  that  mineralogy  could  be  taught  without 
minerals. 

I cannot  tell  how  painful  these  lectures  were  to  me,  and  how  I tor- 
mented myself  in  trying  to  do  what  was  impossible.  The  s})ring  of 
1813  freed  me  from  my  comfortless  position.  Of  Napoleon’s  army, 
smitten  by  God,  only  a remnant  I’eturned  from  Russia.  The  time  for 
freeing  Germany  was  come;  the  King  of  Prussia  had,  by  his  procla- 
mation of  February,  summoned  volunteers  to  Breslau,  where  he  him- 
self, Bliicher,  Stein,  Scharnhorst,  Gneisenau,  and  the  best  blood  of  his 
people  were  gathered.  Crowds  of  youth,  gathering  to  the  call  of  their 
king,  burned  with  zeal  to  be  led  against  the  French,  and  to  free  their 
fatherland  from  the  tyranny  of  Napoleon.  But  the  king  hesitated 


78 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


louff  before  declarino-  war.  Steffens,  without  waitino;  for  this  declara- 
tion,  delivered  that  remarkable  and  enthusiastic  oration  to  the  stu- 
dents, in  which  he  called  upon  them  to  take  up  arms  for  their  country. 
This  was  a torch  thrown  upon  powder ; Steffens  had  spoken  out  what 
Iiad  long  been  in  the  hearts  of  the  youths.  All  offered  themselves  for 
service,  except  those  for  whom  it  was  an  absolute  impossibility.  The 
academical  lectures  were  discontinued  at  once ; military  drills  took 
their  place,  and  all  Breslau  was  one  great  encampment. 

Steffens  was  placed  in  the  guard  ; and  has  himself  related  his  ex- 
perience during  the  war.  I entered  the  Silesian  militia,  and  was  after- 
ward appointed  on  Bliicher’s  general  staff.  I have  described  my  life, 
during  that  extraordinary  period,  in  a little  work  entitled  Recollec- 
tions of  the  years  1813  and  1814.” 

In  June,  1814,  I returned  from  Paris  to  Breslau.  The  university 
was  still  in  disorder,  and  I had  leisure  to  complete  my  researches  in 
the  mountains.  During  the  winter  of  1814-15,  its  members  gradually 
reassembled.  Having  labored  unremittingly,  almost  four  years,  to 
procure  the  purchase  of  a collection  of  minerals,  I at  last  succeeded  in 
having  purchased  the  collection  of  the  deceased  mineralogist,  Meuder; 
which  was  considered  the  best  in  Freibeig,  after  that  of  Werner. 

My  thoughts  were  now  fully  occupied  with  the  hope  of  thenceforth 
fulfilling  effectually  my  vocation  as  a teacher,  when  suddenly  the  news 
came,  “He  is  out  again — Napoleon  has  escaped  from  Elba;”  and 
soon,  “ He  is  in  Paris.”  Most  of  the  volunteer  youth  were  still  with  their 
standards;  older  volunteers  agreed  to  serve  again  in  case  of  need; 
although  this  did  not  appear  to  exist,  all  the  allied  forces  being  yet  in 
readiness  for  immediate  service. 

The  battle  of  Belle  Alliance  and  the  second  taking  of  Paris  brought 
the  war  to  a close.  AVhile  the  thoughts  of  all  had  hitherto  only 
extended  to  the  rescue  of  Germany  from  the  French  tyranny,  they  now 
included  the  purpose  of  freeing  and  purifying  her  from  evils  whi.di 
were  in  part  ancient  and  deep-rooted,  and  in  part  only  the  conse(pience 
of  the  poisonous  French  influence. 

The  younger  portion  of  Germany,  especially,  was  seized  with  a 
noble  enthusiasm.  The  influence  of  the  war  of  freedom  upon  the  uni- 
versities was  immeasurable.  The  young  men,  who  at  the  summons 
of  the  king  had  entered  the  army  by  thousands,  and  had  fought  honor- 
ably in  its  great  battles,  returned  to  the  universities  in  1815  and  1810, 
to  continue  the  studies  which  the  war  had  interrupted.  In  the  short 
space  of  three  years,  in  which  Europe  lived  through  more  than  in 
three  centuries  before,  was  our  youth  metamorphosed.  Enchanted,  as 
it  were,  previously,  in  the  chains  of  ignoble  and  even  vulgar  academi- 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


19 


cal  habits,  tliey  now  felt  themselves  released,  by  the  most  lofty  experi- 
ences. Thus  they  were  delivered  from  the  tyranny  of  false  honor,  and 
saw  the  Comment  in  its  true  form,  as  did  Titania  her  beloved,  when 
fieed  from  her  delusion.  True  honor  and  courage,  devoted  to  the 
cause  of  their  country  alone,  were  substituted  in  the  place  of  that  imp, 
the  frantic  “point  of  honor,”  which  was,  by  an  unnatural,  sickly  sensi- 
bility, finding  itself  wounded  everywhere,  and  seeking  duels  about 
nothing  at  all.'^  These  contemptible  customs,  partly  derived  from  the 
French,  must  have  appeared  in  a sufficiently  disgraceful  light  to  young 
men  who  had  fought  at  Dennewitz  and  Leipzig. 

As  in  relation  to  honor,  so,  in  the  place  of  the  former  foolish  aca- 
demical looseness  of  morals,  were  substituted,  in  the  students  who  re- 
turned from  the  war,  purer  moral  ideas  and  principles.  The  reality  of 
life  and  death  had  appeared  to  them,  and  had  made  an  impression 
upon  them.  Many  of  the  volunteers  had  been  Turners  before  the  war ; 
and  they  returned  to  those  exercises  after  it,  with  redoubled  zeal. 

The  student  songs,  partly  renommist  and  obscene,  partly  absurdly 
sentimental,  were  replaced  by  others,  pure  and  powerful ; and  especi- 
ally by  patriotic  ones. 

The  love  of  country,  awakened  and  strengthened  in  the  volunteers 
by  the  war,  longed  after  the  unity  and  unanimity  of  Germany.  The 
Landsm.annschaften^  at  enmity  among  themselves,  appeared  to  them 
enemies  of  that  unity  and  unanimity. 

Together  with  patriotism  was  awakened  in  them  a respect  for 
Christianity ; a feeling,  though  indistinct  and  undeveloped,  that  Ger- 
many, without  Christianity,  is  helpless  and  lost.  Their  motto  in  the 
war  was,  “ With  God,  for  king  and  fatherland.” 

It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  youths,  who  had  fought  like  men 
for  their  country,  should  after  the  war  have  conceived  the  idea  that 
that  country,  freed  and  consecrated  by  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  who 
fell  in  battle,  should  now  go  forward,  purified  and  renewed. 

All  these  elements,  springing  from  the  war  of  freedom,  found  their 
expression  in  the  Burschenschaft,  which  was  intimately  connected  with 
the  Turners.  Of  these  we  shall  now  proceed  to  speak. 

*■  Most  of  the  previous  duels  in  Halle  had  originated  “on  account  of  the  broad  stone.”  If 
two  students  met  upon  thi-s  neither  would  turn  out;  or  if  he  did,  he  made  just  as  little  room 
as  possible,  so  as  not  to  appear  a coward.  If  they  touched,  even  in  the  least,  the  rule  was  tliat 
a challenge  followed.  This  “broad  stone”  was  the  summit  stone  of  a somewhat  arched  pave- 
ment. In  order  to  put  an  end  to  these  pitiful  duels,  the  pavement  was  altered  so  that  the 
“broad  stone”  disappeared.  It  is  referred  to  in  the  somewhat  vulgar  student-song,  “0  Jerum, 
Jerum,  Jerum. 


80 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


a.  Founding  of  the  Jena  Burschcnschcft^  June  18,  1816. — Wartharg 
Festival^  October  18,  1817. 

In  various  universities,  the  idea  prevailed  of  founding  a students’ 
society,  in  which  the  new  mental  elements  and  ideals  which  we  have 
mentioned,  should  take  a form,  and  be  called  into  activity.  Jena  was 
foremost,  and  established  a Burschenschaft,  June  18,  1816,  the  anniver- 
sary of  the  battle  of  Belle  Alliance."^  On  the  11th  of  August,  1817, 
the  Jena  Buischenschaft  sent  the  following  circular  to  the  Univer- 
sities of  Berlin,  Breslau,  Erlangen,  Giessen,  Gottingen,  Greifswald, 
•Heidelberg,  Kiel,  Konigsberg,  Leipzig,  Marburg,  Rostock,  and  Tiibingen. 

“Jena,  August  11,  1817. 

“ Greeting  : — 

“ Dear  Friends  : — As  the  jubilee  of  the  Reformation  is  to  he  celebrated  in 
this  year,  we  wish,  undoubtedly  in  common  with  all  good  German  Bursclien, 
since  all  men,  everywhere,  are  intending  to  celebrate  well  this  festival,  to  cele- 
brate it  also,  in  our  own  way.  In  order,  however,  not  to  come  into  cullisieti 
with  the  other  festivities,  which  might  easily  be  disturbed  by  ours,  and  as  the 
celebiatiou  of  the  victory  of  Leipzig  will  fall  upon  the  18th  of  October,  1817, 
we  have  agreed  to  observe  this  festival  on  that  day,  at  the  Wartburg,  near 
Eisenach  ; firstly,  because  the  fixing  of  that  day  will  give  sullicient  time  fur 
attending  the  festival,  without  making  it  nece.ssary  to  neglect  any  thing  of  im- 
portance ; secondly,  because  tho.se  most  distant  would,  perhaps,  not  attend  for 
the  sake  of  the  festival  ; and  lastly,  that  we  may  observe  a festival  in  three 
interesting  portions,— for  the  Reformation,  for  the  victory  of  Leipzig,  and  bn- 
the  first  free  and  friendly  gathering  of  German  Rur.schen,  from  most  of  the 
German  Universities,  upon  the  third  great  jubilee  of  the  Reformation. 

“ With  reference  to  this  triple  purpose,  the  festival  itself  is  so  arranged  that 
we  shall  assemble,  in  the  market-i)lace  of  Eisenach,  on  the  18tli  of  October,  as 
soon  as  it  is  light,  proceed  to  the  Wartburg,  and  listen  to  a prayer  ; then  that 
we  shall  assemble  again  at  about  10  a.  m.,  either  in  the  oi)en  air,  or  in  tlie 
Minnesinger-hall  if  it  rains,  when  an  address  will  be  delivered  ; then  to  take 
breakfast,  and  to  put  off  dinner  until  after  the  divine  service,  appointed  at  2 
p.  M.,  of  the  18th  of  October,  by  the  Consistory  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Weimav, 
in  which  most  of  us  will  wish  to  take  part,  in  order  then  to  partake  of  that 
meal  together,  in  the  Minnesinger  hall.  In  the  evening  we  may  conclude  with 
a bonfire  for  the  victory,  and  a joyous  feast.  To  this  festival  day  we  invite 
you,  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  and  re(piest  you  to  be  present  in  as  great 
number  as  possible ; and  in  case  this  cannot  be,  at  least,  that  you  will  take 
part  by  a delegation.  It  is  hoped  that  all  who  are  to  be  pre.sent  will  be  in 
Eisenach  on  the  17th  of  October.  Every  comer  is  to  go  to  the  Wreatli  of  Rue 
Inn,  on  the  market-place,  so  that,  in  case  there  is  not  room  for  him  there,  he 
may  be  a.ssigned  lodgings  ; which  arrangement  is  necessary,  provi<led  many 
come  ; and  moreover,  will  assist  in  the  forming  of  accpiaintances.  Further,  we 
recpiest  each  of  you  to  invite  to  the  composition  of  a song  to  celebrate  the  day  ; 
and  that  the  .same  may  be  sent  to  us  at  least  fourteen  days  before  the  festival, 
that  we  may  be  able  to  have  it  projierly  printed.  And  in  particular,  we  recpiest 
you  to  answer  this,  our  friendly  invitation,  where  possible,  by  the  end  of 
August  ; and  to  omit  nothing  which  may  cause  this  festival  to  be  celebrated 
by  a large  number,  and  thus  to  become  a gratifying  example  to  all  the  world. 

“ Fare  you  well. 

“ In  the  name  of  the  Burschenschaft  at  Jena, 

“Robert  Wesselhoft,  Stud.  Jar.” 

To  tills  letter  very  friendly  answers  were  received  from  the  various 


* Section  243  of  the  Statutes  of  the  Jena  Burschenschaft. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


81 


universities;  and  all  of  them,  with  but  one  exception,  accepted,  with 
much  pleasure,  the  invitation  to  the  Waitbui'g.  The  distant  students 
of  Kiel  answered,  August  28,  as  follows: 

“Your  letter,  dear  friends,  was  to  us  a welcome  confirmation  of  all  the  g’ood 
and  beautiful  things  which  we  have  heard  from  Jena;  and  we  congratulate 
you  on  your  good  fortune  in  having  originated  the  invitation  to  the  festival  of 
the  18th,  and  tlie  excellent  arrangements  for  it.  Your  invitation  has  excited 
among  us  universal  pleasure  and  enthusiasm  for  the  undertaking  ; and  it  is 
due  only  to  our  great  distance,  and  the  consequent  insurmountahle  difficulty, 
to  many  of  us,  of  the  journey,  that  we  shall  not  he  present  in  a numl>er  so 
great  as  we  could  wish.  Of  so  much,  however,  we  can  assure  you  with  cer- 
tainty ; that  Burschen  from  this  place  will  be  present  with  you,  and  that  their 
number  will  not  be  less  than  twenty.  In  respect  to  the  song,  we  promise  that 
it  shall  he  sung  in  common  at  the  Wartburg,  as  well  as  the  others  that  shall 
be  sent  in  ; and  we  will  not  fail  to  send  it  to  you  in  time. 

“ If  this  pleasant  gathering  of  good  Burschen  at  the  Warthurg  shall  be  numer- 
ous enough,  the  occasion  will  be  an  excellent  one  for  considering  many  mat- 
ters of  general  importance. 

“ Fare  you  well,  until  we  shall  ourselves  greet  you  as  friends,  and  celebrate, 
as  Germans,  the  memory  of  our  great  countryman,  who  will  always  be  our 
most  perfect  representative  of  German  national  excellence.” 

This  letter,  and  the  other  answers  given  in  the  Appendix"^'  vrere 
written  without  any  concert  whatever ; which  renders  their  agree- 
ment together  remarkable,  and  a proof  of  the  universality  of  the  nev/ 
spirit  which  had  been  awakened  by  the  war  of  freedom.  We  will  not 
criticise  the  style  of  some  of  these  letters.  Wlien  youth  of  strong 
and  ardent  character  experience  a profound  moral  change,  this  begins 
with  feeling,  and  only  afterward  develops  into  a clear  and  conscious 
character.  In  its  first  stage,  there  is  a sort  of  minority ; a want  of 
skill  in  verbal  expression,  which  gives  an  air  of  affectation  to  their 
unripe  and  exaggerated  style,  without  any  real  falseness. 

The  reply  of  the  Rostockers,  alone,  is  not  liable  to  this  charge ; it 
sounds  like  jesting  at  the  new  period;  but  they  “jested  at  themselves, 
and  knew  it  not.” 

After  the  Jena  Burschenschaft  had  received  these  answers,  they 
presented  to  the  prorector,  September  21,  the  following  paper: 

“An  earnest  wish  was  simultaneously  expressed,  in  various  quarters,  fv)r  tlie 
celebration,  this  year,  at  the  Wartburg,  of  the  great  festival  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, with  ceremonies  at  which  delegates  from  all  the  German  Universities  are 
to  be  present ; and  it  also  seemed  to  be  a])propriate  that  the  invitations  should 
come  from  Jena.  Tiiese  universal  wishes  have  been  complied  with,  and  all 
the  German  Universities  n()ti{ie<l  to  be  present  at  the  ceremony.  The  day  ap- 
])i'inted  is  the  18th  of  October,  as  the  31st  must  he  observed  by  almost  every 
student  at  his  university,  and  this  day,  also,  is  almost  everywhere  not  in  the 
vacation. 

“ The  common  arrangements  for  the  festivity  will  vary  but  little  from  those 
which  have  before  been  proposed.  Care  will  be  taken  to  secure  brotherly  be- 
havior, such  as  is  appropriate  to  such  a festival. 

“On  the  evening  of  the  17th,  a committee,  from  members  of  the  universi- 


* See  Appendi.v  V. 

No.  17.— [VoL.  VI.,  No.  2.]— 6 6 


82 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


ties,  will  be  appointed  to  preserve  peace  and  good  order  during  the  festival, 
and  to  anange  its  details.  The  ceremonies  are  to  be  simple,  but  dignified. 

‘‘  In  the  morning,  all  participants  are  to  go  in  festive  procession,  vvitli  music, 
to  the  Wartburg,  where,  in  the  Knights’-ball,  the  hymn,  ‘ Our  God  is  a strong 
tower’  {Ein  fester  Burg  ist  unser  Goit),  will  be  sung,  with  trumpets  and  kettle- 
drums. After  this  a Bursch  from  Jena  will  deliver  an  appropriate  oration. 
Then  will  be  sung  the  hymn,  ‘ Lord  God  we  praise  thee.' 

“The  rest  of  the  forenoon  will  be  devoted  to  social  conversation.  At  12.  a 
meal  will  be  taken  in  common.  After  it  there  may,  perhaps,  be  some  gym- 
nastic exercises. 

“ At  half-past  six  a bonfire,  for  rejoicing  and  victory,  will  be  lighted  on  the 
beacon  of  the  Wartenberg,  round  which  patriotic  songs  will  be  sung  and  ad^* 
dresses  made. 

“The  festival  will  then  be  concluded  with  a pleasant  hour  of  drinking  and 
singing  in  the  Knights’-hall. 

“ By  order  of  the  .Jena  Burschenschaft, 

“ DuKtt,  SciIElDLER,  WeSSELHOFT.” 

The  following  “Order  of  the  festival  at  the  Wartburg,  October  18, 
1817,”  was  now  drawn  up  in  Jena,  and  was  approved  by  a committee 
of  students  at  Eisenach 

“1.  At  8 A.  M.,  assembly  of  all  the  Barschen  in  the  market-place. 

“2.  At  8^,  forming  of  the  procession  to  the  Wartburg.  The  order  of  the 
procession  will  be  as  follows  ; The  Castellan  ; his  four  assistants,  two  and 
two  ; music  ; two  color-guards  ; the  colors  ; two  color-guards  ; the  committee 
from  all  the  universities  ; all  the  Barschen,  without  precedence  of  universities, 
two  and  two. 

“ 3.  Order  of  services  at  the  Minnesinger’s  Hall,  in  the  Wartburg  : 

“ Hymn,  ‘ Our  God  is  a strong  tower.’ 

“ Oration,  by  Eiemann. 

“Hymn,  ‘Now  all  thank  God.’ 

“4.  At  12,  dinner  in  the  Minnesinger’s  Hall. 

“ The  healths  will  be  given  by  the  managers. 

“ 5.  At  2 p.  M.,  return  from  the  Wartburg  to  the  city  church  in  same  order 
as  in  going  up. 

“ 6.  After  service,  gymnastics  in  the  market  place. 

“7.  At  6 p.  M.,  general  assembly  of  tbe  Burschen  for  torch-light  proces.sion 
to  the  Wartenberg,  where  addresses  will  be  delivered,  and  songs  sung. 

“ Eisenach,  October  17,  1817.” 

“This  plan,”  says  Kieser,  “having  been  adopted  as  the  basis  of  the 
festival,  only  those  portions  of  the  ceremonies  which  were  performed 
according  to  it,  ought  to  be  considered  as  proceeding  from  the  united 
assembly  of  Burschen  from  the  twelve  universities  of  Germany. 
Whatever  further  was  done  by  individuals,  . . . must  not  be 

charged  upon  the  whole  collectively.”! 

The  Grand  Duke  of  Weimar  not  only  gave  his  permission  for  the 
festival,  but  directed  the  authorities  of  Eisenach  to  leave  the  arrange- 
ment of  it  to  the  students,  and  “not  to  take  any  measures  of  a police- 


♦ We  have  three  descriptions  of  the  Wartburg  festival.  The  first  is  by  Court  Councilor 
Kieser.  who  was  present.  Kieser,  though  enthusiastic  in  his  recognition  of  the  objects  of  the 
liurschensohaft,  and  yet  moderate,  declares  himself  strongly  against  the  burning  of  the  books. 
I follow,  mainly,  his  clear  account,  and  take  ids  vouchers.  Of  a character  opposite  to  Kieser's 
book  is  an  anonymous  one,  much  of  which,  both  for  contents  and  style,  the  author  might  well 
disavow.  A third,  by  Fromman,  is  written  in  youthful  sympathy  with  the  festival  but  is 
hasty.  t Kieser,  p.  15. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


83 


like  character,  and  calculated  to  show  lack  of  confidence  in  them 
inasmuch  as  of  late  years  the  students  of  Jena  had  ‘■conducted  them- 
selves in  a manner  correct  in  a distinguished  degree.”  The  authori- 
ties complied,  to  the  fullest  extent,  with  this  direction. 

On  the  17th  of  October  the  students  gathered  in  from  the  twelve 
German  Universities,  to  the  number  of  about  500.  Jena,  alone,  sent 
more  than  200.  The  remainder  were  as  follows : From  Berlin,  30; 
Erlangen,  20  to  25;  Giessen,  30;  Gottingen,  70  or  80;  Heidelberg, 
20 ; Kiel,  30 ; Leipzig,  15 ; Marburg,  20  or  25  ; Rostock  3 ; Tubingen, 
2;  Wiiizbui-g,  2.  A committee  of  30  students  were  chosen,  among 
whom  were  Sand,  from  Erlangen  ; Buri  and  Sartorius,  fi  om  Giessen  ; 
Carove,  from  Heidelberg;  and  Binzer  and  Olshausen,  from  Kiel. 

“ The  18th  of  October  opened.  A bright  autumn  morning  had  silvered  the 
peaks  of  the  mountain  with  frost,  and  the  Wartburg,  illuminated  by  the  rays 
of  the  ascending  sun,  and  shining  out  with  remarkable  clearness  from  the 
vapors  of  the  mountain,  was  saluted  by  every  one  as  the  sacred  place  of  the 
day.  At  6,  the  ringing  of  all  the  bells  in  the  city  proclaimed  that  the  festival 
was  commenced.  A second  ringing  summoned  the  BurschenscJurft,  at  8,  to  the 
market-place.  The  dimensions  of  the  Wartburg  not  admitting  ail  the  assem- 
bled multitude,  it  was  necessary  to  issue  admission  tickets,  of  wliich  about  a 
thousand  were  given  out.  I'he  procession  was  gradually  formed,  the  Burschen, 
mostly  clothed  in  black,  taking  the  lead,  decorated  with  oak  leaves  from  the 
neighboring  mountain,  and  going  two  and  two.  The  standard  of  the  Jena 
Burschenschaft,  a gift  from  the  ladies  and  young  ladies  of  Jena,  at  the  peace  fes- 
tival of  1816,  and  which  had  to-day  the  honor  of  ranging  all  the  universities 
about  it,  was  unfolded  in  the  centre  of  the  whole,  and  the  procession  moved 
toward  the  Wartburg  at  half-past  8,  all  the  bells  ringing,  and  with  festive 
music.’ 

Sclieidler,  of  Gotba,  marched  foremost ; Count  Keller,  of  Erfurt, 
carried  the  banner  of  the  Jena  Barschenschaft ; and  the  students 
formed  a pi'ocession  extending  a long  distance,  accompanied  by  in- 
numerable citizens  of  Eisenach  and  strangers.  Four  professors  from 
Jena,  Schweizer,  Oken,  Fries,  and  Kieser,  had  gone  to  the  Wartburg 
in  advance  of  the  procession,  and  were  awaiting  it  in  the  Minnesin- 
ger’s Hall. 

“This  hall,  called  also  the  Knights’  Hall,  and  the  chief  beauty  of  the 
Wartburg,  although  lowered  by  nearly  half  its  height,  on  account  of  the  ruin- 
ous state  of  the  walls,  will  hold,  besides  tbe  gallery  at  one  side,  more  than 
1000  persons.  Its  antique,  unchanged  architecture,  its  small  windows,  the 
columns  suppoiting  the  roof,  the  wainscoted  and  variously  painted  walls, 
strikingly  decorated  with  a multitude  of  escutcheons  and  portraits  of  renowned 
princes  of  j)ast  times,  and  just  tastefully  ornamented  for  tbe  festival,  by  the 
jicople  of  Eisenach,  under  tlie  direction  of  Buildings-Inspector  Salzer,  with  oak 
wreaths,  for  the  feast  ; by  tlie  partly  faded  wall  decorations,  and  the  dim  light 
of  the  large  hall,  unoccupied  for  centuries,  carried  back  the  nnnd  of  every 
one  who  entered  to  times  past,  and  especially  to  the  century  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. In  the  middle  of  one  side  a modest  speaker’s  desk  w'as  erected,  and  oppo- 
site to  it  were  arranged  several  rows  of  seats,  ter  race- wise.  Two  students,  sent 
on  in  advance,  had  charge  of  the  arrangements,  in  order  that  the  entrance  of 
the  procession  might  not  be  disordered.  This  made  its  appearance  about  10, 


* Kieser,  pp.  21, 23. 


84 


THE  GERMAN  TNI VERSITIES. 


following-  in  serious  silence  the  w.aving  banner,  which  was  planted  at  the  right 
of  the  desk.  The  managers  of  the  procession,  with  drawn  swords  and  covered 
heads,  formed  a iialf-circle  hefore  the  desk,  and  the  remainder  of  the  audience 
took  their  places  in  tlie  body  of  the  hall. 

“ After  a brief,  silent  prayer,  the  singingdeader,  Durr,  a student  of  theology 
at  Jena,  commenced,  with  a powerful  voice,  the  chosen  festival  hymn,  ‘Our 
God  is  a strong  tower,’  which  was  sung  by  the  whole  assembly,  to  commence 
divine  service.  Afterward  came  forward  the  orator  of  the  day,  Riemann,  of 
Katzeburg,  a student  of  theology  at  Jena,  and  knight  of  the  Iron  Cross,  a dis- 
tinction which  he  had  gained  on  the  bloody  day  of  victory  at  Belle  Alliance, 
and  ascended  the  desk.  In  a well-arranged  address,  he  began  by  greeting  with 
modesty  the  highly  respectable  assembly  ; turning  to  the  purpose  of  the  festi- 
val, he  then  referred  to  the  chief  occurrences  of  those  remarkable  times  to  the 
memory  of  which  the  festival  was  devoted.  He  then  developed  the  needs  of 
tlie  present  time  ; showed  that  the  young  men,  mindful  of  the  past  and  the 
future,  must  hold  fast  to  the  good  already  attained,  of  German  freedom  ; and 
finally,  in  rising  enthusiasm,  invoking  the  shade  of  Luther,  and  of  all  the  noble 
heroes  who  have  fallen  in  the  contest  for  freedom  and  right,  to  be  invisible 
witnesses,  he  offered,  with  sacred  zeal,  in  the  name  of  the  assembly,  this  vow  : 
‘ That  which  we  have  acknowledged  we  will  maintain,  as  long  as  a drop  of 
blood  runs  in  our  veins.  The  spirit  which  has  gathered  us  hither — the  spirit 
of  truth  and  justice — shall  so  lead  us  through  our  w'hole  life,  that  we,  all  bro- 
thers, all  sons  of  one  and  the  same  fatherland,  shall  form  a brazen  wall  against 
every  outer  and  inner  enemy  of  that  fatherland  ; that  the  roaring  death  of 
open  battle  shall  not  terrify  us  from  standing  in  the  heat  of  the  tight,  when 
the  invader  threatens  ; that  the  splendor  of  the  monarch’s  throne  shall  not 
dazzle  us  from  speaking  the  strong,  free  word,  when  truth  and  right  demand 
it ; that  we  will  never  pause  in  the  endeavor  after  every  human  and  patriotic 
virtue.’  He  ended  with  a simple  but  ardent  prayer  for  the  presence  and  bless- 
ing of  the  Most  High.  Sacred  stillness  pervaded  the  assembly. 

“ After  this  followed  the  hymn  ‘ Now  all  thank  God,’  sung  by  the  whole 
assembly.  During  the  singing.  Court  Councilor  Fries  was  besought,  by  some 
of  his  pupils,  to  make  an  address ; and,  ascending  the  desk,  he  spoke,  with 
deep  feeling,  a few  heart-felt  words. 

“ Singingdeader  Diirr  then  invoked  the  divine  blessing  : ‘ The  Lord  bless  us, 
and  protect  us  ! The  Lord  let  His  countenance  shine  upon  us,  and  be  gracious 
unto  us!  The  Lord  lift  up  His  countenance  upon  us,  and  grant  us  His  peace  I 
Amen  !’  And  thus,  in  deep  devotion  and  feeling,  ended  this  portion  of  the 
festival,  intended  especially  in  remembrance  of  the  Reformation.” 

“ A tlourisli  of  trumpets  from  the  summit  of  the  castle  called  to  dinner  at 
12.  Three  rows  of  tables  were  set  in  the  Minnesinger’s  Hall,  and  others  in  the 
adjoining  ronms,  at  which  the  assembly  took  their  places,  the  professors  from 
Jena,  invited  for  their  friendly  symi)athy,  in  the  midst.  Gay  songs  enlivened 
still  more  the  company,  already  inclined  to  pleasure  ; and  above  all,  the  festive 
healths,  given  toward  the  end  of  the  meal,  by  the  managers  of  the  ceremony, 
were  received  and  repeated,  as  expressing  the  inmost  feelings  of  their  hearts, 
with  endless  acclamations,  by  the  whole  assembly.  They  were  as  follows  : 

‘“Tlie  jewel  of  oiir  live.s.  German  freedom.’ 

“‘The  man  of  G()d,  Doctor  Martin  Luther.’ 

“ ‘The  noble  Grand  Duke  of  Saxe  Weimar  and  Eisenach,  the  protector  of  the  day.’ 

“ ‘ The  victors  .at  Lei|)zig.’ 

“‘All  the  German  Universities  and  their  Burschen? 

” Then  were  given  by  the  professors  present  : 

“ By  Court  Councilor  Kiescr. — ‘The  United  German  Burschenschaft,  and  the  noble  spirit 
which  ha.s  unired  it  ’ 

“By  Privy  Court  Councilor  Schweizer. — ‘To  the  joyful  return  of  this  anniversary.’ 

“ By  Court  Councilor  Fries. — ‘ The  volunteers  of  1S18;  a model  for  you,  German  Burschen. 

“Many  more  healths  followed,  given  by  various  individuals,  as  they  weie 
suggested  by  the  (mthusiasm  of  the  banquet,  or  tlie  occurrences,  relations,  Ot* 
memories  of  the  time  ; and  the  dinner  ended  after  2 p.  m. 

“Thus  was  concluded  this  dinner  of  about  six  hundred  persons,  who  had 


* Kieser,  pp.  24-27. 


THE  UEHMAX  UMVEItSITIES. 


S5 


assembled  here,  under  tlie  protection  of  a noble  prince,  in  nieinory  of  a great 
occasion.”’^ 

'Vhc  Burschen  had  proposed  to  precede  by  a public  festival  divine  service 
in  the  city  church  of  Eisenach  ; and  an  invitation  from  General  Supiu'intendent 
Nebe  having  confirmed  their  intention,  the  procession  now,  accordingly,  took 
its  way  to  the  church.  It  would,  naturally,  seem  a delicate  matter  to  intro- 
duce to  the  house  of  God  a company  of  lively  youths,  excited  by  a joyous 
meal,  the  clink  of  glasses,  and  music,  as  well  as  by  the  festivities  of  the  day. 
But  how  profoundly  the  deep  significance  of  the  festival  had  penetrated  tlie 
minds  of  all,  was  shown  by  the  fact  that  even  here,  in  the  last  part  of  the 
Wartburg  festival,  not  the  least  disturbance  interfered  with  the  order  anrl 
quiet  of  the  day. 

The  procession,  in  the  Same  order  as  at  the  beginning  of  the  festival,  de- 
scending the  mountain,  approached  the  church,  in  order  to  make  room  for  the 
Eisenach  militia,  then  just  entering  the  church.  Then  the  Burschenschaft 
followed,  taking  the  places  allotted  to  them,  while  their  standard  was  placed 
next  that  of  the  militia,  in  the  choir,  and  the  managers  placed  themselves  in 
brotherly-wise,  together  with  the  officers  of  the  militia,  within  the  choir. 
After  church  music,  the  clerical  orator.  General  Superintendent  Nebe,  delivered 
an  impressive  address,  appropriate  to  the  day,  filling  with  feeling,  not  only,  as 
usual,  the  hearts  of  his  congregation,  but  those  of  the  students  of  the  German 
Universities. 

“As  every  happy  juncture  inspires  happy  thoughts,  so  here,  also,  did  the 
festive  union  of  the  militia  with  the  united  Burschenschaft,  in  the  temple  of  the 
Lord.  After  a brief  consultation  between  the  officers  of  the  former  and  the 
managers  of  the  latter,  both,  at  the  end  of  the  service,  repaired  to  the  market- 
place, one  in  one  half-circle  and  the  other  in  the  opposite  one,  with  the  stand- 
ards and  leaders  in  the  middle.  Such  inhabitants  of  Eisenach  as  were  unable 
to  find  admittance  into  the  limited  space  of  the  Wartburg,  were  thus  enabled 
to  take  part  in  the  ceremonies.  A hymn,  written  for  the  occasion,  by  General 
Superintendent  Nebe,  was  distributed,  in  print,  and  sung  to  a full  accompani- 
ment, and  the  ceremony  ended  with  cheers  for  various  names  proposed,  of 
Avhich  the  last  from  the  militia,  by  their  leader.  Col.  Von  Egloffstein.  Avas,  ‘ Our 
beloved  guests,  the  visitors  and  from  the  Burschenschaft,  ‘ The  militia  and  the 
noble  citizens  of  Eisenach,  the  friendly  hosts  of  the  day.’ 

“.The  time  until  tAvilight,  when  the  torchlight  procession  began  to  ascend 
the  Wartenberg,  was  occupied  with  gymnastics,  in  the  market-place,  chiefly 
by  the  Tarners'oi  Jena  and  Berlin.’ ’f 

The  Jena  professors  remained  until  this  time.  “ So  far,”  says  Kieser, 
“as  concerns  us,  the  academical  instructors  who  Avere  eye-witnesses 
and  participants  in  the  festival,  I here  give,  in  the  name  of  my  col- 
leagues, our  public  testimony  to  Avhat  has  already  been  said  by  the 
council  and  citizens  of  the  city  of  Eisenach,  as  Avell  as  even  the  high- 
est government  authorities  of  the  countiy,  in  various  publications: 
That  there  was  not  one  movement,  not  one  ex{)ression  or  action,  to 
Avhich  the  most  evil  imagination  could  attribute  a bad  significance,  or 
could  be  blamed  by  the  strictest  censor.”;|; 

It  might  charitably  be  Avished  that  the  festival  had  ended  here. 

But  in  the  evening,  the  students,  with  torches,  went  up  to  the  AVart- 
enberg,  which  is  opposite  the  Wartburg,  Avhere  they  were  received  by 
the  Eisenach  militia.  A song  was  sung,  and  the  student  Rodiger  de- 
livered an  address,  after  Avhich  other  songs  were  sung,  and  a collection 
made  for  the  poor. 


* Kieser,  pp.  28,  29. 


t Ib.  pp.  30,  31. 


t Ib.,  p.  82. 


86 


TTIE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


But  tliere  now  followed  a proceeding  not  in  itself  to  be  excused, 
and  still  more  lamentable  on  account  of  its  consequences : 

“ Some  Burschen,  with  a great  basket  full  of  books  in  their  arms,  a pitchfork 
in  hand,  and  with  great  black  tickets,  on  which  were  printed,  in  staring 
letters,  the  names  of  the  condemned  books,  appeared  by  the  most  fiercely 
blazing  of  the  wood-piles.  This  new  and  unexpected  appearance  attracted  a 
multitude,  who  formed  a compact  ring  around  the  actors.  After  a short  ad- 
dress, in  which  Luther’s  burning  of  the  papal  bull,  at  Wittenberg,  in  1520, 
was  cited  as  an  example,  and  the  un-German  sentiments  of  the  authors  con- 
demned, the  titles  on  the  tickets  were  read  aloud,  and  then,  with  the  books, 
taken  out  of  the  basket,  a few  at  a time,  with  the  pitchfork,  and  committed  to 
the  flames. 

“ It  was  natural  enough  that  the  assembled  crowd  should  applaud  the  act, 
if  only  from  the  suddenness  of  the  show,  and  because  un-German  senti- 
ments were  being  punished  ; although  most  of  the  books  were  unknown  to 
them. 

“ There  were  put  into  the  fire  : 

“1.  F.  Ancillon — On  Sovereignty  and  Organization  of  States. 

“ 2.  Fr.  Von  Colin — Confidential  Letters. 

“3.  “ “ Candid  Pages. 

“ 4.  Crome — Germany’s  Crisis  and  Rescue. 

“ 5.  Dabelow — The  13th  Article  of  the  Act  of  the  German  Union. 

“6.  K.  L.  Von  Haller — Restoration  of  Political  Science;  or,  Theory  of  the 
Natural  Social  Condition,  opposed  to  the  Chimasra  of  the  Artificial-civic. 
7.  The  German  Red  and  Black  Mantles. 

‘‘8,  J.  P.  Harl — On  the  Universally  harmful  Consequences  of  the  Neglect  of  a 
Police  corresponding  to  the  Necessities  of  the  Times,  especially  in  Uni- 
versity Towns,  and  particularly  for  the  Supervision  of  the  Students. 

‘‘  9.  Immerman — A Word  of  Encouragement. 

10.  Janke — The  Constitution-shrieking  of  the  New  Preachers  of  Freedom. 
‘‘11.  Von  Kotzebue — History  of  the  German  Empire,  from  its  original  to  its 
destruction. 

“12.  L.  Theob.  Kosegarten — Address  on  Napoleon’s  day,  1809. 

“ 13.  Same — History  of  my  15th  year. 

“ 14.  Same- — Patriotic  Songs. 

“15.  K.  A.  Von  Kamptz— Code  of  Gensd’armerie.  • 

“ 16.  W.  Reinhard — The  Acts  of  the  Union  upon  Whether,  When,  and  How, 
German  Deputies. 

“17.  Schmalz — Correction  of  a passage  in  the  Bredow-Venturinian  Chronicle 
for  1808. 

“ 18,  19.  Two  later  works  of  the  same,  on  the  same  subject. 

“ 20.  Saul  Ascher — Germanomania. 

“21.  Chr.  Von  Benzel-Sternau — Jason;  a periodical. 

“ 22.  Zach.  Werner — The  Consecration  of  Power. 

“ 23.  “ “ The  Sons  of  Thales. 

“ 24.  K.  Von  Wangenheim — The  Idea  of  Constitutions  ; with  reference  to  the 
ancient  Constitution  of  Wiirtemberg. 

“ 25.  The  Code  Napoleon,  and  Zachariii  upon  it. 

‘“  26.  Wadzeck,  Scherer,  and  others,  against  the  Turners. 

“ 27.  The  Statutes  of  the  Chain  of  Nobility. 

“ 28.  The  Allemanuia,  and  some  other  newspflpers. 

“ After  these  books  weie  burnt  to  ashes,  there  was  added,  a pair  of  sta)^s,  a 
cue  of  hair,  and  a corporal’s  cane. 

' “ A song,  sung  by  the  assembly,  terminated  this  addition  to  the  ceremonies  ; 
and  about  midnight  the  militia  and  the  Burschenschaft  returned  to  Eisenach.”*”^ 

It  is  iricompreliensible  how  the  founders  of  this  auto  da  fe  could 
have  found  those  twenty-eight  books  in  Eisenach.  It  was,  therefore, 


* Kieser,  pp.  36-3S. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


87 


believed  that  this  biirnino;  was  the  execution  of  a measure  loiio;  before 
resolved  on;  and  tluit  the  books  had  been  brought  on  purpose.  But 
the  riddle  is  very  simply  solved  by  the  fact  that  what  was  burnt  was  a 
lot  of  imperfect  sheets  from  an  Eisenach  book  concern,  upon  which 
the  titles  of  the  books  were  superscribed.'^' 

The  students  met  once  more  at  the  Wartburg,  on  the  19th.  Here 
consultation  was  had  upon  the  relations  of  the  Barschenschaft  to  the 
Landsmannschaften^  which  last  found  some  defenders.  The  discussion 
Mas,  at  first,  somewhat  violent ; but  ended  with  thorough  reconcilia- 
tion of  the  contestants;  they  celebrated  the  ‘‘Brotherly  League  of 
Unity,”  and  at  noon,  partook  together  of  the  holy  sacrament. 

On  the  20th  of  October  they  separated. 

The  older  among  us  can  remember  what  an  excitement  the  Wart- 
burg festival  made  in  Germany ; how  some  M^ere  enthusiastically  in 
favor  of  it,  and  others  violently  hostile.  Among  its  adversaries  was 
conspicuous,  Privy  High  Government  Councilor  Von  Kamptz,  who 
presented  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Weimar  the  following  denunciation  :| 

“ Most  Serene  Grand  Duke  : — Your  Eoyal  Highness  is,  doubtless,  already  in- 
formed that  a crowd  of  unruly  professors  and  abandoned  students,  on  the  18tli 
of  the  month,  at  the  Wartburg,  publicly  burned  various  writings  ; thereby 
avowing  their  disapproval  of  them. 

“ Although  true  freedom  of  thought  and  of  the  press  actually  and  success- 
fully exists  in  your  Royal  Highness’  states,  yet  it  is  certainly  not  consistent 
with  a censure  enforced  with  fire  and  dungforks  by  visionaries  and  minors, 
and  a terrorist  proceeding  against  the  same  freedom  in  other  states.  And  it 
will  always  remain  an  enigma  in  history,  how,  under  your  Ro)^al  Highness’  gov- 
ernment, that  classical  fortress,  from  which,  under  your  most  noble  ancestors, 
German  freedom  of  thought  and  toleration  proceeded  ; — how  the  day  of  the 
festival  for  German  liberty  regained  ; — how  the  memory  of  that  great  and 
tolerant  man  ; — how,  indeed,  our  century,  and  German  soil,  could  be  so 
deeply  dishonored  and  profaned  by  such  a characteristic  act  of  the  vandalism 
of  demagogical  intolerance.  It  will  not  become  me,  most  gracious  sir,  to  en- 
large upon  the  necessary  consequences  of  such  an  outrage.  Your  Royal  High- 
ness’ wisdom  will  clearly  discern  them  ; even  if  the  history  of  France  did  not 
teach  us  that  the  fire,  which  at  last  consumed  the  throne,  proceeded  from  the 
funeral-piles  which  pardoned  demagogues  had  before  erected  for  writings  in 
defense  of  that  throne. 


* I was  so  infonnecl  by  one  of  the  incendiaries ; and  the  statement  is  confirmed  in  the  “ Ger- 
man Youth”  {TexhUcher  Jugend),  pp.  16,  17 ; where  it  is  said,  “ The  intention  of  injuring  could 
hardly  have  existed,  since  scarcely  one  of  those  present  knew  either  the  names  of  the  authors 
or  the  contents  of  their  works.”  This  is  a principal  fault  of  the  burning.  Among  tlie  books 
burned  was  one  by  the  present  Minister  of  Wiirtemberg,  Von  Wangenheim.  This  gentleman 
related  to  me,  that  he  once  met  a young  man  in  a public  conveyance,  who  looked  closely  at 
him  for  a time,  and  then  inquired  if  he  were  the  author  of  the  “ Idea  of  Constitutions?”  Upon 
his  answering  in  the  affirmative,  the  young  man  said  that  he  had  to  accuse  himself  of  having 
committed  a great  injustice  toward  Von  Wangenheim.  Tlie  latter  replied,  “But  I do  not 
know  you,  sir;  how  can  you  be  chargeable  with  such  an  injustice?”  “I  burned  your  book.” 
was  the  answer,  “at  the  Wartburg  festival.”  “ If  you  did  that,”  answered  Von  Wangenheim, 
“ you  are  entitled  to  my  heartiest  thanks.  I used,  previously,  to  be  charged  with  being  a dema- 
gogue. But  your  burning  my  book  relieved  me  so  entirely  from  that  charge  that  I have  not 
since  been  obliged  to  answer  it.”  But  so  much  the  more  reason  had  the  young  man  to  blame 
himself  lie  had  richly  expiated  his  fault,  however.  tKieser,  p.  185. 


88 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


“Ifc  is  the  honor  which  was  granted  to  one  of  my  own  works,  of  hearing  a 
part  in  this  auto  da  fe,  tiie  first  in  Germany,  and  thus  far  the  only  one  in  your 
Royal  Highness’  states,  which  is,  as  it  ought  to  be,  the  single  subject  to  which 
I shall  Confine  myself,  at  least  on  this  occasion. 

“ Among  the  books  by  the  bui'ning  of  whicli  these  heroes  of  the  Wartburg 
have  so  well  and  distinctly  proclaimed  what  freedom  of  the  press  it  is  that 
they  and  their  adherents  desire,  was  the  Code  of  Gensd' armerie,  published  by 
me  a few  years  ago,  of  which  1 most  humbly  present  your  Royal  Highness  a 
copy  herewith. 

“ Condescend  to  observe,  from  it,  that  it  is  nothing  more  nor  less  than  a 
mere  collection  of  the  laws  of  .various  princes,  including  also  your  Royal  High- 
ness’ self,  on  the  subject  of  gensd’ai-mes  : to  which  end  will  your  Royal  Highness 
condescend  to  read  the  published  law  on  that  subject,  as  printed  in  full  by 
vourself,  pp.  359  to  369  ; and  by  your  most  noble  and  noble  relatives,  pp.  277 
to  401. 

“This  Code  contains,  nowhere,  my  own  thoughts,  nor  my  own  principles; 
and  therefore,  to  my  lively  regret,  I have  not  the  honor  of  the  disapproval  of 
the  collected  unripe  Solons  of  the  Wartburg. 

But  it  was  the  laws  and  subscriptions  of  kings,  and  other  princes,  and  also 
your  Royal  Highness’  own  laws,  which  have  been  publicly  burnt  in  your 
Royal  Highness’  own  states,  by  your  Royal  Highness’  own  servants  and  sub- 
jects ; and  which,  in  the  intention  of  these  censors  by  fire,  were  publicly  in- 
sulted and  disgraced. 

“ If  I were  not  the  subject  and  servant  of  a German  prince — if  I were  not  a 
German  citizen — the  honor  and  peace  of  Germany  could  not  be  important  to 
me  ; I could  see,  with  entire  personal  indifference,  such  a demagogical  outrage  ; 
and  indeed,  merely  as  author  of  the  Code  of  Gensd’armerie,  I could  only  be 
pleased  to  see  the  urgent  necessity  of  the  institution  whose  laws  I had  collected, 
demonstrated,  and  confirmed. 

“ My  supposition  that  in  the  court-martial  of  censors  at  the  Wartburg.  there 
were  many  to  whom  the  peace  and  good  order  of  our  country  was  a great  grief, 
and  vvho  would  much  prefer  it  to  be  in  Germany  as  in  Italy,  where  honest  citi- 
zens have  to  buy  safety  from  robbers,  is  fully  confirmed  by  tlie  fact  that  in 
the  incendiary  letters  written  from  the  Wartburg,  insulting  Uie  police  systems 
established  in  all  the  German  states,  and  first  in  those  of  your  Royal  Highness, 
the  reason  alleged  is,  that  no  police  is  necessary  in  Germany. 

“ But  is  such  a proceeding  consistent  with  the  respect  for  foreign  powers, 
and  for  their  laws,  publicly  proclaimed  this  very  year?  Is  it  an  evidence  of 
real  freetlom  of  thought,  toleration,  and  public  spirit?  In  what  terms  will  his- 
tory, particularly  the  history  of  German  civilization,  distinguish  this  outrage 
in  her  annals?  What  advantage  will  arise  from  it  to  culture,  science,  and 
social  order  ? The  most  profound  respect,  which  I feel  I owe  to  your  Royal 
Highness,  forbids  me  from  answering  these  and  many  other  questions. 

“ It  is  pi’oper  for  me  to  confine  myself  to  the  collection  published  by  me,  of 
the  laws  of  your  Royal  Highness,  and  other  princes  ; and  inasmuch  as  I may 
not  flatter  myself  that  that  collection  is  known  to  your  Royal  Highne.ss,  I ven- 
ture to  present  it,  accompanied  with  these  most  respectful  observations,  with 
the  same  unbounded  respect  in  which  I shall  die. 

“ Your  Royal  Highness’  most  humble  subject, 

“Karl  Albert  Von  Kamptz, 

“ Royal  Acting  Privy  High  Government  Councilor  and  Chamberlain, 

“ Berlin,  9th  Nov,,  1817.” 

The  tone  of  this  denunciation  is  such  as  to  violate  all  respect  due  to 
the  Grand  Duke ; and  the  more,  as  this  prince  had  shown  so  favorable 
and  friendly  a disposition  toward  the  festival.  This  was  doubly  unjust; 
for  the  burning  of  the  books,  as  we  have  seen,  was  only  an  unfortunate 
accident,  due  to  a few,  and  the  rest  did  not  even  know  of  it.  Herr 
Von  Kamptz,  however,  holds  all  those  present  at  the  festival  alike  re- 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


89 


sponsible  for  the  excess  of  a few  ; and,  it  might  be  said,  indirectly,  the 
Grand  Duke  himself. 

In  opposition  to  this  denunciation,  and  many  other  attacks  upon 
the  Wartburg  festival,  stands  a dignified,  earnest,  and  kind  report  from 
the  Weimar  Ministry  of  State,  from  which  Kieser^  gives  the  following 
extract : 

“ I'lie  assenibl)’-  of  onr  students  from  the  various  German  Universities,  at 
the  Wartburg,  on  the  18th  of  October,  for  the  celebration  of  that  day,  as  well 
as  for  the  jubilee  festival  for  the  Reformation,  is  the  subject  of  so  many  nneasi- 
ne.sses,  and  of  such  various  constructions,  that  a thorough  acquaintance  with 
the  proceedings,  the  origin,  and  the  spirit  and  signiticance  of  tliis  assembly  is 
unquestionably  desirable  and  necessary.  The  undersigned  considered  it  his 
bounden  duty  to  collect  the  fullest  information  upon  the  occurrence,  and  to 
lay  it  before  your  Royal  Highness.  Your  Royal  Highness  will  be  able  to  con- 
vince yourself,  from  it,  that  as  this  festival  proceeded  from  an  idea  laudable  in 
itself,  and  free  from  any  political  intention  ; it  was,  it  is  true,  undertaken  and 
carried  out  with  youthful  enthusiasm  ; but  that  whatever  seems  blamable  in  it 
was  only  accidental,  and  is  to  be  charged  only  upon  a few  individuals.  There 
has  been  no  occasion  so  well  calculated  to  remind  the  various  German  nation- 
alities of  the  necessity  of  unity  to  their  common  welfare,  as  that  of  the  18th 
of  October,  From  separation  proceeded  the  wretched  domination  of  Napoleon, 
whose  grievous  consequences,  in  the  distracted  condition  of  every  country,  al- 
most every  family  has  felt  ; and  it  was  the  re-establishment  of  their  unity 
which  gloritied  the  victory  whose  recollection  can  never  be  lost  from  any  Ger- 
man breast.  All  the  German  Universities  yet  have  among  their  students 
youths  who  took  an  active  part  in  that  glorious  victory.  Some  of  these  be- 
lieved the  festival  of  the  18th  of  October  a most  suitable  occasion  for  removing 
also  from  the  universities  the  divisions  which  had  always  been  originated  and 
maintained,  dufing  centuries,  and  in  spite  of  numerous  prohibitions  by  the  vari- 
ous states  and  by  the  empire,  by  the  Landsmannscliaftcn,  Orders,  and  other  such 
societies;  aud  which  had  been  the  sources  of  innumerable  and  unhappy  divis- 
ions, not  seldom  extending  to  the  states  in  whose  service  the  youths  afterward 
held  public  positions.  With  this  view,  and  in  this  sense,  the  festival  in  mem- 
ory of  the  great  reformer,  and  in  commemoration  of  the  union  of  people  and 
princes,  on  the  18th  of  October,  at  the  Wartburg,  was  proposed  to  be  used  as 
a general  .SM7-5c/ie?2-festival,  and  invitations  were  accordingly  sent  from  Jena 
to  all  the  universities.  A short  time  before  your  Royal  Highness’  return  from 
a journey,  and  a few  weeks  before  the  fulfillment  of  this  before  unknown  de- 
sign, the  first  information  of  it  came  here.  It  was  clearly  too  late  to  juevent 
it,  and  it  therefore  only  remaitied  to  prevent,  as  far  as  possible,  all  disorders 
and  excesses.  And,  indeed,  no  good  reason  existed  for  opposing  tliis  praise- 
worthy beginning  of  the  work  of  destroying  the  long-prohibited  Land&imnn- 
schqften  and  Orders.  With  the  permission  of  your  Royal  Highness,  the  jiolice 
authorities  of  Eisenach  were,  for  this  purpose,  advised  of  the  expected  coming 
of  a number  of  students,  and  directed  to  take  measures  for  their  accommoda- 
tion. It  was  believed  the  surest  method  of  preserving  good  order  and  quiet, 
to  place  confidence  in  the  honorable  feelings  and  expressed  intention  of  tbe 
young  people,  and  to  let  them,  themselves,  take  charge  for  that  puiqiose.  This 
confidence  was  not  abused.  All  the  eye-witnesses,  including  the  higlier  author- 
ities of  the  circle  of  Eisenach,  testify  to  the  religious  solemnity,  the  dignified 
bearing,  and  the  feeling,  with  which,  on  the  whole,  the  festival  of  the  18th  of 
October  was  celebrated.  It  is  certainly  not  a blameworthy  spirit  which  is  ex- 
pressed in  the  whole  order  of  exercises  ; for  the  festival  of  October  18th,  at  the 
Wartburg,  afterward  in  the  church,  at  the  second  assembly,  on  the  19th,  at 
the  Wartburg,  and  at  the  partaking  together  of  the  Loi'd’s  Supper,  the  young 
men  vowed  to  each  other  brotherly  love  and  unity,  and  removal  of  all 
divisions  and  orders  among  themselves  ; and,  as  an  immediate  consequence  of 


* Kieser,  p.  138. 


90 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


this  agreement,  there  now  prevails  among  the  students  at  Jena  a grade  of 
morality,  and  a strict  observance  of  the  laws  of  the  land,  tlie  enforcement  of 
■which  has  heretofore  been  vainly  striven  for  by  the  authorities.  While  this 
praiseworthy  design,  and  the  inspiring  idea  of  a beautiful  unbroken  unity  in- 
lluenced  the  body  of  the  assembly,  it  could  not  but  happen  that  tliere  would 
be  some  present  who  would  fail  to  comprehend  the  true  significance  of  the  oc- 
casion, and  who,  not  controlled  by  their  more  intelligent  fellows,  would  bo 
guilty  of  wanton  acts.  And  thus  it  did,  in  fact,  ha})pen,  that  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  evening,  when  the  minds  of  all  the  young  people  were  excited  by 
the  flames  of  the  festival  bonfire,  that  a few  strangers,  apparently  not  all  of 
them  students,  were  guilty  of  the  wanton  act  of  burning  certain  books,  with 
many  unseemly  expressions.  It  is  certain  that  but  very  few  of  the  students 
had  any  previous  knowledge  of  this  auto  da  fe,  so  called  5 and  that  most  of  the 
books  burned  were  unknown  to  them,  from  which  facts  many  misconceptions 
arose,  which  spread  rapidly,  and  as  usual,  have  become  much  magnified.  It 
is  altogether  false  that  the  Acts  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  and  of  the  Holy 
Alliance  were  among  the  works  burnt.  It  must  be  confessed,  with  concern, 
that  Trofessor  Court  Councilor  Fries  has  printed  an  address  to  the  students, 
which,  although  his  personal  character  forbids  any  suspicion  of  wrong  inten- 
tions, by  its  entire  want  of  good  taste,  as  well  as  by  its  unseasonable  mystical 
ambiguities,  is  reprehensible,  and  has  deserved  the  disapprobation  of  your 
Royal  Highness  5 and  that  the  same  gentleman,  carried  away  by  love  of  his 
pupils,  and  intending  to  oppose  a damaging  calumny,  has  expressed  himself, 
in  the  public  papers,  upon  the  occurrence,  with  less  than  the  proper  calmness 
and  dignity.  He  has  well  expiated  the  hastiness  of  his  unwise  proceedings, 
by  having  received  an  intimation  of  your  Royal  Highness’  displeasure,  and  by 
having  been  subjected,  from  various  quarters,  to  the  lash  of  satire.  I'he  state- 
ment is,  however,  due  to  him  and  to  the  other  instructors  who  were  at 
Ei.senach,  that  they  were  not  present  at  the  bonfire  on  the  mountain  ; an  un- 
fortunate occurrence,  for  it  may  be  added  that  their  presence  would,  perhaps, 
have  restrained  the  petulance  of  the  young  people.  Tliis  was  the  plain  course 
of  the  affair,  which,  through  misunderstandings  and  lack  of  official  accounts, 
which  have  only  now  been  received  of  a reliable  character,  has  been  much  dis- 
torted, and  represented  in  the  public  papers  as  of  importance.  Your  Royal  High- 
ness will  herefrom  be  enabled  to  conclude  that  the  anxieties  wliicli  have 
sprung  up  are  without  a foundation  ; and  it  remains  with  your  Royal  High- 
ness’ wisdom  to  determine,  whether,  besides  the  investigation  alreacly  ordered 
for  the  originators  and  participants  in  the  burning  of  Von  Kamptz’  collection 
of  police  ordinances,  the  prohibition  already  issued  against  the  proposed 
Burschen  Gazette,  and  the  renewed  severe  admonition  to  the  editors  of  the  Op- 
position paper  and  the  People’s  Friend,  any  further  measures  to  prevent  ill 
consequences  are  needed.  As  several  of  those  present  at  the  ceremony  at  the 
Wartburg  were  from  Berlin  and  the  Royal  Prussian  States,  and  were  not  stu- 
dents, it  would  not  be  improper  to  request  the  co-operation  of  the  Royal  Prus- 
sian Government,  so  far  as  is  compatible  with  the  Constitution  of  the  Duchy, 
as  fixed  and  guaranteed  by  the  guarantee  of  the  German  Union. 

“Karl  Wilhelm,  Baron  Von  Fritz. 

“Weimar,  Nov.  10,  1817.” 

However  bad  these  immediate  consequences  of  the  festival,  the 
storm  was  appeased  by  the  publication  of  this  dignified  and  truthful 
report,  as  is  more  especially  evident  from  the  following-  circular,  of 
December  19,  1817,  issued  by  Count  Von  Edling,  to  all  the  residents 
and  agents  of  the  Grand  Duke  ; 

“ I hasten  to  inform  you  that  his  Highness  the  Prince  Von  Hardenberg  and 
his  Excellency  Count  Von  Zichy  have  been  here,  and  have  performed  the  com- 
mission intrusted  to  them.  As  I desire  to  antici[)ate  all  false  conjectures,  1 
have  the  honor  of  sending  you  the  details  of  the  same,  of  which  I beg  you  will 
make  immediate  use.  Tlie  Prince  Von  Hardenberg  and  the  Count  Von  Zichy 
presented  to  his  Royal  Highness  the  Grand  Duke  the  letters  of  their  ies])ective 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


91 


sovereigns.  Tliese  letters  haA^e,  throughout,  called  for  the  grateful  acknowl- 
edgments of  his  Royal  Highness,  as  giving  him  indubitable  prixjfs  (jf  the  con- 
fidence and  good  wishes  with  which  lie  is  honored  by  his  Majesty  the  Emperor 
of  Austria  and  his  Majesty  the  King  of  Prussia.  The  request  that  he  will  ad- 
here to  the  measures  which  may  he  taken  at  the  Diet  of  the  Union,  for  the 
purpose  of  establishing  a just  and  libeval  freedom  of  the  press,  entirely  coin- 
cides with  the  wishes  of  his  Royal  Highness  the  Grand  Duke,  who  has  always 
considered  that  a general  regulation  of  this  matter  was  necessary  and  indispens- 
able for  the  maintenance  of  order,  and  the  commercial  weal  in  Germany. 

“ As  Count  Von  Zichy  desired  to  convince  himself,  personally,  of  the  spirit 
prevailing  in  Jena,  I had  the  pleasure  of  accompanying  him  thither  ; and  al- 
though the  writings  of  a few  extravagant  individuals,  in  reference  to  the  fes- 
tival of  the  18th  October,  have  with  justice  attracted  the  animadversions  of 
the  better  part  of  Germany,  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  the  order,  discipline,  and 
good  feeling  which  prevail  among  the  students  at  Jena,  and  particularly  among 
the  subjects  of  his  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Austria  there,  have  convinced  his 
excellency  that  matters  are  not  there  as  they  have  been  reported. 

“This  result  must  be  gratifying  to  all  those  who  take  a lively  interest  in  the 
occurrence  ; and  we  may  congratulate  ourselves  that  the  atfair  was  intrusted 
to  the  experience  and  wisdom  of  Prince  Von  Hardenberg,  and  the  well-known 
rectitude  of  Count  Von  Zichy.  Their  mission  must,  if  possible,  knit  still  more 
closely  the  bonds  which  have  so  long  united  his  Royal  Highness  with  their 
sovereigns. 

“ With  the  assurances  of  my  distinguished  consideration,  &c.,  &c.” 

This  paper  shows  both  how  much  excitement  was  caused  by  the 
Wartburg  festival,  and  how  important  it  appeared  to  the  governments 
of  Prussia  and  Austria. 

b.  Founding  of  the  General  German  Burschenschoft. 

On  the  anniversary  of  the  Wartburg  festival,  October  18,  1818, 
delegates  fi  orn  fourteen  universities  met  at  Jena,'^  and  founded  the  Gen- 
eral German  Burschenschaft,  whose  statutes  are  given  in  the  Appendix.f 

They  determined' (§  2),  upon  equality  of  right  and  duties,  in  all 
Burschen^  and  that  their  purpose  was,  “Christian  German  education 
of  every  mental  and  bodily  faculty  for  the  service  of  the  fatherland.” 
No  duels  were  to  be  fought  between  members  of  the  Burschenschaft 
(§  20).  Foreigners  could  not  become  voting  members. 

The  Constitution  of  the  Jena  Burschenschaft  goes  more  fully  into 
principles  and  details  J It  gives  full  definitions  of  the  executive  and 
legislative  powers,  for  each  separate  office  in  the  Burschenschaft,  and 
for  the  order  of  business  in  their  meetings.  The  place  of  exercising 
{Turn'platz\  is  taken  under  their  protection  (§§  15  and  229).  Those 
admitted  into  the  Burschenschaft  must  be  Christians,  Germans,  and 
honorable  (§  168).  The  Burschenschaft  \&  called  “ Christian  German.” 

No  difference  of  birth  is  recoo^nized  among  the  members  of  the 
Burschenschaft^  and  they  call  each  other  “thou”  (§§  194,  195).  Only 
“greater  or  less  experience”  is  a basis  of  distinction  (§  197) ; and  it  is 
on  this  princi{)le  only  that  students  are  eligible  to  the  committee 
after  their  second  term  at  the  university,  and  to  the  managing  board 


llaupt,  p.  52. 


t Ib.,  p.  257.  Appendix  IV.— (A.)  t lb.,  p.  261.  Appendix  IV.— (B.) 


92 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


after  tlieir  third  (§  198).  “But  these  distinctions  shall  not  occasion 
any  younger  member  to  be  reckoned  inferior  to  an  older;  for  it  is  only 
individual  excellence,  not  years’  standing  which  can  be  alleged  in  favor 
of  members”  (§  199).  This  paragraph  is  a most  distinct  declaration 
against  Pennalism,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  extended  down  to  our  own 
times. 

The  statutes'*  of  the  General  Burschenschaft,  and  of  that  of  Jena, 
seem  to  have  been  drafted  by  students  at  law,  and  with  a judgment 
and  breadth  almost  unyouthful.  But  any  one  who  knew  the  youths 
who,  in  the  first  innocent  period  of  the  Burschenschaft,  lived  in  free- 
dom and  unrestrained  vigorous  exercises  within  the  limits  of  these 
laws,  will  make  no  objections  to  this  characteristic.  And  if  any  per- 
son is  disposed  to  criticise  them  sharply,  and  find  them  too  mature  and 
strict,  he  will,  upon  a comparison  of  them  with  the  Comment  (also  in 
the  Appendix),  find  reason  to  change  his  opinion,  and  to  look  favora- 
bly upon  them. 

E. — Breslau.  (1817-1819.) 

The  influence  of  the  Wartburg  festival  and  of  the  foundation  of  the 
Burschenschaft  spread  like  wildfire  to  all  the  Protestant  universities  of 
Germany,  and  to' Breslau  among  the  rest.  Here,  the  members  of  the 
Burschenschaft  Avere  also  the  most  active  Turners.f  The  history  of 
the  Breslau  Turning-ground,  already  given,  is  actually  that  of  the 
Burschenschaft  of  that  place,  except  that  the  fornnu',  as  recognized 
by  the  government,  comes  more  into  the  foreground.  The  opponents 
of  the  Burschenschaft,  and  of  the  Turning  system,  accused  the  young 
men,  especially,  of  premature  and  ill-regulated  political  action.  The 
reader  will  learn  the  nature  of  the  various  accusations  made  from  the 
following  dialogue,  in  which  I endeavored  to  delineate  them 

Turning  and  the  State.  (Otto — Georg.) 

0.  Dear  Turners’-defender,  will  you  answer  me  again  to-day  ? 

G.  It  will  be  sure  to  be  onc-e  more  “Complaints,  nothing  but  .com- 
plaints !” 

0.  What  we  are  to  become  very  fond  of,  a profound  writer  says,  we 
have  first  to  fight  stoutly  against. 

G.  A beautiful  sentiment!  You  will  give  me  good  hopes  that  you 
w'ill  become  a true  adherent  of  the  Turning  system.  But  what  are 
your  new  objections  ? 


* As  found  in  Ilaupt.  I do  not  know  that  they  have  been  printed  elsewhere, 
t Gymnasts. 

J This  dialogue  first  appeared  in  ISIS,  in  the  Silesinn  Provincial  Gazette.  T reprint  it  verba^ 
Urn,  as  a contribution  to  a picture  of  the  patriotic  ideas,  aspirations,  and  struggles  of  the  period. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


93 


0.  One  man  said  to  me  that  the  system  was  only  a coarse  system 
of  bodily  exercise,  which  neglected  the  mind.  Are  children  to  be 
made  tumblers  and  rope-dancers?  And  a little  afterward,  another 
complained  that  the  Turning  was  well  enough,  if  it  were  only  confined 
to  bodily  exercises;  but  that  all  manner  of  mental  instruction  was 
connected  with  these;  a useless  plan.  What  is  your  answer  to  these? 

G.  As  an  advocate,  I ought  not  to  have  to  make  any  answer  at  all 
to  two  objections  so  diametrically  opposite;  but  I will  endeavor  to  il- 
lustrate the  point  to  which  both  relate.  Jahn  by  no  means  confined 
himself  to  a comprehensive  description  of  and  instruction  in  the  various 
bodily  exercises,  their  mutual  relations,  and  influence  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  body.  He  felt,  very  clearly,  that  what  the  ordinary  mas- 
ters of  fencing,  swinging,  riding,  &c.,  had  taught,  as  matters  of  bodily 
application  only,  must  be  illustrated  by  an  intellectual  element. 

0.  Can  you  not  describe  this  element  more  fully? 

G.  It  is  difficult,  at  the  beginning  of  a great  development,  to  fix  upon 
the  germ  of  a powerful  principle  which  is  to  live  and  work  in  mani- 
fold forms  and  deeds  for  coming  centuries.  It  can  only  be  imagined. 
Its  efficiency  through  Jahn  and  others  was  not  its  only  efficiency.  Its 
most  marked  development  was  in  the  recent  Turners,  in  whose  hearts 
it  dwelt  and  worked,  chaining  them  to  the  Turning-ground  with  an 
attraction  more  powerful  than  could  have  been  that  of  merely  bodily 
exercises. 

O.  But  its  adversaries  say  that  this  was  a revolutionary  spirit. 

G.  As  was  Luther’s;  as  are  all  to  whose  renovating  power  human- 
ity owes  eternal  youth. 

0.  That  is  not  what  they  mean.  They  refer  to  a Jacobinical  revo- 
lutionary spirit. 

G.  Many  things  may  be  misunderstood.  But  this  misunderstanding 
could  not  happen  to  any  one  earnestly  seeking  to  comprehend  the 
Turning  system  or  the  future  of  Germany.  But  for  this  is  necessaiy 
the  unprejudiced  reading  of  works  on  Turning  and  I'elated  subjects  ; and 
still  more,  thorough  observation  of  the  system  itself,  friendly  intercourse 
■with  the  Turners,  and,  most  of  all,  a comprehension  of  the  errors  and 
sins  of  the  times,  and  a heai  tfelt  desire  to  help  them. 

0.  Can  you,  then,  really  disprove  this  accusation  of  Jacobinism  ? 

G.  Jacobinism  ! These  opponents  should  consider  what  words  they 
use.  Even  if  they  believed  that  the  friends  of  Turning  were  in  an 
error,  they  would  have  to  do  them  the  justice  of  admitting  that  they 
meant  honorably.  And  they  compare  them  wdtli  the  Jacobins,  those 
most  abominable  productions  of  hell  that  ever  appeared  in  human 
fonn  ! 


94 


THE  german  universities. 


O.  But  tlie  Turners  must  have  given  some  occasion  for  the  charge  ? 

G.  I have  never  heard  any  expressions  at  the  Turning-ground  which 
would  bear,  even  remotely,  such  a construction.  But,  lest  you  should 
believe  it,  I will  refer  you  to  matter  in  JahiTs  “German  Nationality,” 
and  “German  Gymnastics.” 

O.  Let  us  hear. 

G.  Take  the  Turners’  motto,  “Bold,  free,  gay,  and  pious.”'^  Is 
that  a Jacobinical  motto  ? 

O.  No,  indeed. 

G.  Or  this  appeal :f  “German  people,  let  not  discouragement  lead 
you  into  contempt  for  the  ancient  houses  of  your  pi  inces ; open  the 
history  of  the  world,  and  seek  for  better.”  Is  that  Jacobinical  ? 

0.  Certainly  not. 

G.  Or  Jahn’s  remarks,  thatj  “It  is  an  injustice  to  old  families,  as 
old  as  the  state,  and  often  among  its  first  founders,  to  permit  the 
dogma  of  a moment  to  have  as  much  influence  as  the  hard  labor 
of  whole  centuries.  If  every  Jack  can,  by  the  prefix  von^  do  as 
much  as  the  traditions  of  early  deeds,  then  can  a mortal  syllable 
(which  will  be  no  creative  word  in  eternity),  do  as  much  as  the  long- 
ripening  fruits  of  time.  An  ancient  oak  of  a thousand  years,  and  still 
green,  is  honorable;  and  so  is  an  old  man  who  has  lived  usefully. 
We  remember  how  many  things  they  have  lived  through  and  en- 
dured ; to  how"  many  Avanderers  they  have  given  shade  and  coolness. 
No  one  stands  long  before  a mushroom,”  Ac.  Is  this  Jacobinical  ? 

O.  Most  completely  the  opposite. 

G.  Or  when  he  says  that§  “Political  revolutions  have  seldom  done 
good,  and  what  little  they  have  was  but  the  companion  of  an  ai'my 
of  miseries ;”  or  that,!  “ Even  in  the  worst  time  of  the  French  period, 
love  to  king  and  fatherland  was  instilled  into  the  hearts  of  the  Turn- 
ers.” Is  all  that  Jacobinical  ? 

O.  Ills  opponents  must  certainly  never  have  read  Jahn’s  works. 

G.  And  they  contradict  each  other,  too;  for  they  sometimes  make 
the  chai’ge  of  Jacobinism,  and  sometimes  find  fault  with  Jahn  and  his 
friends,  the  advocates  of  Turnino;,  for  desirino;  a constitution.  AVhen 
did  these  anarchical  king-murderers  desire  a constitution  ? 

O.  But  I have  heard  it  said  that  Jahn  and  his  friends  did  not,  them- 
selves, know  what  they  meant  by  a constitution. 

G.  But  that  is  what  both  everybody  and  nobody  knows.  Every  one 
that  is,  desires  security  in  his  sphere  of  life,  undisturbed  from  witiiout, 


* Friach^frei^froldich  und  fromm.  Gymnastics,  p.  233. 
X Ib.,  p.  2S6.  § Ib.,  p.  2S3. 


t Niiuonality,  p.  2AS. 
3 Gymnastics,  p.  2;34. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


95 


and  entire  freedom  vitln'n  it;  and  by  a constitution  he  means  an  instru- 
ment which  will  secure  tliis  to  himself  and  to  all ; which  will  leave  to 
the  authorities  the  utmost  freedom  for  good,  but  will  restrain  them 
from  evil.  But  how  such  a one  can  be  obtained,  certainly  very  few 
and  perhaps  none  can  show. 

O.  That  may  be.  But  I imagine  it  might  be  for  the  best  if  our 
youth  were  not  troubled  with  any  civic  concerns  whatever. 

G.  Would  you  have  it  so  now?  The  Turning  system  was  organized 
in  1811.  And  not  only  did  it  contemplate  the  training  of  youth  to 
general  acquirements,  but  the  misery  in  wliich  the  German  fatlierland 
was  sunk  was  at  hand,  to  be  held  up  before  their  eyes  as  a consequence 
of  civic  dissensions  and  intestine  quarrels.  It  was  necessary  to  train 
them  promptly  to  maturity  as  citizens,  for  the  prompt  salvation  of 
their  fatherland  was  necessary.  The  war  of  its  rescue  is  ended ; and 
what  wonder  is  it  that  its  first  sounds  are  yet  echoing? 

0.  I am  pleased  to  see  that  you  think  an  excuse  necessary  here. 

G.  Not  too  fast.  The  sounds  uttered  then  shall  re-echo  through  all 
time. 

0.  What  sounds? 

G,  “ One  Germany  !” 

O.  That  is  your  chief  point,  then?  But  is  it  not  clear  that  the 
greatness  of  Germany  consists  in  the  very  multitude  of  its  nations  and 
prijices,  and  that  its  very  life  is  aimed  at  by  these  preachers  of  unity  ? 

G.  You  unreasonable  man  ! If  you  were  advocating  One  Prussia,  or 
One  Austria,  or  One  Bavaria,  would  you  be  in  favor  of  compressing  to- 
gether all  Germany  into  that  one  ? If  yea,  you  are  right.  But  who  has 
any  such  design  ? The  One  Germany  which  is  desired  is,  free  and 
friendly  confederate  existence  of  all  the  German  nationalities,  in  all  their 
numerous  individualities,  in  mutual  recognition,  respect,  and  love ; and, 
when  necessary,  in  united  strength  against  external  enemies.  For  cen- 
turies the  Germans  have  been  lamenting  over  the  grievous  internal 
divisions  of  their  fatherland;  and  now,  when  the  first  serious  intention 
of  healing  them  is  shown,  a howl  goes  up,  from  all  sides,  as  if  the 
utmost  danger  were  at  hand. 

0.  But  the  preaching  of  hatred  to  the  French,  long  after  the  end  of 
tlie  war,  is  certainly  most  useless  ! 

G.  Useless?  That  is  as  you  take  it.  I know  of  nothing  more  un- 
woitliy  than  insults  to  a subdued  enemy.  Has  it  not  been  repeated, 
even  to  weariness,  yet  not  often  enough  for  some  people,  that  French 
influence  remains  successfully  operative  in  the  inmost  mind  and  heart 
of  numberless  Germans;  that  even  yet,  a French  education  in  manners 
and  language  is  the  highest  ambition  with  an  innumerable  number; 


96 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


especially  witli  a large  part  of  the  German  nobility,  who  ought  to  set 
a better  example.  The  war  is  yet  active  against  this  French  power 
within  the  limits  of  Germany. 

O.  But  contempt  for  foreigners,  such  stringent  restriction  to  the 
national  and  popular,  seems  to  me  entirely  unnatural  to  Germans,  and 
entirely  opposed  to  their  cosmopolitan  character. 

G.  Your  charofes  stand  in  each  other’s  lio-ht. 

& o 

O.  IIow  SO? 

G.  If  you  had  just  now  expressed  apprehensions  lest  Saxony,  Prussia, 
or  Hesse,  should,  by  strictly  limiting  themselves  to  what  is  national, 
or  relates  to  their  national  descent,  lose  their  general  German  charac- 
ter, this  last  charge  of  yours  would  seem  an  extension  of  the  former. 
But  you  expressed  an  apprehension  precisely  opposite ; lest  the  indi- 
viduality of  the  German  races  should  be  lost  in  a general  characterless 
Germanization ; as  a consequence  of  which  you  must  naturally  fear 
lest  the  German  traits  should  be  lost  in  an  entirely  characterless  cos- 
mopolitanism. And  this  would  be  a much  better  grounded  fear  than 
that  of  its  opposite,  from  too  strict  a limitation  of  Germany  within 
itself. 

O.  I must  admit  that  you  are  right. 

G.  No  one  imagines  that,  in  order  to  live  a life  of  entire  devotion  to 
his  country,  a good  citizen  must  have  no  house  of  his  own ; nor  should 
it  be  supposed  necessary  that  a German,  in  order  to  live  for  the  good 
of  all  nations,  must  have  no  fatherland.  Is  it  meant  that  tlie  devil 
should  play  on  the  Germans,  as  those  fools  do  on  the  violin  who  take 
so  much  pains  to  imitate  all  manner  of  instruments  on  it,  but  cannot 
bring  out  the  real  proper  violin  tone?  A skillful  leader  would  ask 
such  a player.  What  is  the  use  of  that  poor  and  incompetent  imitation 
of  the  flute  and  the  liautboy,  when  we  have  the  flute  and  the  hautboy 
themselves?  Do  you  expect,  with  your  ape-fiddling,  to  surpass  the 
orio-inals?  You  ouo-ht  to  be  ashamed  for  so  dishonoring  vour  noble 
instrument,  which  ought  to  lead  all  the  rest  of  the  orchestra ! 

0.  Your  application  is  clear ; that  an  imitator  of  all  the  world  is  by 
no  means  a cosmopolitan. 

G.  Precisely;  just  there  is  the  misunderstanding.  “The  devil  is  the 
imitator  of  God;”  said  the  Jesuits,  who  were  good  judges  of  such  a 
case.  A fow'  great  and  gifted  Germans,  like  Goethe  and  Tieck,  for  in- 
stance, have  profoundly  penetrated  and  lived  in  the  spirit  of  foreign 
nations,  with  love  and  sympathy.  They  were  trained  for  this  by 
understanding  and  loving  the  glory  of  their  own  countiy.  And  with 
these  great  minds  are  confounded  those  who  become  Frenchified  apes, 
because  they  are  too  God-forgottenly  strengthless  to  beconte  German 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


07 


men.  It  is  imagined  to  be  one  and  tlie  same  thing,  whether  a great 
merchant  become  rich  at  home,  by  honest  trade,  invests  capital  at  the 
ends  of  the  earth,  or  whether  a bankrupt  peddler,  with  no  home  any- 
where, borrows  wherever  he  goes  and  makes  a great  display  with  the 
money  ! 

0.  But  I should  fear  that  this  preaching  to  Germans  against  becom- 
ing Gallicized,  might  be  unintelligently  perverted  into  a truly  unchris- 
tian hate  of  the  French. 

G.  If  you  put  the  matter  upon  conscientious  grounds  you  shall  be 
answered  accordingly.  What  German  is  ready  to  love  the  French  ? 
If  he  is  a Prussian,  let  him  love  the  iVustrians  and  Bavarians  first ; if 
a Bavarian,  the  Prussians.  Will  one  who  does  not  love  his  child,  love 
a stranger?  Do  you  suppose  that  the  Good  Samaritan  loved  strangers 
only,  and  had  no  love  for  his  wife  and  child  and  his  fellow^-Samaritans  ? 
Shall  these  empty  cosmopolitans  boast  of  their  Christian  perfections 
and  their  love  of  universal  humanity,  while  they  show^  themselves 
heartlessly  indifferent  to  fellow  citizens  and  countrymen  within  the 
narrow  sphere  of  their  own  actual  lives?  No.  Only  the  German  who 
loves  all  Germans  with  a compi'chensive,  heartfelt  love,  is  ripe  for  the 
love  of  foreigners  ; and  as  long  as  he  retains  one  spark  of  hatred  against 
any  German  nationality,  let  him  not  claim  credit  for  the  greater  until 
he  has  fulfilled  the  less. 

O.  You  may  be  right.  But  I must  return  to  a previous  inquiry, 
which  you  did  not  answer;  that  is,  where  is  the  good  of  orations,  about 
civic  affairs,  at  the  Turning-ground  ? 

G.  I said  before,  that  the  pressing  period  of  1811  demanded  a 
stringent  education.  But  have  you  lately  heard  any  such  orations? 

O.  You  know  that  I have  never  been  upon  the  Turning-ground. 

G.  I have  been  there,  and  have  heard  no  such  ; still  less  have  I 
delivered  any.  And  I agree  with  you  entirely ; they  ate  no  place  for 
such.  x\s  the  Turning  exercises  contemplate  the  development  of  the 
human  body,  not  civil  training  for  a definite  future  occupation,  for 
smiths,  carpenters,  or  miners  ; so,  in  like  manner,  the  mind  should  not 
be  trained  in  a civic  direction,  but  in  a general  development — to  truth, 
faith,  candor,  moderation,  chastity,  hatred  of  lies  and  deceit,  of  drunken- 
ness and  licentiousness.  Let  such  a mind  be  implanted  in  the  Turners, 
and  it  will  of  itself  develop,  in  the  after  relations  of  life,  into  the  civil 
virtues,  without  any  artificial  direction  toward  them,  or  any  untimely 
hot-house  forcing,  which  seeks  to  anticipate  the  natural  time  of 
ripening. 

0.  But  this  does  not  seem  to  me  consistent  with  the  premature  in- 
struction of  the  Turners,  on  all  occasions,  in  love  of  country. 

No.  17.— [VoL.  VL,  No.  2.]— 7 7 


08 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


G.  But  do  you  consider  the  fatlierlaiid  a civic  organization  ? In 
order  to  love  it,  must  one  first  liave  received  tlie  privilege  of  German 
burghership  ? Do  you  not  believe  that  a German  country — a German 
heaven — bind  even  the  youngest  German  hearts  with  a thousand  bonds 
of  love  before  they  ever  hear  the  words  “ German  State,” — and  that  it 
is  this  very  love  which  is  the  very  heart  of  all  the  later  civic  virtues? 

O.  “German  heaven — German  country;”  how  do  these  enchain  the 
child  and  the  youth  ? Ilis  place  of  abode,  his  immediate  neighbor- 
hood, enchain  him.  “ Germany”  is  only  an  idea,  which  he  is  not  even 
able  to  comprehend  I 

G.  How  your  charges  refute  each  other ! At  one  time  you  say  the 
German  Dtherland  is  far  too  narrow  and  confined  for  the  cosmopolitan 
tendencies  of  the  Germans.  And  this  is  believed  by  thousands,  not 
only  of  German  men,  but  of  children  ; and  the  sphere  of  observation 
of  infants  is  to  be  enlarged  beyond  the  limits  of  Germany,  by  instruc- 
tion in  foreign  tongues,  and  knowledge  of  foreign  lands  and  history. 
And  these  very  same  men  who  think  this  kind  of  instruction  quite 
natural,  because  it  is  usual,  are  displeased  to  have  love  of  country  im- 
pressed upon  the  hearts  of  youth,  as  if  it  were  something  beyond  their 
capacity. 

0.  But  only  tell  me  this : What  shall  our  youth  understand  by  the 
term  “German  fatherland?” 

G.  Understand?  Our  pious  forefathers  made  their  children  pray, 
and  taught  them  edifying  texts  and  hymns.  The  childish  heart  found 
in  devotion  the  life  of  its  life  ; the  deep  impi-ession  never  perished, 
but  consecrated  their  whole  existence,  to  their  death.  Illuminati 
asked,  What  can  a child  understand  by  the  names  of  God  and  Christ  ? 
and  prayer,  Bible,  and  hymns  were  thrown  away.  This  was  worse 
than  church  sacrilege ; it  was  sacrilege  of  the  inward  inborn  holiness 
of  the  heart.  Shall  we,  in  like  manner,  rob  our  children  of  the  name 
of  fatherland,  to  preserve  it  until  their  understanding  is  ripened  ? The 
name  will  make  no  impression  upon  men — they  will  not  understand 
it — unless  they  have  loved  it  instinctively  from  their  earliest  youth  ; 
unless,  in  the  clod  of  earth  on  which  they  are  born,  they  love,  sym- 
bolicadly,  their  whole  country.  And  fathers  and  teachers  who  would 
impress  upon  the  young  a love  of  country,  must  love  it  sincerely 
themselves. 

0.  And  also,  at  least,  incline  to  revolution. 

G.  I think  I have  thoroughly  refuted  the  charge  of  Jacobinism 
made  against  the  Turners.  But  if  you  should  hear  an  expression 
which  has  a revolutionary  sound,  reflect  that  it  is  an  echo  of  1813,  the 
year  when  all  Prussia,  from  king  to  peasant,  rose  up ; and  remember 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


09 


those  wlio  then  uttered  such  words.  Tliat  period  of  violence  is,  tliank 
God,  past ; and  what  is  now  needed  is  quiet  and  peaceful  develop- 
ment. But  the  argument  has  another  side,  also.  Every  germinating 
truth  is  revolutionary  against  prevailing  errors;  every  germinating 
virtue,  revolutionary  against  prevailing  vices  opposed  to  it.  And, 
therefore,  there  is  always  an  outcry  at  the  rising  up  of  new  youthful 
truths  and  virtues.  The  current  errors  and  vices  scent  the  coming  of 
a powerful  enemy,  and  the  end  of  their  power. 

0.  But  you  surely  do  not  mean  that  errors  and  vices  should  be 
rooted  out  in  the  bloody  French  revolutionary  fashion? 

G.  How  can  you  ask  so  foolish  a question  ? Most  people  have 
learned  enough  by  the  French  revolution,  not  to  believe  decapitation 
a sure  remedy  for  disorders  in  the  head.  Heaven  protect  us  against 
sucli  a casting  out  of  the  devils  through  a Beelzebub  as  that,  where  the 
evil  spirit  would  return  with  seven  others  worse  than  himself!  But  in 
Prussia  there  is  no  call  for  any  remedy  of  the  kind. 

O.  And  what  protects  Prussia  herself  against  a reformation  ? 

G.  If  a government  opposes  the  development  of  the  divinely  or- 
dained spirit  of  the  times,  and  persists  in  forcibly  maitltaining  anti- 
quated and  obsolete  forms,  in  propping  a rotten  house  with  rotten 
timbers,  it  has  no  business  to  be  surprised  if  the  roof  tumbles  down  on 
its  head.  But  the  course  of  the  Prussian  government  is  directly  the 
opposite.  It  attentively  observes,  follows,  and  promotes  the  develop- 
ment of  that  spirit;^'  and  thus  will  a renovation  be  peacefully  accom- 
plished, for  the  sake  of  which,  in  France,  millions  of  bloody  sacrifices 
were  offered.  Consider  the  extinction  of  the  convents,  of  many  of  the 
privileges  of  the  nobility,  of  the  guild-restrictions ; the  institution  of 
the  militia. 

0.  Against  all  those  steps  I have  heard  much  outcry,  especially  of 
late. 

G.  And  no  wonder.  I have  cried  out  against  them  myself.  Every 
process  of  renovation  causes,  for  a time,  an  uncomfortable  state  of 
afiairs;  like  that  when  one  removes  fi'om  an  old  and  failing  house,  but 
in  which  he  has  lived  happily,  into  a new  one,  handsomer,  but  not 
yet  put  in  order.  The  old  house  is  empty  and  waste;  and  in  the  new 
one  every  thing  is  in  confusion  ; if  we  would  sit,  thei'c  are  no  chairs, 
and  if  we  would  lie  down,  no  bed.  We  may,  natuiTilly,  be  a little  im- 
patient; but  who  would  lament  as  if  he  had  no  house  at  all,  and  return 


♦‘•The  Bjiirit  of  tlie  times'’  has,  unfortunately,  come  to  mean  a wicked  spirit,  opposed  to 
the  eternal  kingdom  of  God.  The  divine— rather  the  God-fearing— spirit  of  the  times  is  the 
very  opposite  of  this,  inasmuch  as  it  is  observant  of,  and  obedient  to,  tlie  indications  from 
above.  (Remark  in  1S54.) 


100 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


to  the  Ijeloved  old  ruin  in  which  lie  had  liv^ed  so  many  years  ? He 
should  rather  be  quiet,  and  help  set  things  in  order. 

0.  Exactly  such  desires  to  return  to  past  times  have  I heard  from 
many  sources ; and  particular  praises  were  given  to  the  strict  forms  of 
Friedrich  IL 

G.  They  would  be  just  as  harmful  now  as  they  were  valuable  then. 
The  great  task  for  our  present  government  seems  to  me  to  be,  so  to 
loosen  up  all  relations  that  each  and  every  germ  of  development  can 
grow  freely  and  un repressed  ; and  yet,  notwithstanding  this  freedom, 
to  hold  all  surely  together.*  ' 

O.  But  what  is  to  be  the  result  of  all  this  ? 

G.  The  government  will  discontinue  what  discontinues  itself,  by  not 
possessing  inward  force  enough  to  maintain  itself.  This  is  the  princi- 
ple of  the  Prussian  suum  cuique^  that  great  principle  of  justice  which 
asks  not,  AVhen  were  you  established  ? but.  Are  you  what  you  claim  to 
be  ? Every  wicked  clergyman  must  be  displaced  who  believes  that  his 
office  shall  consecrate  him ; every  nobleman  who  thinks  that  his  rank 
will  raise  him,  when  he  is  ignoble,  both  in  thought  and  deed  ; every  arti- 
san, who  is  untrained  and  unskillful,  but  still  would  keep  himself  from 
being  dismissed  out  of  the  company  of  skillful  masters,  by  means  of 
guild  privileges.  The  man  is  himself,  is  the  new  maxim  ; the  man  is 
no  longer  to  be  consecrated  b}^  his  station  ; but  desecrated  stations  are 
to  be  consecrated  and  restored  to  their  place  by  the  men  who  shall  fill 
them.  Every  man  must  be  fit  for  his  position  in  the  nation ; and  the 
consciousness  of  this  fitness  must  give  him  inward  peace  and  outward 
safety.  Thus  will  justice  abide  in  the  earth.f 

0.  But,  my  dear  friend,  is  your  paradise  to  develop  itself  by  nothing 
except  mere  negation  of  what  is  obsolete  ? Do  you  mean  that  your 
equalit}"  will  be  secured,  after  the  leaving  and  pulling  down  of  the  old 
house,  by  a new  one,  which  shall  build  its^elf?  If  you  do,  things  can 
not  be  in  a more  promising  condition  than  they  are  in  France;  for  the 
pulling  down  business  has  never  been  more  thoroughly  done  than  there. 


* B}"  this  is  not,  of  course,  meant  the  dismal  and  devastating  labor  of  moles,  who  root  and 
undermine  the  most  beautiful  meadows  in  such  a manner  that  not  a blade  of  grass  can  be  seen; 
but  the  benignant  influence  of  the  spring  sun,  which  warms  and  stirs  up  the  earth,  gray  and 
stififened  with  frost,  until  all  the  seeds,  resting  in  their  death  like  winter  sleep,  awaken  and  spring 
up,  and  adorn  the  fields  and  meadows  with  their  youthful  greenness.  (1854.) 

t Office  and  social  station  lay  upon  men  a responsibility  to  God,  which  not  even  the  best  com- 
plete!}’  discharge.  (Luke  xvii.  l(t)  But  we  refer,  not  to  conscientious  workers  and  champions  but 
to  those  who,  so  far  from  striving  to  fulfill  the  duties  imposed  upon  them,  even  go  in  the  opposite 
direction,  and  are,  mora'ly,  minus  quantities.  In  reference  to  clergymen  particularly,  church 
authorities  are  to  replace,  as  far  as  jmssible,  such  as  are  manifestly  unworthy.  As  fju’  as  possi- 
ble, I say  ; for  that  a complete  purification  of  the  church  is  not  possible  is  acknowledged  by  the 
eiirlith  article  of  the  Augsburg  Confession;  with  a wise  view  to  the  consolation  of  congregations 
uffiicted  with  unworthy  pastors.  (1854.) 


TIIK  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


101 


G.  Do  not  tliink  me  so  foolish.  It  is  true  Unit  Prussia  Inis  peace- 
fully pulled  down,  wliere  France  did  it  with  violence  and  blood  ; but, 
God  be  praised,  slie  has  done  more  than  to  pull  down.  I'arallel  with 
that  process,  there  went  one  of  building  up,  of  which  no  one  in  France 
even  thought ; and  which  gloriously  distinguishes  the  Gei'inans  from 
the  French. 

0.  To  what  do  you  refer  ? 

G.  To  education.  What  Frenchman  thought  of  that  in  the  time  of 
the  Revolution  ? The  schools  were  dispersed,  the  best  clergymen 
were  banished,  and  the  youth  sank  into  barbarism.  But  woe  to  the 
revolution  whose  actors  forget  posterity ! What  is  the  disuse  of  old 
forms  and  the  introduction  of  new  ? If  the  men,  and  especially  youth, 
are  not  renovated,  the  new  forms  are,  and  remain,  empty  delusions. 
Such  a hopeless  revolution  was  never  laid  to  the  charge  of  Germany, 
and  could  only  happen  to  short-sighted  and  most  degraded  people. 
Remember  what  Luther,  whom  the  Germans  may  cite  to  the  shame  of 
the  French  revolutionists,  did  for  schools;  how  he  made  them  even  a 
chief  object  of  attention.  In  like  manner,  the  Germans,  even  in  the 
most  perilous  period,  from  1806  to  1813,  in  that  time  of  trial,  w'hen  a 
divine  revolution  in  their  minds  strengthened  them  for  a new  birth, 
never  lost  sight  of  education.  The  abandoned  French  revolutionists, 
drunk  with  victory,  went  to  the  opposite  extreme,  and  foigot  their  own 
times,  thinking  only  of  posterity.  I read,  not  without  feeling,  a little 
while  since,  Fichte’s  remarks  on  this  subject,  in  his  Address  to  the 
German  Nation,  in  1808  : “Every  one  sees  what  is  clearly  before  our 
eyes,  that  we  can  make  no  active  resistance.  How  can  we,  therefore, 
vindicate  our  title  to  continual  existence,  forfeited  by  this  fact,  against 
the  charge  of  cowardice  and  an  unworthy  love  of  life  ? No  otherwise 
than  by  determining  not  to  live  for  ourselves;  and  to  prove  this  deter- 
mination by  planting  seeds  of  honor  for  our  posterity,  and  patiently 
enduring  until  this  object  shall  have  been  safely  accomplished.” 

O.  It  is  in  accordance  with  these  excellent  sentiments  that  the  gov- 
ernment, during  that  evil  time,  founded  two  universities. 

G.  It  did  more  than  that — not  of  so  obvious  a kind,  however. 

O.  To  what  do  you  refer  ? 

G.  I spoke  of  the  ancient  forms  which  they  discontinued.  They  were 
not  under  obligations  to  proceed  in  the  same  manner  in  respect  to  the 
many  antiquated  educational  forms  in  the  schools  and  universities. 
Only  raving  French  revolutionists  would  “throw  away  the  child  with 
the  bathing-tub,” — would  exterminate  the  schools  entirely.  The 
necessary  process  was  a renewal,  slow  and  iinperceptible — a renewal 
which  could  not  be  forced,  but  such  as  comes  to  pass  of  itself,  when 


102 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


the  spirit  of  the  age  causes  to  be  born  men  with  new  needs,  new  loves, 
and  new  talents. 

O.  Among  whom  you  doubtless  include  Pestalozzi  and  Jahn.  * 

G.  Undoubtedly.  The  government  has,  up  to  this  time,  so  ordered 
affairs  that  the  old  and  new  elements  have  not  come  into  opposition. 
The  classical  schools  and  universities  have,  on  the  whole,  adhered  to 
the  ancient  principles;  Pestalozzi  rules  in  the  teachers’  seminaries  and 
lower  schools,  and  the  Turning-grounds,  again,  stand  by  themselves,  in 
contrast  with  all.  The  new  elements  are  thus  enabled  to  develop 
themselves  symmetrically  and  appropriately ; and  already  the  begin- 
ning may  be  seen  of  a mutual  influence  and  strengthening  between 
the  old  and  the  new. 

Old  principles  become  definite  in  an  existence  of  centuries,  modify 
crude  and  ill-adapted  novelties,  and  are  in  turn  reinvigorated  and  re- 
juvenated by  them.  Blessing  and  grace  may  be  hoped  for,  when  all 
are  bent  only  upon  the  good  of  the  young;  when  none  believes  him- 
self alone  to  be  possessed  of  the  truth,  but  allows  others  to  correct  and 
warn  him,  and  lovingly  does  the  like  for  them;  when  all,  as  the  noble 
Fichte  said,  determine  “not  to  live  for  themselves  alone,  and  to  prove 
their  determination  by  planting  the  seeds  of  honor  for  their  pos- 
terity,”— a posterity,  I may  add,  whose  growth,  and  development  in 
the  divine  spirit  of  the  age,  the  German  fatherland  will  protect  against 
all  revolutions. 


The  contest  betw^een  the  Burschenschaft  and  the  Turners  came  to 
such  a height,  in  Breslau,  as  to  cause  an  entire  separation  into  friends 
and  opponents  of  the  latter.  The  account  of  the  Wartburg  festival 
gave  additional  vigor  to  this  contest.  But  it  reached  its  height  in 
March,  1819.  I cannot  forget  the  fearful  impression  made  upon  me 
wdien  my  late  friend  Passow,  quite  out  of  his  senses,  came  to  me  wdth 
the  words,  “ What  do  you  think  ! A student  has  murdered  Kotzebue  !” 
It  w'as  as  if  the  foresight  of  all  the  evil  consequences  of  this  wicked 
and  most  unfortunate  deed,  had  terrified  me,  all  at  the  moment. 

We  gradually  learned  all  the  particulars.  The  excitement  caused 
by  Sand’s  crime,  not  only  among  members  of  the  university,  but 
among  all  classes,  was  excessive,  and  was  stimulated  by  the  falsest 
reports.  It  was  said  that  a great  and  wide-extended  conspiracy  had 
been  discovered,  to  whi(di  Sand  belonged,  and  that  the  duty  of  murder- 
ing Kotzebue  had  fallen  to  him  by  lot ; that  a list  of  the  names  of 
sixty-six  persons  had  been  found,  who  were  yet  to  be  stabbed  by  mem- 
bers of  this  association.  This  made  many  opponents  of  the  Burschen- 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


103 


schaft  uneas}^  as  tlieir  names  might  also  be  upon  the  list,  and  this 
naturally  made  their  enmity  more  bitter,  and  caused  their  attacks  to 
assume  a character  of  self-defense  against  these  imaginary  dangers. 
Opponents  of  the  Burschenschaft  among  the  students  put  forth  a state- 
ment, in  vdiich  they  expressed  their  disapproval  of  Sand’s  crime ; 
whether  this  was  put  into  the  hands  of  the  authorities,  I do  not  know. 
We  who  were  friends  of  the  Burschenscliaft  were  placed  in  a very 
nncomfortable  position.  As  we — i.  e.,  Passow,  Ilarnich,  the  younger 
Schneider,  Schaiib,  and  others — were  going  to  the  public  Turning- 
ground,  we  were  recognized,  and  it  would  be  remaiked  that  we  be- 
longed to  the  conspiracy.  This  excitement  was  increased  by  a set 
public  educational  address,  by  Adolf  Menzel,  against  the  Turning  sys- 
tem, and  by  the  report  that,  in  Berlin,  various  persons,  and  especially 
Jahn  himself,  had  been  imprisoned. 

But  enough  of  the  results  of  Sand’s  act  at  Breslau.  Let  us  pro- 
ceed to  an  account  of  Sand  himself,  based  chiefly  upon  his  own  diary. 


a. — Sand. 

Karl  Ludwig  Sand'*  was  born  at  Wunsiedel,  5th  October,  1795. 
He  was  the  youngest  son  of  Councilor  Justice  Sand.  A dangerous 
attack  of  smallpox  and  a severe  fever  impeded  his  studies,  and  he  could 
receive  no  instruction  until  his  eighth  year.  His  teacher,  Rector 
Saalfrank,  removed,  in  1810,  from  Wunsiedel  to  Hof;  and  tbence,  in 
1812,  to  the  Gymnasium  at  Ratisbon,  to  both  of  which  places  Sand 
followed  him. 

From  his  teachers  at  Ratisbon  he  received  a testimonial  of  mental 
endowments,  expressed  in  high  terms,  “ If  he  continues  in  the  same 
course,”  it  said,  “ he  will  one  day  exercise  a happy  and  powerful  in- 
fluence for  the  good  of  his  fellow-men,  both  by  thorough  learning  and 
moral  excellence.”  (!)  In  like  manner,  his  graduating  certificate  at 
Ratisbon,  of  September  10,  1814,  praises  his  mental  gifts  and  natural 
traits,  his  industry  and  progress  in  “philosophical  and  philological  sub- 
jects and  it  was  only  in  mathematics  that  he  was  somewhat  deficient. 


*“Karl  Ludwig  Sand,  described  from  his  diaries  and  letters  from  his  friends.  Altenberg, 
1821.”  I have  also  made  nse  of  the  following  works: 

“Complete  Account  of  the  Proceedings  against  C.  L.  Sand  for  Assassination.  By  State  Coun- 
cilor Von  Hohnhorst,  presiding  member  of  the  comntunion  appointed  for  that  purpose.  Tiibin- 
gen,  Cotta.  1820.”  ^ 

“C.  L.  Sand,  by  Jarcke.  Berlin,  Diirnmler,  1830.”  A new  edition,  enlarged  from  unpublished 
sources.  This  appeared  first  in  the  11th,  12th,  and  13th  parts  of  Ilitzig's  “Annals  of  Criminal 
Law.” 

“The  German  Youth  in  the  late  Burschenschafts  and  Turning  Associations.  Magdeburg, 
Heinrichshofen,  1828.” 

I have  received  much  oral  information  respecting  Sand  from  credible  persons. 


104 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


In  November,  1814,  he  was  matriculated  at  Tiibingen  ; and  in  April, 
1815,  lie  enlisted,  at  Mannheim,  as  a volunteer  in  the  corps  of  Jagers 
of  tlie  Rezat;  which  step  he  announced  to  his  parents  in  a letter  full 
of  fiery  patriotism.  The  account  of  the  battle  of  Belle  Alliance  ar- 
rived while  the  Jiigers  were  still  in  Hamburg.  They,  however,  marched 
into  France  as  far  as  to  Auxerre,  and  on  the  2d  December,  1815,  re- 
turned to  Ansbach.  On  the  15th  of  the  same  month,  Sand  was  ma- 
tficulated  at  Erlangen. 

Before  going  further,  we  must  consider  the  influence  of  Sand’s 
mother  upon  him,  which  was  a most  powerful  one  throughout  his  life. 

In  a letter  to  her.  May  26,  1818,  he  says  : “Yes,  dear  mother,  all 
the  love  which  I have  in  my  heart  for  religion,  for  truth,  for  my  coun- 
try, for  beneficent  actions,  was,  for  the  most  part,  excited  in  me  by 
you ; and  however  I consider  myself,  you  have  been  all  to  me,  in  al- 
most every  respect.”  (p.  159.)^ 

Thus  it  becomes  important  to  know  the  mother  who  had  such  an 
influence  upon  the  son.  Their  correspondence  affords  the  necessary 
materials,  and  I give  the  following  extracts  from  her  letters  as  especially 
characteristic. 

While  he  was  a student  at  the  Gymnasium,  and  only  sixteen,  she 
writes  him  : 

“ There  are  three  sorts  of  education  for  man.  The  first  is  that  which 
he  receives  from  his  parents ; the  second,  that  whic,h  is  derived  from 
circumstances;  and  the  third,  that  which  the  individual  gives  him- 
self.”t 

These  extracts,  and  another,  hereafter  to  be  given,  leave  scarcely  a 
doubt  that  she  had  read  Rousseau’s  “ Emile P 

“ Man,”  she  writes,  in  anotiier  letter,  “ can,  of  himself,  be  very  much,  and 
almost  any  thing,  if  only  he  will.''  This  is  in  a more  detailed  statement  of  the 
third  kind  of  education. 

“ May  the  Kuler  of  heaven  and  earth  let  his  spiritrest  upon  you.”  (p.  103.) 

“Though  it  be  a part  of  Christian  duty,  and  necessary  for  living  hapjuly,  to 
consider  men  as  having  been  good  when  they  came  from  the  Creator’s  hand.f 
yet  every  man  is  his  own  nearest  neighbor  ; and  if  one  daily  endeavors  to  he- 


* This  and  subsequent  references  in  the  text  are  to  Sand’s  diary. 

tSee  Emile.,  Book  I.  “This  education  we  derive  from  nature,  or  from  men,  or  from  thing.s. 
But  of  these  three  different  educations,  that  of  nature  does  not  depend  upon  us  at  all ; that  of 
things  depends  only  upon  certain  relations;  and  that  of  men  is  the  only  one  of  which  we  are 
really  masters.”  “Men”  were  mainly  represented  by  Rousseau,  who  sets  parents  aside,  by 
tutors;  but  the  mother  naturally  says,  instead,  “parents.”  For  “things,”  she  writes,  perhaps 
after  a German  translation,  “circumstances;”  and  for  the  education  of  nature  not  depending  on 
us,  she  says,  “the  education  which  the  individual  gives  himself;”  placing  the  will,  with  Fichte, 
in  authority  over  the  natural  endowments. 

% “ All  is  good  when  it  comes  from  the  hands  of  the  Maker  of  all  things;  all  degenerates  in 
the  hands  of  man.”  Thus  begins  Rousseau's  “ Emile."  For  “ base  human  goodness,”  Rousseau 
►ays  “ the  rabble.” 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


105 


coRie  better,  and  to  rank  with  the  best  and  selectest  men,  the  lofty  worth  that 
pertains  to  such  a character  will,  of  itself,  save  him  from  the  low  snares  of  a 
base  human  goodness.”  (p.  105.) 

Frau  Sand  had  enjoyed  the  religious  instruction  of  the  excellent 
pastor  Esper;"*  and  many  beautiful  Christian  expressions  in  her  letters 
remind  us  of  him.  These  are,  however,  predominated  over  by  others, 
proceeding  from  want  of  self-knowledge  and  the  excess  of  proud  self- 
esteem thence  arising.  Her  ideal,  and  that  of  her  son,  is  moral  devel- 
opment by  individual  power  and  effort — moral  pre-eminence.  Chris- 
tian holiness  is  but  seldom  alluded  to. 

As  a means  toward  moral  perfection.  Sand  practiced  a painful  and 
morbid  self-observation  and  self-education.  This  appears  in  his  diary, 
where  he  entered  moral  observations,  discussions,  and  conclusions.  The 
book  reminds  us,  in  part,  of  Franklin’s  diary,  in  its  moral  account- 
keeping and  entries  of  debit  and  credit  of  one  and  another  virtue ; it 
is  only  occasionally  that  a spirit  or  sentiment  truly  Christian  appears.j* 
And,  accordingly,  there  appears  throughout  Sand’s  life,  a struggle 
between  Christian  elements  and  those  unchristian,  or  pseudo-Christian. 
We  shall  see  how  doubtful  it  was,  durino^  his  studies  at  Erlangen,  which 
way  the  victory  would  incline;  at  Jena  he  was  in  perplexity  about 
Christianity,  which  prevented  him  from  controversies  with  its  adver- 
saries; and  at  last  he  came  under  the  influence  of  a man  who  had 
formed  for  himself  a higher  pseudo-Christian  morality,  which  proudly 
overlooked  the  simple  morality  of  the  catechism.  Fie  thus  followed  a 
will-o’-the-wisp  instead  of  the  true  light  which  truly  enlightens  all 
men,  and  followed  it  until,  at  Mannheim,  it  led  him  into  the  path  to 
death. 

To  return  to  the  history  of  his  life.  lie  was  matriculated,  as  we 
liave  seen,  at  Erlangen,  December  15,  1815.  Here  he  soon  found 
friends,  with  whom  he  had  much  intercourse  upon  morality,  Chris- 
tianity, the  country,  and  academical  life. 

From  his  diary  and  letters  we  become  acquainted  with  the  varying 
tendencies  of  his  moral  efforts,  and  with  his  dogmatic  views.  In  1813 
he  had  written  to  his  mother : 

“ I shall  now  recommence  my  diary,  and  thus  daily  seek  to  investigate  my- 
self. Oh,  how  happy  must  he  be,  who  gives  np  to  the  conti-ol  of  his  divine 
guide.  Reason,  all  his  inclinations,  desires,  impulses,  powers,  appetites,  and  dis- 
likes ; and  who  has  so  far  attained  as  not  to  have  the  least  thought  of  that 


* For  Esper,  see  Schubert’s  “ Old  and  New"  vol.  ii.  pp.  155-164. 

+ Sand’s  diary  extends  to  the  last  of  December,  ISIS,  and  contains  entries  made  every  even- 
ing, of  “ what  he  liad  done  well  or  ill.'’  One  of  Gellert’s  liymns  may  have  suggested  both  tliis 
self-examination  and  the  diary.  It  is  entitled  “Evening  Examination,”  and  begins,  “ The  day 
is  gone  again,  another  part  of  life;  how  have  I employed  it?  is  it  gone  in  vain?”  In  some  re- 
spects it  may  have  been  imitated,  also,  from  Lavatefs  well-known  diary. 


106 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


(evil  ?)  by  means  of  wbich  he  may  confirm  the  authority  of  his  conscience.” 

(p.  21.) 

“The  All-good  will  indicate  the  means  and  the  way  by  which  I may,  per- 
haps, very  soon  maintain  a glorious  strife,  as  a young  moral  hero,  against  ex- 
ternal dangers.”  (p.  20.) 

And  in  the  letter  already  quoted,  from  Tiibingen,  April  22,  1815, 
announcing  to  his  parents  his  intention  of  serving  against  the  French, 
he  writes:  “With  the  help  of  God,  I shall  pass  safely  through  the 
many  trials  to  which  I am  exposed  in  this  new  situation,  pure,  and  at 
peace  with  myself.” 

The  likeness  of  the  morality  of  the  son  with  that  of  his  mother, 
above  described,  is  only  too  clear;  and  it  is  also  clear,  that  in  the 
quotations  given,  no  reference  is  made  to  Chriatian  morality. 

During  his  life  at  Erlangen,  there  is,  indeed,  to  be  found  the  recog- 
nition of  the  divinity  of  Christianity  ; but  very  seldom  any  obedience 
to  the  Christian  commandments,  if  they  stand  in  the  way  of  his  views 
or  his  actions.  Such  recognition  is  to  be  found  in  the  following  ex- 
tracts. After  having  read  the  inspired  praises  of  love  in  the  thirteenth 
chapter  of  1st  Corinthians,  Sand  writes  : 

“ Ah  ! w'e  must  confess  that  we  feel  ourselves  impressed  and  inspired  with  a 
new  life  by  these  divine  lessons  ; and  that  our  own  merely  human  minds  would 
never,  of  themselves,  have  arrived  at  these  teachings  of  revelation.”  (p.  39.) 

Upon  a sermon  of  Church  Councillor  Vogel,  he  remarks:  “Vogel  is  not 
ashamed  of  the  pure  G-ospel  ; he  believes  in  Christ,  who  alone  is  able  to  free 
us  from  our  great  guilt,  to  strengthen  us,  and  make  us  upright.  Ah,  gracious 
Cod  ! let  me,  in  like  manner,  penetrate  thy  wcjrd  and  thy  spirit ; grant  me  the 
unending  bliss  of  being  soon  able,  with  like  power,  to  preach  all  thy  sanctify- 
ing truth  ; and  grant  me,  also,  what  he  prays  for,  thy  blessing  and  holiness.” 
(p.  8G.) 

May  30,  1817,  before  communion  : “Awaken  me,  to-day,  0 gracious  God! 
to  just  self-inspection  ; awaken  me  to  the  lofty  pleasure  of  being  permitted  to 
]»artake  of  thy  holy  supper.  In  order  to  close  my  account  witli  thee  up  to  this 
time,  nothing  is  more  necessary  for  me  than  with  an  honest  heart  to  pray  for 
tby  giace,  and  that,  for  the  sake  of  the  death  of  thy  son  Jesus,  thou  wilt  for- 
give my  many  secret  and  open  sins,  and  put  me  at  peace  with  thee,  and  with 
my  felloM'-men.”  (p.  90.) 

September  15,  1817,  he  writes  : “I  have  never  felt  and  believed  so  strongly 
that  it  is  Christ  alone  that  justifies,  and  that  man  possesses  a safe  foundation 
for  goodness,  only  through  him,  and  through  humble  acknowledgment  of 
him.”  (p.  110.) 

With  these  expressions  of  Christian  morality  are  mingled  others, 
showing  a strange  confusion  of  Chiistian  and  unchristian  sentiments. 
Thus,  he  writes,  “Thy  paternal  love,  O God!  0 Absolute!  is  prom- 
ised me  1)}"  thy  son  Jesus;  and  I will,  and  do  believe  in  it.”  (p.  53.) 

On  the  2 8 til  April,  1816,  Sand  partook  of  the  communion.  He 
wiites:  “Eternal  power  sustains  all,  through  etennd  love;  to  which 
system,  (?)  however,  we  could  only  be  raised  by  Christ  and  his  sacri- 
ficial death.  Oh,  what  a happy  occasion,  when  man  lives  with  God  and 
thee,  Christ  1 Could  I not,  at  this  moment,  even  give  myself  to  death, 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


107 


for  noble  purposes?”  “ In  the  evening”  (of  the  same  (lay),  ‘‘  I attended, 
at  the  Harmony  Theater,  the  re})resentation  of  Kotzebue’s  ‘ Silver  Age' 
a very  beautiful  thing.  It  inspired  me  with  not  contemptible  thoughts.” 
(P-  48-) 

July  23,  1817,  while  waiting  for  an  antagonist  with  wdiom  he  w\as 
about  to  fight  a duel,  he  prays:  “I  believe  wholly  in  thee;  and  im- 
plore thee,  for  the  sake  of  thy  son  Jesus,  to  be  gracious  unto  me,  and 
permit  me,  at  this  time,  to  be  at  peace  with  thy  holy  spiiit,  and  to  re- 
ceive wdiat  shall  happen  to  me  with  the  true  spirit  of  the  one  strong 
and  powerful  love,  and  with  the  courage  and  face  of  truth.” 

To  these  words  he  adds,  at  evening,  “ We  waited  two  hours,  but  the 
rascal  N.  did  not  come.”  (p.  115.) 

He  offered  a similar  prayer  before  a duel  which  was  in  contempla- 
tion on  the  18th  of  August,  1817. 

“Shouldst  thou,  eternal  Judge,  summon  me  before  thy  throne,  I 
know  that  I have  deserved  eternal  punishment ; but,  0 Lord ! I build 
not  upon  my  own  merits,  but  those  of  Jesus,  and  hope  in  thy  paternal 
love,  because  he,  thy  Son,  has  suffered  for  me  also.”  (p.  117.) 

And  on  the  same  day  when  he  wrote  this,  he  preached  his  first  ser- 
mon, in  the  Neustadt  church,  at  Erlangen. 

It  is  easy  to  observe,  in  these  extracts,  how  the  conscience  of  poor 
Sand  was  already  clouded,  and  how  he  was  beginning  to  be  surrounded 
with  the  perplexities  of  dangerous  fantasies. 

To  his  painstaking  endeavors  after  his  own  moral  perfection,  was 
added  a second  undertaking,  viz.:  the  purification  of  the  body  of  stu- 
dents at  Erlangen  from  vice.  He  and  a number  of  friends  established, 
for  this  purpose,  in  1817,  the  Erlangen  Burschenschaft,  and  they  im- 
posed upon  him  the  task  of  drawing  up  “ Ideas  for  the  organization  of 
the  future  Burschenschaft.”  They  had  scarcely  organized,  before, 
as  at  other  universities,  they  made  vain  endeavors  to  connect  the 
Land amannschaf ten  with  themselves.  This  ill  success  led  to  bitter 
quarrels.^ 

On  the  first  evening  of  the  year  1817,  Sand  prays  God  for  more 
power  of  self-observation.  “ Strengthen  the  decisions  of  my  reason, 
and  strengthen  my  will,  so  that  it  may  rule  my  flesh  and  bridle  my 
fancy;  so  that  it  may  not  sink  below  the  sphere  of  holiness,  and  may 
drive  away  the  devil.”  (p.  77.)  And  afterward  (September  4,  1817), 
he  writes  : “ Strengthen  me,  O God ! with  thy  Spirit,  that  I may  begin 
right  powerfully  to  contend  against  the  assaults  of  the  devil,  against 


♦ The  references  to  these  quarrels  in  the  diary  are  too  scattered  to  m.ake  it  possible  to  con- 
struct a connected  account  from  them. 


108 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


I 


every  insidious  attack,  from  the  very  beginning,  in  tliy  justifying  name, 
0 Jesus !” 

Before  the  AVartburg  festival,  Sand  composed  a short  paper,  which 
he  distributed  there.  It  agreed,  substantially,  with  the  statutes  of  the 
General  and  Jena  Burschenschaft.  Virtue,  learning,  hitherland,  is  its 
motto,  and  freedom  its  chief  object.  “ In  pious  simplicity  and  strength, 
with  upright  courage,  let  us  follow  in  the  traces  of  the  holy  revelation 
of  God.”  Every  effort  is  to  be  consecrated  to  the  German  fatherland. 
A General  Burschenschaft,  but  without  any  oath  of  association.  Such 
were  some  of  its  leadino:  thouo'hts. 

The  chief  idea  of  the  AVartburg  festival  was,  “ AA"e  are  all,  by  bap- 
tism, consecrated  to  the  priesthood.  (1  Peter,  ii.  9 : ‘ A^e  ai'e  a royal 

priesthood,  a holy  nation.’)  That  is,  through  our  high  consecration, 
by  baptism,  gospel,  and  faith,  we  are  all  placed  in  the  ministerial  office; 
and  so  long  as  we  are  consecrated  to  our  divine  Alaster  as  valiant  and 
active  servants,  there  is  no  other  distinction  among  us  than  that  of 
our  offices  and  labors;  we  are  all  spiritually  free  and  equal.”  (pp. 
126-132.) 

AVe  have  seen  that  Sand  Avas  on  the  committee  of  management  of 
the  AVartburg  festival.  From  that  place  he  went  to  the  university  of 
Jena. 

Here  his  inward  strifes  came  to  an  end.  The  theologian  would  call 
them  strifes  between  nature  and  grace ; for  man  cannot  serve  both — 
one  master  must  be  supreme. 

These  struggles,  though  ending,  ended  in  a very  sad  manner.  The 
diary  shows  clearly  his  gradual  circumvention  and  conquest  by  evil. 
Gradually — for  at  first,  the  rude  and  reckless  unchristian  life,  which  he 
had  not  before  encountered,  seems  rather  to  have  strengthened  than 
weakened  his  faith.  At  first  he  is  only  surprised.  “Jena,”  he  writes, 
November  9th,  “has  its  wise  men.”  He  found  friends  who  contended, 
with  much  zeal,  “ against  the  understanding  of  the  Bible  maintained 
by  the  orthodox  theologians.”  November  16,  he  Avrites ; 

“ I beard  from  N.  a stupid,  malicious  sermon.  ...  He  spoke  so  shame- 
fully against  the  awakened  faith  of  late  grown  up,  and  in  favor  of  a cold  ration- 
alism, that  I was  eniaged.”  (p.  135.) 

In  the  same  month  he  writes  intelligently  to  a friend,’"'  You  seem  to  me 

. . . to  have  departed  from  your  former  plain,  and  pious,  and  powerful 

faith,  and  to  have  taken  up,  instead  of  it,  the  sentimental  and  credulous 
opinions,  if  I may  so  describe  them,  of  the  priests.  Do  you  not,  yourself,  lind 
that  you  vary  more  and  more  from  the  firm  and  strong  beliefs  which  were  those 
of  our  Luther,  and  are  gliding  into  this  unchristian  pietist  way,  who  neglect  that 
dearest  of  all  earthly  objects,  our  country,  and  who  scoff  at  German  Christians, 
including  us  in  our  country  ? I pray  you,  do  not,  on  this  point,  believe  any 
longer  the  ‘ inner  voice’  that  you  profess  to  have,  if  it  is  to  withdraw  you  from 


* Von  Pleliwe,  a captain  in  the  Prussian  service. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


109 


the  powerful  faith  which  makes  ns  free,  and  which  onr  Lutlier  possessed.  Try 
this  voice,  whether  it  is  agreeable  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  ; for  the  devil  seeks 
to  rob  us  entirely  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ; and  most,  when  we  are  suscepti- 
ble of  believing.”  (pp.  13G-138.) 

A comparison  of  these  sentiments,  so  lucid,  and  so  modest,  in  the 
best  sense  of  tlie  term,  with  many  of  those  previously  quoted,  so  con- 
fused, and  visionary  in  the  worst  sense,  leaves  us  to  the  belief  that 
scarcely  any  young  man  can  be  cited  of  such  inconsistent  views. 

It  seems  as  if  poor  Sand,  in  the  last  words  just  quoted,  had  expi-essed 
a presentiment  of  the  evil  that  threatened  him ; although  it  came 
upon  him  fi'om  a direction  opposite  to  pietism.  He  writes  again,  on 
the  18th  of  November:  “The  devil  knows  how  he  would  despoil  me 
again  of  my  Christianity T (p.  139.) 

On  the  31st  December,  Sand  prays: 

“ 0 gracious  God  ! permit  me  to  begin  this  year  with  prayer.  At  the  end 
of  the  last  year  I was  more  thoughtless  and  out  of  temper  than  before.  On 
looking  back,  I find  myself,  to  my  sorrow,  not  to  have  become  better  or  more 
perfect,  but  have  only  lived  through  so  much  more  time,  and  had  so  much 
more  experience.  0 Lord  ! thou  wert  always  with  me,  even  while  I was  not 
Avith  thee  ! It  almost  seems  as  if  thou  hadst,  during  the  storms  of  these  latter 
years  of  the  spring  of  my  life,  changed  all  my  previous  love  to  faith  ; at  least, 
in  all  my  needs,  I feel  Jesus  Christ  right  near  to  me,  and  build  upon  him  ; and 
he  alone  is  to  me  always  a sufficient  and  constant  encouragement,  a place  of 
refuge  for  my  fears,  and  a central  point  for  free  and  powerful  efforts.  Through 
him  I feel  myself,  above  all  things,  made  right  free;  and  I have  learned  to 
know  freedom  as  the  highest  good  of  humanity,  of  nations,  and  of  my  father- 
land  ; and  I shall  hold  fast  to  it.”  (p.  144.) 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1818,  he  prays,  again,  “ 0 God!  let  me 
hold  fist  to  thy  salvation  of  the  human  race  through  Jesus  Christ ; let 
me  be  a German  Christian,  and  let  me,  through  Jesus,  become  free, 
peaceful,  confident,  and  also  persevering  and  strong.”  (p.  147.) 

But,  at  the  same  time,  he  writes:  “It  is  all  over  wuth  devotees. 
What  is  needed  now  is  action.” 

A letter  of  the  end  of  March,  1818,  to  CL , indicates  a still 

greater  departure  from  Christian  simplicity.  In  this  he  says : 

“ I cannot  charge  myself  with  being  a doubter.  It  would  be  to  me  the  most 
fearful  of  all  tilings,  to  be  feeble  or  indeterminate. 

“And  yet  there  is  one  thing  which  distresses  me;  w'hich  has,  for -a  long 
time,  bad  power  to  cool  my  warmth,  and  Avith  Avhich  you  must  be  made  ac- 
quainted ; in  regard  to  Avhich  I may,  perhaps,  receive  from  you  an  impulse 
toward  a more  fixed  belief. 

“ During  last  summer  I attained  a real  fixity  in  my  convictions  upon  the 
subjects  of  highest  importance  to  us.  My  faith  became  more  firmly  grounded  ; 
I desired,  even  if  I could  do  nothing  more,  at  least  to  be  a real  Christi.in  and 
a real  German.  Trusting  confidently,  in  all  things,  to  the  grace  of  Our  Father, 
I Avas  free  in  my  belief,  always  courageous,  and  could  go  Avith  firm  steps  in  the 
road  which  my  Avill  and  my  reason  had  chosen.  Love  excited  me  to  action, 
prevented  me  from  becoming  stupefied,  and  rendered  me  decided,  firm,  and 
peaceful  in  all  matters  that  concerned  me.  Thus  I experienced,  in  reality, 
the  blessedness  of  faith,  expressed  it  in  my  sermons,  and  could,  Avith  truthful- 
ness, encourage  others  to  faith. 

‘‘  Since  my  coming  hither,  into  a Avorld  wider,  and  quite  different  in  all  its 


110 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


peculiarities  and  chief  traits;  since  I have  seen,  in  many  whom  I love,  too 
much  of  the  northern  modesty,  and  have  heard  the  sphere  of  my  own  i)eliefs 
described  as  visionary  by  others,  who  yet  discourse  upon  faith  ; and  since,  be- 
sides other  books,  I have,  chiefly  by  your  means,  become  acquainted  with 
Herder’s  views,  it  has  gradually  come  to  be  with  me  otherwise  than  before. 
At  flrst,  my  attention  was  excited  only  ; after,  what  I heard  was  repugnant  to 
me  ; sonietitnes  I was  confused  within  myself,  and  on  the  whole,  I am  at  least 
colder  and  less  courageous  than  heretofore. 

“In  truth,  so  much  is  my  Arm  determination;  that  reason  shall  he  my 
supreme  rule;  I would  possess  not  a visionary,  but  a pure  and  sound  faith  ; 
and  even  if  I hold  to  my  former  beliefs,  I must  be  able  to  make  them  out  as 
clearly  sure  and  sound.  I have  always  reverenced  in  Jesus  the  highest  and 
most  beautiful  picture  of  our  manhood  ; but  to  consider  him  a mere  ordinary 
man,  seems  to  me,  now,  too  desolate  and  harsh. 

“I  will  not  willingly  renounce  reason  and  understanding;  but  it  makes  me 
cheerful  and  happy,  and  certainly  does  not  impede  me  in  action,  to  reverence  in 
the  great  Teacher  of  the  eternal  God,  a constant  helper,  a divine  brother,  who 
kindly  makes  up  for  the  deficiencies  of  the  world  and  liumanity,  who  raises  us 
above  a system  of  legality.  Did  he  now  die  for  himself  alone,  a hero  for  the 
sake  only  of  his  own  opinion  ? Did  he  merely  bear  witness  to  the  truth  of  liis 
instruction,  without  intending  to  purchase  a great  benefit  for  men  ?’’  (p.  148.) 

In  a second  letter  to  the  same  friend,  he  says  ; “ But  you  know  that,  by  little 
and  little,  my  whole  system  of  beliefs  grew  continually  darker,  and  that  I was 
almost  entirely  fallen  into  a blind  dependence  upon  ancient  formulas  of  belief, 
giving  up  my  own  independent  faith  ; and  you  know  how  I have  come  into 
tins  condition  mainly  by  your  means.”  (p.  154.) 

But  on  the  5tli  of  May,  the  unhappy  fruit  of  the  refinements  which 
drew  him  further  and  further  from  a pure  Cliristianity,  comes  clearly 
out  in  these  words  of  his  diary  : “Lord,  to-day  again  this  so  miserable 
unhappiness  has  sometimes  attacked  me;  but  a steady  will  and  steady 
occupation  solves  all,  and  helps  through  all,  and  the  fatherland  be- 
comes a source  of  pleasure  and  virtue.  Our  God-man  Christ,  our  Lord, 
is  a picture  of  humanity  that  must  always  remain  beautiful  atul  peace- 
ful. When  I reflect,  I often  think  that  some  one,  courageous  beyond 
himself,  will  undertake  to  drive  a sword  into  the  vitals  of  Kotzebue,  or 
some  other  such  traitor  to  the  country.”  {p.  150.) 

In  the  same  month  of  May,  1818,  Sand  became  acquainted  with  one 

K 1-,  a pupil  of  nt"gel,  who  made  a deep  impression  on  Iiim  by  his 

cunning  frenzy,  and  carried  him  quite  beyond  control.  To  understand 

this  K r,  and  his  influence  on  Sand,  it  will  be  abundantly  sufficient 

to  qupte  what  the  latter  writes  in  his  diary,  October  20,  1818  : 

“K r came  in  in  the  evening,  and  was  healthy,  noble,  and  free, -clear 

and  firm,  immovable,  and  consistent  in  his  views.  He  told  me  how  he  had 
formerly  had  such  misgivings,  but  liow  he  was  now  completely  free  from  them, 
and  how  he  was  consistent  and  clear  on  the  question  of  religion.  Heaven  must 
be  boldly  taken  by  storm  ; all  stain  of  sin,  all  distinction  of  good  and  evil, 
must  completely  disappear  from  before  the  soul,  as  an  empty  and  fidse  show  ; 
and  then  will  the  soul  vanquish  men,  earth,  and  the  mansions  of  heaven  ! 
Only  in  unity  is  there  blessedness,  to  him,  in  equal  and  everlasting  rest.  But 
he  respects  every  brother  as  near  himself,  and  recognizes  him,  as  a complement 
of  himself.  Yet  he  is  free  above  freedom,  .and  has  another  home  besides  the 
fatherland.  He  knows  how  to  seek  it,  and  is  firndy  determined  to  do  so.  I 
seem  to  him  i»ious,  as  well  as  near  to  him,  and  recognized  as  such  ; I was  y)ious 
in  the  sight  of  God,  and  would  remain  so  ; and  I desire  to  be  holy  oidy  in 
comparisou  with  the  world  ; not  in  my  own  eyes.  If  he  can  seem  holy  in  his 


THE  GEKMAX  UNIVERSITIES. 


Ill 


own  eyes,  let  him  do  so — I must  remain  behind.  r>nt  lie  vowed  freely  that  he 
would  undertake  to  maintain  such  a character  continually,  or  tliat  he  would 
disappear,  a ^Yretched  mass  of  dross.  Thus  he  acts  not  for  himself,  but  for  all 
of  us,  since  we  are  all  one  spirit, — a pure  spirit.  And  all  this  he  said  so  clearly, 
so  loftily,  with  a peacefulness  so  powerful  as  I never  saw.  I lost  all  feeling  of 
straufreness,  and  was  drawni  to  him  as  a brother  in  freedom.  God  help  1”  (pp. 
168,  169.) 

The  contrast  between  Sand  and  K r comes  out  more  strongly 

in  the  following  important  extract  from  his  diary  : 

‘‘  November  2.  Victory,  unending  victory  ! To  will  to  live  according  to  my 
own  convictions,  in  my  own  way,  with  an  unrestricted  will,  beyond  which 
nothing  in  the  world  pertains  to  me  before  God  ; to  maintain,  with  life  and 
death,  among  the  people  a state  of  pure  uprightness  (that  is,  the  only  condition 
consistent  with  God’s  commands),  against  all  human  sentiments  ; to  desire  to 
introduce,  by  preaching  and  dying,  a pure  humanity  among  my  German  nation. 
This  seems  to  me  altogether  another  thing  from  living  in  renunciation  of  the 
people.  I thank  thee,  O God  ! for  thy  grace.  What  infinite  power  and  blessing 
do  I discover  in  my  own  will  ; I doubt  no  more  ! This  is  the  condition  of  true 
likeness  to  God.”  (p.  170.) 

A letter  to  Lis  mother  contains  expressions  quite  similar.  In  this 
he  says : 

“ K r.  as  you  correctly  judge,  seems  to  me  an  acute  and  powerful  mind  ; 

for  he  has  deep  and  firm  convictions,  and  an  individualized  and  powerful  will ; 
and  thus  has  the  impress  upon  him  which  we  derive  from  God.  But  his  con- 
viction is  a distinct  disgust  at  every  thing  that  exists ; at  all  being,  life,  and 
effort ; he  endeavors  boldly  to  destroy  the  form  of  every  thing,  and  even  him- 
self, as  he  now  exists  ; he  has  no  pleasure  in  his  existence,  in  the  world,  or  in 
his  nation.  Humanity,  which  should  be  to  him  a pure  and  holy  picture,  such 
as  we  know  it  to  be  displayed  in  Jesus,  our  Saviour,  counts  with  him  for  noth- 
ing ; is  to  him  nothing  but  a delay  in  individuality — in  evil. 

“ And  therefore,  dear  mother,  I must  say  to  you,  that  among  our  people  I 

know  bolder  and  nobler  heroes : and  that  in  the  path  in  which  K r thrusts  me 

backward,  and  kills  me,  I feel  myself  drawn  toward  them  with  inexpressible 
power.  Like  him,  they  recognize  no  human  attainment  more  holy  than  the 
good  of  the  highest  divine  grace,  likeness  to  God  ; the  possession,  by  man,  of 
an  individual  conviction  and  will  for  himself.  In  this  belief  they  are  wholly 

without  doubt,  and  as  strong  in  their  wills  as  K r ; but  their  convictions 

look  toward  active  life  and  pleasure  in  striving  ; and  if  they  could  have  their 
own  way,- they  would  insist  on  introducing  among  our  German  people  that 
]uire  condition  of  humanity  in  which  every  one  caq  train  himself  to  every 
thing  for  which  God  has  ordained  him  ; they  would  glorify  humanity  in  our 
nation  ! And  since  they  have  attained  to  this  condition,  not  one  doubt  has 
assaulted  their  souls  ; they  have  not  even  trembled. 

“ Of  this  mental  pleasure,  and  this  victory,  I experience  some  indications  ; 
and  therefore  I quite  give  up  K r.  My  inherited  feelings  had  alieady  disin- 

clined me  to  his  views  ; but  now  I possess  a faith,  the  loftiest  belief  upon  this 
earth  ; and  this  alone  I will  enjoy.”  (pp.  171,  172.) 

Who  were  these  bolder  heroes  to  whom  Sand  felt  himself  attracted 
with  such  inexpressible  power,  and  from  whom  lie  expected  such 
transcendent  benefits  to  his  fatherland  ? 

Late  researches,  and  especially  a wmrk  entitled  “ The  German  Youth 
in  the  Late  Burschenschafts  and  Turning  indicate,  with  the 

utmost  clearness,  that  Sand  alluded  to  Karl  Follenius  and  his  followers. 

The  author  of  the  above-named  work  (Robert  Wesselhoft),  thus 
describes  his  first  visit  to  Follenius  : 


112 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


“ He  received  us  like  old  acquaintances.  We  called  each  other  thou ; he  was 
hearty  and  easy,  open  and  confiding,  without  requiring  that  any  one  should  at 
once  unconditionally  reciprocate  all  this.  But  tliere  was  in  his  demeanor,  Ins 
attitude,  the  tone  of  his  voice,  his  emotions,  and  looks,  in  short,  in  the  whole 
man,  something  noble  ; peace,  power,  clearness,  a seriousness  almost  proud  ; 
an  individuality,  which  insensibly  secured  a remarkable  degree  of  respect  from 
all  near  him.  And  in  his  morals  he  was  as  strict,  as  pure,  and  as  chaste  as  in 
his  language  ; and  we  have  found  no  one  like  him,  or  certainly  no  one  equal 
to  him,  in  purity  and  vigor  of  morals  and  manners.”*”^ 

P'ollenius  lectured  on  the  Pandects.  Ills  “philosophy  was, throngh- 
out,  practical.  He  required  all  that  is  recognized  by  the  human  reason 
as  good,  beautiful,  and  true,  to  be  accomplished  by  means  of  the  moral 
will.  . . . The  State  must  be  organized  correspondently  with  the 

reason  of  the  members  of  it.”f 

In  this  manner,  proceeds  our  author,  Folleuius  developed  a degree 
of  self-consciousness  that  was  astonishing  : 

“ He  was  bold  enough  to  assert  that  his  own  life  was  such  as  reason  required. 
With  an  indescribable  expression  of  contempt  in  his  features,  he  accused  those 
of  cowardice  and  weakness  who  imagine  that  the  knowledge  of  truth  and 
beauty,  and  especially  of  their  highest  ideals,  could  be  disjoined  from  living 
them  out,  practicing  them,  realizing  them  in  their  widest  extent.  For  he  as- 
serted that  man’s  knowledge  of  good  and  right  never  exceeds  his  power  and 
his  will  ; and  that  the  latter  are  limited  only  by  the  former. 

“ It  will  be  readily  understood  that  these  proud  sentiments  gave  the  more 
offense  in  proportion  as  Folleuius’  own  life  furnished  fewer  opportmdties  for 
disputing  his  positions.  All  that  could  be  alleged  against  him  amounted  to 
the  charge,  that  he  was  deficient  in  a certain  humility  and  modesty.  But  tins 
accusation  could  not  provoke,  from  one  who  saw  his  superiority  recognized, 
any  thing  more  than  a compassionate  laugh,  which  said,  clearly  enough, 
‘Ye  weaklings!  Your  envious  vanity  and  vile  weaknesses  are  remarkably 
shrewd !’  ” J 

Folleuius  required,  unconditional  acquiescence  iu,  or  difference  from 
Lis  views. 

“ While  in  Giessen,  he  had  driven  his  opponents  to  this  position,  and  main- 
tained his  own  ascendency,  because  he  had  control  ot  the  existence  of  the  Giessen 
Friends  known  by  the  title  of  Black.  But  at  Jena  be  had  not  this  control. ”§ 

“As  soon  as  Follenius  defined  this  unconditionality  in  its  whole  extent,  all 
seemed  to  bow  before  the  boldness  of  his  conceptions.  The  conviction  that 
showed  itself  so  profoundly  and  strongly,  commanded  respect,  but  it  was  felt 
that  it  was  respected  only  as  it  existed  in  Follenius,  and  could  not  be  separated 
from  him.  But  his  hearers  did  not  yet  understand  themselves  thoroughly  enough 
to  be  able  at  once  to  be  clear  in  tliis  feeling.  But  they  were  sensible  of  some 
oj^position  of  thoughts  within  themselves  which  prevented  them  from  resisting, 
with  Follenius,  all  history,  and  all  things,  both  past  and  future,  and  from  as- 
serting, with  him,  that  whatever  had  happened  had  been  brought  about  by 
men,  and  that  it  might  just  as  well  have  been  otherwise,  had  men  followed  a 
better  knowledge,  and  been  willing  to  put  the  reason  in  possession  of  all  its 
rights.  But  Follenius  claimed  that  he  possessed  this  better  knowledge.  Politi- 
cally, he  was  piirely  republican  ; for  he  would  construct  the  State  as  it  should 
be,  from  the  individual  man  as  he  should  be  ; and  he  thought  himself  compe- 
tent to  represent  the  latter,  and,  therefore,  authorized  to  require  as  much  from 
others.  And  this  he  required  unconditionally  ; concluding  that  any  one  who 
would  accept  this  unconditionally,  would  also  accept  unconditionally  the  re- 
publican frame  of  government.  Any  one  accepting  his  system  became  ‘ uncon- 


Germun  Youth"  &c.,  p.  65. 


tib.,  p.  71. 


t Ib.,  p.  72. 


§ Ib.,  p.  73. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


113 


ditione<l.’  As  his  whole  s)'stem  had  a practical  purpose,  and  looked  to  the 
realization  of  its  principles,  thus  the  receiving  of  his  views — i.  e.,  ‘ uncondition- 
ality’— was  really  a very  serious  matter  ; and  it  can  readily  and  clearly  be 
apprehended  that  the  unconditional  recipients  of  Follenius’  opinions  were  as 
earnest  in  them  as  he,  from  the  moment  of  their  accepting  them. 

“ Fortunately  for  the  world,  of  about  thirty  Friends  who  formed  the  narrow 
circle  around  Dr.  B'ollenius,  only  three  were  entirely  ‘ unconditional,’  and  there 
were  about  five  more  in  a doubtful  state.  One  of  these  three  was  Sand.  All 
the  rest  were  in  favor  of  moderate  views  ; many  were  only  seeking  instruction 
and  interchange  of  ideas  in  their  circle,  and  were  neutral  ; and  a few  desired 
Follenius’  conversion.  It  was  supposed  that  Court  Councilor  Fries  would 
best  accomplish  this  work  of  information  and  conversion,  and  shortly  the 
whole  society  met  once  a week  with  him,  and  disputed  vigorously.  But  as 
both  Fries  and  Follenius  had  a fixed  and  completed  system,  this  led  to  no  re- 
sult. Neither  convinced  the  other.”- 

But  among  the  students  there  was  no  thought  of  an  agi’eement,  and 
in  March,  1819,  the  whole  society  was  broken  up  into  a completely 
inimical  separation,  only  three  adhering  to  Follenius,  among  whom,  as 
we  have  said,  was  Sand.  Our  author  goes  into  some  detail  as  to  the 
reasons  why  Follenius  was  not  acceptable  to  the  other  students.  He 
says:  “All  authoritative  proceedings  were  much  hated  at  Jena;  the 
students  only  loved  their  teachers  and  valued  their  intellects.  Folle- 
nius, with  his  moral-political  ideas,  could  not  succeed  in  Jena.  People 
had  learned  and  received  too  much  from  previous  teachers  to  give  it 
up  for  what  Follenius  offered.  They  criticised  him,  and  advised  others 
to  do  so — why  should  Follenius  not  be  criticised?  The  harshness 
with  which  he  would  have  propagated  his  beliefs  and  opinions,  and 
with  which  he  asserted  that  only  cowardice  and  weakness  refrained 
from  adhering  to  them,  and  carrying  them  into  practice,  drove  his 
friends  into  such  an  opposition  as  made  it  out  of  the  question  for  his 
instructions  to  have  any  influence  on  the  students.  Even  those  who 
could  not  refuse  their  respect  to  Follenius,  opposed  him  strenuously  at 
the  same  time;  asserting  that  no  one,  unless  he  were  Chiist,  was  en- 
titled to  claim  that  he  was  possessed  of  the  truth.  Only  Christ  held 
that  position ; and  in  him  intellectual  freedom  is  to  be  enjoyed.  In  a 
moral  and  religious  sense,  there  is  a Saviour ; but  nobody  is  going  to 
believe  in  a moral-political  Messiah.”j' 

This  reference  to  Christ  relates  to  a hymn  which  Follenius  wrote  for 
the  communion.  It  began  : 

“ A Christ  thou  must  become.”  J 

The  last  stanza  is  : 


“ llie  man  is  flown  away  ; 

A Christ  canst  thou  become. 
Like  thee,  a child  on  earth 
Was  he,  the  Son  of  man. 


* “ Gennan  Youths"  &c.,  pp.  74-76. 
No.  17— [VoL.  VI.,  No.  2.]— 8 


8 


t Ib.,  p.  83. 


X Ib.,  p.  84, 


114 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


'VVitliin  thy  being  nothing  is  destroyed. 

God  guideth  thee  as  thoii  dost  guide  thyself. 

Through  thee,  by  love,  God  doth  become 
A man,  that  he  may  still  be  end  and  aim  into  us.”-' 

Another  poem  of  Folleniiis’,  a turbulent  summons  to  insurrection, 
Sand  had  printed  and  disti’ibuted  as  widely  as  possible.  It  begins  : 

“ Human  crowd,  0 thou  great  human  desert ! 

Who  of  late  the  mental  spring-time  greetedst, 

Break  at  last — crash  up,  0 ancient  ice  !”f 

As  an  additional  description  of  Follenius,  I add  the  following  : 

“ V/hen  we  asked  him  if  he  believed  that  his  system  could  be  put  into  prac- 
tice without  blood,  he  answered,  calmly,  ‘ No.  In  the  w’orst  event,  all  must 
be  sacriliced  who  entertain  different  opinions.’  And  when  we  replied  that  our 
feelings  revolted  at  such  a terrorism,  and  that,  as  Christians  and  men,  we 
thought  it  wrong  to  murder  men,  otherwise,  perhaps,  good  and  upright,  because 
they  ventured  to  think  and  believe  differently  from  us  ; and  even  that  we  did 
not  claim  the  right  of  condemning  the  moral  convictions  of  others,  he  answered 
that  ‘ the  feelings  have  nothing  to  do  with  this  case,  but  necessity.  And  if  you 
have  the  conviction  in  you  that  your  beliefs  are  true,  the  feeling  of  the  neces- 
sity of  acting  out  this  truth  cannot  be  strange  to  you,  unless  by  reason  of 
cowardice.  The  means  are  not  to  be  considered  when  the  case  is  one  of  moral 
necessity.' 

“ When  w'e  observed,  that  this  was  the  Jesuitical  principle,  that  the  end 
sanctities  the  means,  he  calmly  replied,  that  * a moral  necessity  is  not  an  end 
at  all  ; and  in  reference  to  that,  all  means  are  alike.’ 

“ Fortunately,  we  could  find  no  such  moral  necessity  within  us  ; and  had  to 
admit  that  we  did  not  believe  it  existed,  except  in  him. 

” ‘ Good  he  answered  ‘ that  is  enough,  however.’  ” 

We  sliall,  hereafter,  refer  once  more  to  Follenius ; and,  therefore, 
shall  only  describe  him  so  far  as  is  necessaiy  to  show  how  predomi- 
nant an  influence  he  exercised  upon  Sand.  Although  this  is  plain, 
from  many  of  Sand’s  expressions,  already  quoted,  it  appears  still  more 
clearly  in  portions  of  the  latter  part  of  his  diary,  lie  writes,  on  5th 
iJecember,  1818  : 

“ I will  have  but  one  grace — the  everlasting  grace  of  God — which,  therefore, 
can  never  turn  back  from  me,  but  is  inwoven  with  the  rudiments  of  my 
being.  I renounce  the  feeble  belief  in  the  occasional  interposition  of  God’s 
hand  behind  the  scenes  of  the  play  of  nature  and  humanity,  and  proportion- 
ably  more  shall  I,  on  the  other  hand,  elevate  my  own  spirit,  and  praise  thy 
primeval  grace,  0 God  ! by  my  whole  active  existence  and  life.  And  these  im- 
mediate relations  with  thee,  0 God  ! my  soul  shall  never  mistake,  nor  destroy, 
nor  forget.  Here,  thy  grace  shall  endure  forever,  with  every  day — here,  in  thy 
love.  I will  rightly  understand  my  will,  the  loftiest  gift  of  God,  the  only  real 
])(;ssessiou  ; ami  with  it  will  possess  all  the  infinity  of  material  which  thou  hast 
])laced  about  me  for  trial  and  for  self-creation.  I reject  all  grace  which  I do 
not  acquire  from  myself ; such  undesired  grace  is  none  at  all  for  me  ; it  destroys 
itself.  Not  to  live  distinctly  up  to  one’s  convictions,  to  vary  from  them  for 
fear  and  human  opinions,  not  to  be  willing  to  die  for  them,  is  brutal — is  the 
vileness  of  millions  for  thousands  of  years.  Flee,  with  circumspection,  the 
snares  of  Satan.”  (p.  173.) 

On  the  31st  of  December,  he  writes  ; “ Thus  I celebrate  the  last  day  of  this 
year,  1*818,  seriously  and  joyfully,  and  am  sure  that  the  last  Christmas  is  past 
which  I shall  have  kept.  If  any  thing  is  to  come  of  our  efforts  ; if  humanity 


* Hohnhorst,  vol.  i.  p.  50. 


t Ib.,  vol.  ii.  p.  193. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


115 


is  to  prosper  in  our  fatlicrland  ; if,  at  tliis  important  time,  all  is  not  to  bo  for- 
gotten again,  and  enthusiasm  to  perish  out  of  the  land,  that  wretch,  that 
traitor,  that  corrupter  of  youth,  A.  v.  K.,  must  go  down — that  I see.  Until  I 
have  accomplished  this  I shall  have  no  rest  ; and  what  shall  console  me  until 
I know  that,  with  honorable  boldness,  I have  set  my  life  upon  the  deed  ? God, 
I ask  nothing  of  thee,  except  upright  purity  and  courage  of  soul,  lest,  in  that 
most  lofty  hour,  1 may  lose  my  life.”  (p.  174.) 

Sand  enrried  about  with  liim  tins  firm  resolve  upon  murder  for 
months.  Nevcrtlieles.s,  his  friends  report  that  there  was  observable  in 
him  no  change,  no  disquiet,  no  uneasy  abstraction.  He  even  attended 
lectures  most  regularly,  as  if  preparing  himself  for  many  future  years  of 
life. 

But  in  this  unhappy  and  fearful  silence  the  scheme  of  murder  was 
becoming  riper  and  more  fixed. 

On  the  9th  of  March,  1819,  he  left  Jena  and  went  to  the  AYart- 
burg,  where  he  wrote  in  the  book  at  the  inn  : 

“ Into  the  true  heart  strike  the  lance, 

A road  for  German  freedom  !” 

On  the  l7th  he  reached  Frankfort,  and  thence  proceeded,  by  Darm- 
stadt, to  Mannheim,  where  he  arrived  at  half-past  nine  a.  m. 

Ilis  first  step  was  to  call  on  Kotzebue,  who  was  not  at  home ; but 
he  was  admitted  to  see  him  about  five  in  the  afternoon.  After  some 
little  conversation.  Sand  drew  his  dagger  and  struck  down  the 
“whimpering”  Kotzebue,  with  the  words,  “Here,  thou  traitor  to  the 
fatherland !”  He  stabbed  him  three  times,  thoiio-h  the  first  blow  was 
fatal,  having  severed  the  main  artery  of  the  lungs.  Kotzebue  died  in 
a few  minutes.  Sand  then  rushed  out  of  the  house  and  cried,  with  a 
loud  voice,  to  the  gathering  crowd,  “Long  live  my  German  fatherland, 
and  all  of  the  German  people — all  who  strive  to  better  the  condition 
of  pure  humanity  !”  Then,  kneeling  down,  he  prayed,  “ God,  I thank 
thee  for  this  victory;”  thrust  a short  sword  into  his  left  breast  until  it 
stuck  fast,  and  fell  down. 

He  was  brought  into  the  hospital  at  six  p.  m.  He  lay  there, 
“ stretched  out  on  his  back,  his  face  deadly  pale,  his  lips  blue,  his 
hands  and  feet  cold  and  stitf,  scarcely  bi'eathing,  his  pulse  hardly  per- 
ceptible.” He  was  revived  by  warm  wine,  so  that  at  half-past  seven 
the  question  could  be  put  to  him,  whether  he  had  murdered  Kotzebue. 
He  raised  his  head,  opened  his  eyes,  and  nodded  quickly  and  strongly. 
He  then  asked  for  paper,  and  wrote,  in  pencil,  “A.  v.  Kotzebue  is  the 
corrupter  of  our  youth,  the  defamer  of  our  national  history,  and  the 
Russian  spy  upon  our  fiitherland.” 

During  the  night  he  caused  the  account  of  the  battle  of  Sempach  to 
be  read  to  him,  from  Kohlrausch’s  History  of  Germany. 


* The  following  account  is  from  Hohnhorst,  vol.  i.  pp.  4S-S2. 


116 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


His  wounds  healed  after  fourteen  days,  but  an  extravasation  in  the 
cavity  of  the  left  chest  made  a painful  operation  necessary.  This  left 
a wound  which  remained  open  some  montlis,  and  the  dressing  twice  a 
day,  and  the  constant  position  on  his  back,  caused  him,  often,  the 
severest  pain.  On  the  5th  of  April  he  was  removed  from  the  hospital 
to  prison. 

“His  demeanor,  during  his  whole  imprisonment,  was  praiseworthy; 
without  making  demands,  he  thankfully  received  whatever  was  done 
for  alleviating  his  sufferings  ; and  toward  the  members  of  the  com- 
mission of  investigation  he  was  mostly  obedient  and  modest.  But  this 
did  not  prevent  him  from  purposely  endeavoring  to  delay  the  investi- 
gation by  numerous  untruths.”^' 

The  result  of  a long  investigation  was,  that  the  high  court  of  justice 
in  Mannheim  decreed,  on  the  5th  May,  1820,  that  Sand,  “ having  been 
guilty  of  the  murder  of  Imperial  Russian  State  Councilor  Von  Kotze- 
bue, and  having  confessed  the  same,  should,  therefore,  for  his  own  pun- 
ishment, and  for  the  example  and  w'aruing  of  others,  be  put  to  death 
with  the  sword.” 

This  decision  was  approved  by  the  Grand  Duke  on  the  12th  of  May. 

On  the  l7th  of  May,  at  half-past  ten  a.  m.,  in  the  presence  of  two 
w’itnesses,  the  sentence  of  death,  confirmed  by  the  supreme  authority, 
was  read  to  Sand,  who,  by  permission,  dictated  the  following  paper  : 

“This  hour,  and  the  honorable  judge,  wdth  the  final  sentence,  are  welcome 
to  him  ; he  will  strengthen  himself  in  the  strength  of  his  God  ; since  he  has 
often  and  clearly  proclaimed,  that  of  human  miseries,  none  seem  to  him  equal 
to  that  of  living  without  being  able  to  live  for  the  fatherland,  and  for  the 
highest  purposes  of  humanity  ; that  he  dies  willingly,  where  he  cannot  labor, 
according  to  his  love,  for  his  ideas  ; where  he  cannot  be  free. 

“Thus  he  approaches  the  gate  of  eternity  with  free  courage  ; and  since  he 
has  ever  been  inwardly  oppressed  by  the  fact,  that,  on  earth,  true  good  only 
comes  out  in  the  strife  of  opposed  miseries  ; that  any  one  who  desires  to  work 
for  the  highest,  the  divine,  must  be  leader  and  member  of  a party.  . . .f 

He  cherishes  the  hope  of  satisfying,  by  his  death,  those  who  hate  him  ; and, 
likewise,  those  with  whom  he  sympathizes,  and  whose  love  is  one  with  his 
earthly  happiness.  Death  is  welcome  to  him,  for  he  feels  himself  to  possess  the 
requi.site  strength,  with  the  help  of  God,  as  a man  should.’’ 

The  20th  of  May  was  the  day  of  execution ; and  until  that  time  the 
officers  of  the  prison  were  ordered  to  admit  proper  persons  into  it,  on 
the  requisition  of  the  prisoner,  especially  Protestant  clergymen,  and  to 
comply  with  all  his  reasonable  wishes. 

During  the  period  up  to  the  execution,  the  commissary  in  charge  of 
the  arrangements  visited  the  criminal  at  various  times,  and  observed, 
in  a report  of  May  19th,  that  at  all  these  visits  Sand  maintained  the 


* This  testimony  is  from  the  chief  of  tlie  investigating  commission, 
t Something,  says  llohnhorst,  seems  wanting  here. 


THE  GEUMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


117 


snme  steadiness  of  demeanor  as  at  the  time  of  hearing  his  sentence. 
On  the  same  day,  Sand  requested  tliat  he  might  be  allowed  to  go  to 
the  place  of  execution  without  any  clergyman,  alleging,  as  a reason, 
that  such  attendance  was  a dishonor  to  the  clergyman  and  to  religion. 
The  last  must  exist  in  the  heart;  and  cannot  come  in  from  without, 
certaiidy  not  during  the  excitement  of  such  an  occasion.  As  all  ex- 
hortations, even  of  the  clergymen  in  attendance,  had  been  fruitless, 
there  was  no  hesitation  in  granting  this  request. 

On  the  20th  of  May,  at  five  in  the  morning.  Sand  was  placed  in  a 
low,  open  carriage,  within  the  closed  doors  of  the  prison,  having  with 
him  the  head-jailer,  who  was,  by  his  request,  to  support  him,  and  to 
conduct  him  to  the  place  of  execution ; and  two  under-jailers  were  ap- 
pointed to  walk  behind  the  carriage.  He  wore  a dark  green  over- 
coat (not  an  old-German  black  coat,  as  various  papers  stated),  linen 
pantaloons,  and  laced  boots,  without  any  covering  on  his  head.  The 
carriage  and  its  personal  attendants  were  received,  before  the  prison, 
by  a squadron  of  cavalry,  drawn  up  in  readiness.  The  procession 
advanced  to  a meadow,  lying  not  far  from  the  city  gate,  where  was  the 
scaffold,  surrounded  with  a square  of  infantry.  Sand  was  lifted  from 
the  wagon,  and  mounted  the  scaffold  himself,  leaning  on  the  shoulders 
of  the  two  under-jailers.  Having  arrived  at  the  top,  he  turned  him- 
self about,  with  rolling  eyes,  threw  quickly  down  upon  the  ground  a 
handkerchief  which  he  carried  in  his  hand,  lifted  up  his  right  hand,  as 
if  pronouncing  an  oath,  lifting  his  eyes  to  heaven  at  the  same  time, 
and  then  permitted  himself  to  be  led  to  the  block,  where  he  remained 
standing,  by  his  express  desire,  until  the  time  of  preparing  for  execu- 
tion. The  sentence  of  death  was  now  read  aloud  by  an  actuarjq  and 
the  hands  and  body  of  the  prisoner  bound  fast  to  the  block.  Sand  say- 
ing, to  the  executioner’s  servant,  in  a low  voice,  “ Do  not  tie  me  too 
tight,  or  you  will  hurt  me.”  His  eyes  having  been  bound  up,  the  exe- 
cution was  finished,  the  head  being  severed  from  the  shoulders  with 
one  blow. 

The  execution  was  conducted  with  the  utmost  order,  and  in  the 
deepest  silence  on  the  part  of  the  spectators,  except,  at  the  moment  of 
the  decapitation,  some  expressions  of  sympathy  were  heard. 

A little  before  the  stroke,  he  said,  in  an  audible  voice,  “God  gives 
me  much  pleasure  in  my  death — it  is  finished — I die  in  the  grace  of 
my  God.” 

He  died,  with  much  firmness,  and  entire  presence  of  mind,  about 
half-past  five.  His  body  and  the  separated  head  were  soon  placed  in  a 
coffin,  which  was  in  readiness,  and  which  was  immediately  fastened 
down.  The  military  escorted  the  body  back  to  the  prison. 


118 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


At  eleven  o’clock  on  tlie  following  night,  Sand’s  body  was  buried  in 
the  Lutheran  church,  near  the  prison. 


It  remains  to  add,  from  the  documents  relating  to  the  trial,  as  given 
by  Hohnhorst,  some  matter  which  may  serve  to  fill  out  the  sketch  of 
Sand’s  character,  and  to  explain  his  connection  with  tlie  society  of  the 
‘‘  BlacksJ’  and  with  the  Burschenschaft^  and  with  particular  reference 
to  the  murder. 

His  expi’essions  as  to  religion,  patriotism,  politics,  are  quite  con- 
sistent with  those  in  his  diary  and  his  letters,  and  remarkably  with  the 
views  of  Karl  Follenius. 

On  Christianity,  Sand  expressed  himself  thus : 

“ 1.  The  divine  laAvs  are  not  so  much  positive  commands  as  an  advisory 
code,  by  which  man  may  govern  his  actions  according  to  his  own  convictions. 

“ 2.  The  man  who  endeavors  to  seek  the  divine,  so  far  as  is  within  his 
power,  who  never  finds  pleasure  in  evil,  but  seeks  to  keep  it  as  distant  from 
liim  as  possible  ; and,  on  the  other  hand,  adheres,  to  the  utmost  of  his  ability, 
to  what  is  good, — he  represents  the  image  of  God  upon  earth. 

“ 3.  But  this  knowledge  proceeds  only  from  the  man  himself;  it  consists  in 
his  determination  that,  as  soon  as  he  has  recognized  any  thing  as  true  and 
clear,  he  will  openly  confess  it  for  the  good  of  all.  When  a man  has,  accord- 
ing to  his  powers,  so  recognized  a truth,  that  he  can  say,  before  God,  ‘ This  is 
true,’  it  is  a truth  also  when  he  does  it.  When  one  can  comprehend  his  whole 
being,  and  can  then  say,  before  God,  ‘ This  is  true,’  he  easily  becomes  concor- 
dant with  himself.  For  whither  would  it  lead,  if  men  should  assume  to  see, 
investigate,  and  condemn,  as  to  be  rejected,  their  own  endowments  ? Every 
one  must  stand  for  himself  before  God. 

“ 4.  But  one  who  seeks  to  repress  the  divine  in  man,  is  trebly  deserving  of 
murder  and  the  stroke  of  death. 

“5.  Any  one  not  of  this  opinion,  or  who  would  apply  texts  of  the  Bible  to 
the  actions  of  a criminal,  is  a theological  blockhead. 

For  such  did  Sand  pronounce  the  author  of  a letter  to  him  from  au 
unknown  hand,  otherwise  a very  well-meant  letter,  as  he  himself  said, 
in  which  he  was  admonished  to  receive  a sense  of  his  crime,  with  a 
reference  to  various  places  in  the  Scriptures. 

lie  prayed  God,  daily,  for  knowledge  and  enlightenment.  If  he 
should  learn,  by  divine  suggestion,  that  his  act  was  wrong,  he  would 
repent  it  from  that  hour;  but,  so  far,  this  has  not  happened. 

As  to  the  laws  of  the  State,  and  the  State  itself,  he  said  : “A  reason- 
able faith,  properly  based  upon  the  understanding,  is  to  me  a law.  I 
must  live  according  to  my  free  will  ; and  that  which  my  convictions 
have  determined,  I must  live  up  to.  In  case  of  collision  with  earthly 
laws,  no  man  should  be  restrained  by  these,  if  any  thing  is  to  be  done 
for  the  fatherland.”  In  a true  human  state,  every  man  must  be  able 


Ilolmhorst,  vol.  i.  pp.  109-111, 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


119 


to  goveiTi  himself  as  far  as  is  possible.  Germany  must  be  free,  and 
under  one  g-overnment. 

‘‘The  logical  result  of  these  views,”  says  Hohnhorst,  correct!}’-, 
“seems  to  be  this:  My  own  conviction  is  my  law  ; I do  right  when  I 
follow  it;  it  is,  for  me,  above  human  or  divine  precepts.” 

With  ail  incredible  inconsistency  with  these  views,  Sand  took  a New 
Testament  with  him  on  his  journey  to  Mannheim,  and  strengthened 
and  edified  himself,  particularly  by  reading  the  Gospel  of  John.*  But 
he  also  took  with  him  Follenius’  hymn,  “ A Christ  must  thou  become  !” 

“ The  end  sanctifies  the  means.  This  principle  found  in  Sand  a 
strenuous  supporter.  It  was,  he  said,  neither  dangerous  nor  shameful  ; 
for  it  was  made  abominable  by  the  Jesuits  only  because  they  applied 
their  means  to  shameful  ends.  All  means  for  a good  end  must  always 
be  good.”!  His  adherence  to  this  frightful  principle  explains  only  too 
well  Sand’s  constant  and  hateful  lying  at  his  trial,  which  stood  in  the 
strongest  contrast  with  his  proud  endeavors  after  moral  perfection  and 
moral  heroism. 

Nearly  all  Sand’s  sentiments  agree  entirely  with  those  of  Follenius, 
above  quoted  ; and  show,  obviously,  that  the  latter  had  completely  got 
control  of  poor  Sand,  who  had,  intellectually,  come  to  be  quite  near 
him;  had,  in  truth,  unconditionally  enslaved  him  to  whom  free  and 
self-confirmed  conviction  was  to  be  the  highest  law  of  all  action.  There 
is  only  One  who  makes  truly  free  those  who  give  themselves  uncon- 
ditionally to  him. 

The  question  has  often  been  asked.  What  was  the  reason  of  Sand’s 
murder  of  Kotzebue  ? Sand  gave  the  answer,  the  night  after  the 
murder,  as  I have  given  it.  Whether  Sand  was  acquainted  with  the 
details  of  Kotzebue’s  life  and  writings,  cannot  be  certainly  ascertained.^ 

After  all  the  matter  which  I have  quoted  from  and  relating  to  Sand, 
no  one  will  wonder  that  the  most  various  judgments  were  formed  upon 
his  deed. 

Such  persons  as  based  their  opinions  upon  a strict  subjection  to  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  saw  nothing  except  a positive  violation  of  the  divine 
command.  Thou  shalt  not  kill ; and  no  defense,  however  subtle  and 
sophistical,  could  drive  them  from  this  belief.  And  yet  even  the 


* “ In  the  world,”  says  Sand  (Hohnhorst,  i.  127),  “ men  have  sorrow,  wherever  they  go.”  He 
had  applied  to  himself,  as  will  appear  from  his  letter  to  his  parents,  the  words  of  Christ,  “ In 
this  world  ye  shall  have  tribulation  ; hut  be  of  good  cheer,  I have  overcome  the  world.”  John, 
xvi.  33. 

t Hohnhorst,  i.  119. 

X Those  not  informed  as  to  Kotzebue’s  character  are  referred  to  Appendix  VI.  for  a passage  on 
his  work,  Bahrdt  with  the  iron  forehead^'  from  the  General  German  Library,  vol.  exit 
pt  1,  p.  213,  &c. 


120 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


simplest  Christian  felt  that  this  murder  was  not  similar  to  murders  by 
criminals  whose  motives  were  personal  revenge,  robbery,  and  the  like. 
Thus,  a profound  sympathy  with  Sand  was  united  with  the  fullest  con- 
demnation of  his  crime. 

This  connection  of  sentiments  was  the  basis  of  De  Wette’s  much- 
quoted  letter  to  Sand’s  mother  which,  it  must  always  be  remem- 
bered, was  written  only  eight  days  after  the  murder.  A copy  of  this 
letter,  which  was  sent  to  the  King  of  Prussia,  occasioned  De  Wette’s 
dismission.  In  the  beginning  of  this  letter  he  says  : “The  deed  which 
he  has  committed  is,  it  is  true,  not  only  unlawful,  and  punishable  by 
earthly  judges,  but  also,  speaking  universally,  is  immoral,  and  con- 
trary to  the  moral  code.  No  right  can  be  established  by  wrong,  fraud, 
or  violence ; and  a good  end  does  not  sanctify  wrong  means.  As  a 
teacher  of  morals,  I cannot  countenance  such  actions ; and  should  ad- 
vise that  evil  is  not  to  be  overcome  by  evil,  but  only  by  good.” 
(Romans  xii.  21.)  De  AVette  wrote  with  confidence  to  the  Berlin 
theological  faculty,  “The  foregoing  general  moral  principles  laid  down 
in  the  letter,  according  to  which  I declare  the  act  a wrong  one,  will  be 
found  unblamable  by  the  faculty ; they  are  those  of  the  Gospel.”  He 
afterward  said  to  the  same  faculty,  “ Only  within  the  nairow  circle  of 
those  who  knew  and  loved  him  (Sand)  well,  and  to  his  relatives,  can 
it  be  pointed  out,  that  there  should  be  accorded  to  him  a large  measure 
of  excuse  ; not  an  unconditional  justification.  It  was  within  this  circle 
that  I wrote  the  letter  of  comfort  to  the  mother;  I did  not  obtrude 
myself  for  the  purpose,  but  circumstances  drew  me  into  it.”f  . . . 

“ It  would  never  have  occurred  to  me  to  publish  that  letter  in  that 
form.”];  And  accordingly,  De  Wette  writes  to  the  mother,  that  he 
was  writing  to  her  a “ defense”  of  her  son  ; and  this  is  so  true,  that  his 
letter  corresponds,  in  many  respects,  to  the  defense  made  for  Sand  by 
the  counsel  appointed  for  him  by  the  court. 

The  double  character  of  Sand’s  action,  and  the  consequent  two  views 
to  be  taken  of  it,  appear  most  clearly  in  the  following  extract  of  De 
AA'^ette’s  letter  to  the  theological  faculty.  “ Calixtus  says,  correctly, 
‘Even  a mistaken  conscience  is  binding;  and  one  who  acts  contrary 


* '■'■Collection  of  documents  upon  the  dismission  of  Professor  Dr.  De  Wette,  published  by 
himself"  Leipzig,  1820.  Vogel. 

t De  Weite  had  met  Sand  in  Jena,  on  the  15th  of  August,  1818,  and  had  been  hospitably  re- 
ceived, at  Wunsicdol,  by  his  parents.  (“t7.  L.  Sand,"  p.  164.) 

X De  Wette  refers  to  this  extract  from  Luther:  “There  is  a great  difference  between  a private 
and  a public  letter ; and  he  who  publishes  a private  letter,  against  the  will  and  wish  of  its  writer, 
falsifies  not  four  or  five  words  of  it,  but  the  whole  letter  ; so  that  it  is  no  longer  the  same  letter, 
and  does  not  convey  its  right  meaning;  because  the  complexion  and  character  of  the  whole  let- 
ter. and  the  meaning  of  the  writer,  are  completely  perverted  and  altered”  “This,”  says  Da 
Wette,  “bears  strongly  upon  my  case.” 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


121 


to  his  mistaken  conscience,  sins.’  The  corresponding  proposition,” 
continues  De  Wette,  “is  true,  that  one  who  obeys  his  mistaken  con- 
science acts  conscientiously,  and  therefore  does  light.  By  his  truth  to 
himself  he  maintains  his  own  internal  consistency,  and  therefore  fulfills, 
within  his  sphere,  the  law  of  the  moral  world.  Nevertheless,  how- 
ever, it  certainly  remains  true  that  he  does  wrong  when  he  thus 
errs.”* 

This  opinion  of  Calixtus  would  justify  all  the  crimes  of  such  fanatics  as 
Clement  and  Ravaillac.  But  the  question  is,  lias  not  this  mistaken  con- 
science always  a definite  sin  at  the  root  of  it  ? The  prophet  says  : “ It  is 
told  thee,  O man,  what  is  good,  and  what  the  Lord  require th  of  thee  ; 
to  obey  the  word  of  God,  to  love  thy  neighbor,  and  to  be  humble  before 
thy  God.”  And  St.  Paul  refers  to  “ those  who  say,  ‘ Let  us  do  evil 
that  good  may  come whose  condemnation  is  just.” 

Thus  the  apostle  most  distinctly  rejects  the  Jesuitical  principle  up- 
held by  Sand,  that  the  end  sanctifies  the  means ; and  the  prophet 
requires,  simply  and  unmistakably,  that  we  obey  God’s  word  and  be 
humble  before  God.  Sand  having  lost  this  humility,  his  aims  became 
perverted  by  pei-sons  who  acted  only  after  their  own  choice.  Them  he 
followed,  and  in  pride  and  delusion  imagined  that  his  subjective,  god- 
less ideal  of  moral  perfection  stood  high  above  all  which  real  Christians 
recognize  as  a holy  and  undoubted  duty.  He  was  like  a shipmaster 
who  should  hoist  a light  at  his  masthead,  and  steer  his  course  by  that 
instead  of  the  unvarying  polar  star  in  the  heavens.  To  realize  his 
distorted  ideal,  at  whatever  cost,  appeared  to  him  the  loftiest  moral 
heroism.  Betrayed  by  his  pride,  and  his  conscience  deluded,  he  fell, 
in  violation  of  the  clearest  command  of  God,  into  a great  crime. 

The  preacher  says  : “God  made  man  upright,  but  he  found  out  many 
inventions.”  He  therefore  gave  him  a right  conscience ; but  by  his 
many  inventions — by  the  sophistry  of  his  pride — man  is  resolved  to 
free  himself  from  his  obligations  to  obey  God  and  his  word,  and  to 
establish  his  own  righteousness.  Thus  he  becomes  deaf  to  the  voice  of 
God  within  him,  at  last  drives  away  his  good  angel,  and  incurs  the 
penalties  of  delusion  and  hardness  of  heart.  In  this  delusion  Sand  re- 
mained, even  to  the  scaffold. 

But  it  is  not  my  task  to  discuss  further  the  question  of  conscience 
and  conscientiousness.  If  what  I have  said  seems  too  harsh,  reason  may 

* De  Wette,  p.  28.  Even  the  strongest  opponent  of  Sand’s  moral  principles,  Jarcke,  says, 
“ Sand  was  one  of  those  deep  and  uncommon  natures  who  are  not  merely  superficially  influenced 
by  an  idea,  a theory,  or  an  opinion  ; but  who,  subjecting  their  whole  wills  to  it,  make  it  the  high- 
est and  only  rule  for  their  life.”  Thus  we  admire  the  bravery  even  of  foemen  ; and  only  lament 
that  they  are  not  contending  on  the  right  side ; and,  on  the  other  hand,  despise  a cowardly 
braggart.  It  seems  to  me  clear  that  Jarcke’s  view  coincides  with  that  of  Calixtus  and  De  W'ette. 


122 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


be  found  to  moderate  it  in  tlie  following  letter,  written  by  Sand  to  bis 
friends  before  going  upon  bis  fearful  errand  to  Mannbeim  : 

" To  ALL  MINE  ; — 

“True  and  ever  dear  souls  : — I have  thought  and  hesitated  as  to  writing  to 
you,  lest  I should  much  increase  your  grief.  For  sudden  information  of  my  deed 
might  cause  your  severe  sorrow  to  pass  by  more  easily  and  quickly  ; but  the 
truth  of  love  would  thus  be  violated,  and  deep  sorrow  can  only  be  removed  by 
our  emptying  the  whole  full  cup  of  afUiction,  and  thus  remaining  piously  sub- 
ject to  our  friend,  the  true  and  eternal  Father  in  heaven.  Out,  therefore,  from 
the  closed  and  unhappy  breast  ; forth,  thou  long,  great  agony  of  my  last 
words  ; the  only  proper  alleviation  of  the  grief  of  jiarting  ! 

“This  letter  brings  you  the  last  greeting  of  your  son  and  your  brother  ! 

“ I have  always  said  and  wished  much  : it  is  time  for  me  to  leave  off  dream- 
ing, and  to  proceed  to  act  for  the  needs  of  our  fatherland. 

“ This  is,  doubtless,  the  greatest  sorrow  of  living  on  the  earth,  that  God’s 
affairs  should,  by  our  fault,  come  to  a stand-still  in  their  proper  development ; 
and  this  the  most  dishonorable  reproach  to  us,  that  all  the  noble  objects  for 
which  thousands  have  boldly  striven,  and  thousands  have  gladly  sacrificed 
themselves,  should  now  sleep  again  in  sad  discouragement,  like  a dream,  with- 
out lasting  results  ; that  the  reformation  of  the  old,  lifeless  ways  should  be- 
come ossified,  half-way  to  success.  Our  grandchildren  will  have  to  suffer  for 
this  remissness.  The  beginning  of  the  reformation  of  our  German  life  was 
commenced  with  spirits  encouraged  by  God,  within  the  last  twenty  years, 
especially  during  the  sacred  year  1813  ; and  our  ancestral  residence  is  shaken 
from  the  foundations.  Forward  ! Let  us  rebuild  it,  new  and  beautiful,  a right 
temple  of  God,  such  as  our  hearts  long  to  see  it.  It  is  only  a few  who  oppose 
themselves,  like  a dam,  against  the  current  of  development  of  a higher  human- 
ity in  the  German  people.  Why  should  multitudes  bow  themselves  again 
under  the  yoke  of  these  wretches  ? Shall  the  good  that  was  awakening  for 
us  die  again  ? 

“ Many  of  the  most  reckless  of  these  traitors  are  unpunished,  pursuing  their 
designs  even  toward  the  complete  destruction  of  our  people.  Among  these, 
Kotzebue  is  the  acutest  and  vilest ; the  true  mouthpiece  for  all  evil  in  our  day  ; 
and  his  voice  is  well  fitted  entirely  to  remove  from  us  Germans  all  opposition 
and  dislike  of  the  most  unrighteous  measures,  and  to  lull  us  again  into  the  old 
slothful  slumber.  He  daily  practices  vile  treason  against  the  fatherland,  and 
yet  stands,  protected  by  his  hypocritical  speeches  and  flatteiing  arts,  and 
covered  by  a mantle  of  great  poetical  fame,  in  spite  of  his  wickedness,  an  idol 
to  half  of  Germany,  which,  deluded  by  him,  willingly  receives  the  poison 
which  he  administers  through  his  periodical.  If  the  worst  misfortunes  are  not 
to  come  upon  us — for  these  outposts  announce  the  coming  of  something  not 
free  nor  good  ; and  which,  on  occasion  of  an  outbreak,  would  rage  among  us 
together  with  the  French — if  the  history  of  our  times  is  not  to  be  laden  with 
eternal  disgrace — he  must  go  down  ! 

“ 1 have  always  said,  if  any  thing  beneficent  is  to  be  accomplished,  we  must 
not  shrink  from  contests  and  labor  ; and  the  real  freedom  and  enthusiasm  of 
the  German  peo[)le  will  awaken  for  us  only  when  good  citizens  shall  dare  and 
endeavor — when  the  son  of  his  fatherland,  in  the  struggle  for  right,  and  for 
the  highest  good,  shall  set  aside  all  other  love,  and  love  only  death  ! Who 
shall  attack  this  miserable  wretch — this  bribed  traitor  ? In  distress  and  bitter 
tears,  praying  to  the  Highest,  I have  long  waited  for  one  who  should  go  be- 
fore me,  and  relieve  me,  not  made  for  murder  ; who  should  free  me  from  my 
grief,  and  allow  me  to  proceed  in  the  friendly  path  which  I had  chosen  for  my- 
self. Notwithstanding  all  my  prayers,  no  such  person  appeared  ; and,  indeed, 
every  one  had  as  good  a right  as  myself  to  wait  for  another.  Delay  makes  our 
condition  worse  and  more  pitiable  ; and  who  shall  relieve  us  of  our  shame,  if 
Kotzebue  shall,  unpunished,  leave  the  soil  of  Germany,  and  expend  in  Russia 
the  treasures  he  has  earned  '/  Who  shall  help  us,  and  save  us  from  this  unhappy 
condition,  unless  some  person — and  first  of  all,  I,  myself — shall  feel  called  iq)on 
to  administer  justice,  and  to  execute  what  shall  be  determined  on  for  the 
fatherland  ? Therefore,  courageously,  forward  ! I will  attack  him  with  con- 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


123 


fidence,  trusting  in  God  (be  not  frightened),  and  strike  down  the  disgracer  and 
pcrvertcr  of  our  people,  the  abominable  traitor,  that  he  may  cease  to  turn  us 
away  from  God  and  from  history,  and  to  deliver  us  over  into  the  hands  of  our 
most  cunning  adversaries.  To  this  an  earnest  sense  of  duty  impels  me.  Since 
I have  known  how  lofty  an  object  there  now  is  for  our  nation  to  strive  after, 
and  since  I have  known  him,  the  false,  cowaidly  knave,  a strong  necessity  lies 
upon  me — as  upon  every  German  who  considers  the  good  of  :i,ll.  May  I,  by 
this  national  vengeance,  turn  all  impulses,  and  all  public  spirit  toward  the 
point  where  falsehood  and  violence  threaten  us,  and  in  reason  direct  to  the 
right  quarter  the  fears  of  all  and  the  vigor  of  our  youth,  in  order  to  rescue 
from  its  near  and  great  peril  our  common  fatherland  of  Germany,  the  divided 
and  dishonored  union  of  its  states — may  I inspire  fear  among  the  vile  and 
cowardly,  and  courage  among  the  good!  Writing  and  speaking  are  ineffi- 
cient-only deeds  can  secure  this  union.  May  I at  least  throw  a brand  which 
shall  kindle  up  the  present  indolence,  and  help  to  maintain  and  increase  the 
flame  of  popular  feeling,  the  honorable  endeavor  of  humanitv  after  the  things 
of  God  1 

“Therefore  am  I,  although  frightened  out  of  all  my  beautiful  dreams  for 
my  future  life,  still  peaceful,  and  full  of  confidence  in  God — even  happy — for  I 
know  that  the  way  lies  before  me,  through  night  and  death,  to  pay  all  the  debt 
which  I owe  to  my  fatherland. 

“Farewell,  therefore,  true  souls!  This  sudden  separation  is  grievous,  and 
your  expectations  and  my  own  desires  are  disappointed.  But  may  this  matter 
be  a preparation,  and  encourage  us  to  require,  first  from  ourselves,  what  the 
needs  of  the  fatherland  require : — which  has,  with  me,  become  an  inviolable 
principle. 

“ You  will  ask  each  other  : But  has  he,  by  our  sacrifices,  become  acquainted 
with  all  of  life  upon  this  earth,  the  pleasures  of  human  society,  and  had  he 
learned  deeply  to  love  this  land  and  his  chosen  vocation  ? Yes,  I have.  It 
was  under  your  protection,  by  your  innumerable  sacrifices,  that  country  and 
life  became  so  profoundly  dear  to  me.  You  introduced  me  to  learning  ; I 
liave  lived  in  free  mental  activity  ; have  examined  history,  and  then  turned 
again  to  my  own  nature,  to  twine  myself  firmly  around  the  strong  pillar  of 
faith  forever,  and  l)y  free  researches  into  the  understanding,  to  attain  a clear 
knowledge  of  myself,  and  of  the  greatness  of  things  around  me.  I have  pur- 
sued, according  to  ray  ability,  the  usual  course  of  learned  studies ; have  been 
put  in  a position  to  examine  the  field  of  human  learning,  and  have  discoursed 
upon  it  with  friends  and  men  ; and  I have,  to  become  better  fitted  for  actual 
life,  examined  the  manners  and  pursuits  of  men  in  various  parts  of  Germany. 

“ As  a preacher  of  the  Gospel,  I could,  with  pleasure,  live  such  a life  ; and  in 
the  future  destruction  of  our  present  society  and  learning,  God  would  help  me, 
if  1 were  true  to  my  office,  to  protect  myself!  But  shall  all  this  prevent  me 
from  averting  the  imminent  danger  to  my  fatherland  ? Should  not  your  inex- 
pressible love  stimulate  me  to  risk  death  for  the  common  good,  and  for  the 
desires  common  to  us  all?  Have  so  many  of  the  Greeks  of  our  day  already 
fallen  for  the  sake  of  rescuing  their  nation  from  the  rod  of  the  Turk,  and  died 
almost  in  vain,  and  without  hope  for  the  future  ; and  are  hundreds  of  them, 
even  now,  consecrating  themselves  for  the  work  by  education,  not  permitting 
their  courage  to  fail,  but  are  ready  to  give  their  lives  again  at  once  for  the 
good  of  their  country  ; and  shall  I hesitate  to  die  ? Shall  we,  whose  rescue 
and  reformation  are  so  near  to  the  highest  good,  not  venture  any  thing  for  it? 

“ But  do  I undervalue  your  love,  or  am  I thoughtless  of  it?  Believe  it  not ! 
What  could  encourage  me  to  death,  if  it  were  not  the  love  to  you  and  to  my 
fatherland,  which  impels  me  to  inform  you  of  it  ? 

“ Mother,  you  will  .say.  Why  have  I brought  up  a son  to  adult  years,  whom 
I have  loved,  and  who  has  loved  me,  for  whom  I have  endured  a thousand 
cares  and  constant  solicitude ; who,  through  my  prayers,  became  capable  of 
usefulness,  and  from  whom  I was  entitled,  in  the  last  days  of  my  weary  life,  to 
receive  filial  love  ? Why  does  he  forsake  me  now  ? Dear  mother,  might  not 
the  mother  of  any  one  else  say  the  same  if  he  had  sacrificed  himself  for  the 
fatherland  ; and  if  no  one  should  make  the  sacrifice,  where  would  the  father- 
land  remain  ? But  complaints  are  far  from  you,  and  you  know  no  such  speech, 
noble  woman ! I have  before  received  your  charge  ; and  if  no  one  will  step 


124 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


forward  on  belialf  of  Germany,  you  would  yourself  send  me  to  the  contest.  I 
have  still  two  brothers  and  sisters,  all  honorable  and  noble  ; these  remain  to 
you  ; — I follow  my  duty  5 and  in  my  stead,  all  young  men  who  think  honora- 
bly for  their  fatherland,  will  be  true  children  to  you. 

“ My  vocation  was, for  this.  If  I should  live  fifty  years  longer  I could  not  live 
a more  active  or  real  life  than  that  of  these  later  years.  This  is  our  vocation  ; 
that  we  acknowledge  the  only  true  God,  strive  against  evil,  and  praise  the 
Father  with  our  whole  lives.  In  the  woild  we  have  sorrow,  but,  like  Christ, 
in  God  we  can  overcome  it.  Oh,  that  we  could  possess  his  peace  in  full  meas- 
ure ! Left  to  that  path  alone,  which  I shall  follow,  I have  no  other  resource 
but  to  him,  my  gracious  Father  ; but  in  him  I shall  find  courage  and  strength 
to  vanquish  the  last  sorrow,  and  man-like  to  complete  my  important  task. 

“ To  his  protection,  his  encouragement,  I recommend  you  ; and  may  he 
keep  you  in  a joy  which  no  misfortunes  can  interrupt.  Overcome  your  sorrow 
by  the  enduring  joy  which  is  in  him  ; and  think  not  of  my  sad  farewell,  but 
of  the  love  which  is  between  us,  and  which  can  never  end.  And  remain  true 
to  the  fatherland,  in  whatever  storms.  Lead  your  little  ones,  to  whom  I would 
so  gladly  have  become  a loving  friend,  si)eedily  out  upon  our  mighty  moun- 
tains, and  let  them  there,  fipon  a lofty  altar  in  the  midst  of  Germany,  conse- 
crate themselves  to  humanity,  and  vow  never  to  rest  nor  to  lay  down  the  sword 
until  we,  brother  races,  united  in  freedom — until  all  the  Germans,  as  one 
people,  under  one  free  constitution,  in  one  realm,  shall  be  indissolubly  bound 
together,  great  before  God,  and  powerful  among  the  surrounding  nations ! 

“ May  my  fatherland  remain  joyfully  looking  up  to  thee,  0 God  ! May  thy 
blessing  come  richly  upon  that  bold  band  among  the  German  people,  who, 
acknowledging  thy  great  grace,  are  courageously  determined  to  promote  the 
interests  of  pure  humanity,  thine  image  upon  earth  ! 

‘“The  latest  cure,  the  highest,  is  the  sword! 

Within  the  true  heart  drive  the  lauce, 

A road  for  Geruiaii  freedom  !’ 

“Jena,  beginning  of  March,  1819. 

“ Your  son,  and  brother,  and  friend,  bound  to  you  in  everlasting  love, 

‘‘Carl  Ludwig  Sand." 

Who  can  read  this  letter  without  the  deepest  emotion — without 
feeling  a profound  sympathy  for  the  unhappy  man  who,  with  a sore 
lieart,  turned  away  from  the  path  of  peace,  led  astray  by  a delusion  ? 

Ills  last  words,  before  his  death,  were,  “I  die  in  the  grace  of  God.” 
May  God  be  gracious  to  him,  and  to  all  of  us ! 

b. — Consequences  of  Sand’s  Act. — Investigations. — Resolutions 
OF  the  Union. — Dissolution  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

We  have  been  long  occupied  with  Sand  and  his  act,  but  for  this 
will  not  be  blamed,  considering  the  immeasurable  consequences  of  it 
to  the  German  universities.  These  consequences  were  most  unhappy. 
The  Wartburg  festival  had  caused  a great  excitement,  especially  the 
burning  of  the  books.  This  extravagant  execution  upon  works  wdiich 
most  of  the  actors  in  it  did  not  know,  was  declared  to  be  high  treason 
by  the  enemies  of  the  Burschenschaft.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  by  the 
judicious  action  of  the  government  of  Weimar,  this  excitement  was 
quieted,  and  an  intelligent  and  just  estimate  made  of  the  good  and  evil 
of  the  festival, — even  the  Austrian  and  Prussian  gov^ernments  were  put 
at  ease. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


125 


But  HO  one  had  any  idea  that  one  of  those  concerned  at  the  festi- 
val, as  if  driven  by  an  evil  demon,  was  to  break  up  and  destroy  the 
peace  and  all  the  quiet  and  beneficial  developments  whicli  sprang  fi  om  it. 

Scarcely  had  Sand’s  deed  become  known,  when  the  adversaries  of 
the  Burschenschaft  arose  again  everywhere,  and  boasted  that  they  had 
formed  the  only  just  judgment  of  the  Wartburg  festival.  This,  they 
said,  originated  with  a general  revolutionary  conspiracy  of  academical 
students;  and  others  would  soon  follow  it.  This  time  the  views  of 
these  opponents  prevailed.  Even  those  favorable  to  the  students  were 
of  opinion,  that  although  foolish  and  extravagant  speeches,  and  even 
fantastic  actions,  could  be  pardoned  to  the  students,  because  judgment 
and  moderation  will  soon  come  to  them  with  years,  yet,  after  such  an 
action,  their  doings  assumed  an  appearance  so  seriously  criminal  that 
all  measures  must  be  resorted  to  for  eradicating  the  evil.  No  man  be- 
lieved that  Sand  had  been  entirely  isolated,  and  had  so  acted  without 
accessories  and  fellow-conspirators. 

The  evil  demon  who  had  betrayed  him  to  the  murder,  and  had  put 
into  his  heart  his  abominable  maxim,  might  seem  to  be  laughing  in 
scorn  at  the  consequences  of  his  action.  This  brought  to  pass  the  pre- 
cise opposite  of  all  that  Sand  held  for  most  desirable,  and  for  the 
attainment  of  which  he  had  thought  even  a murder  not  only  permis- 
sible, but  sanctified.  For  instance,  the  king  of  Prussia,  upon  hearing 
of  it,  rejected,  upon  the  spot,  a plan  which  had  been  laid  before  him 
for  connecting  Turning-departments  with  the  schools. 

The  murder  also  caused  endless  investigations.  Especially,  it  was 
naturally  sought  to  be  discovered  whether  any  others,  and  particularly 
members  of  the  Burschenschaft,  had  known  of  Sand’s  design.  Hohn- 
horst,  the  president  of  the  investigating  commission,  states,  on  this 
point,  “ that  the  investigation  discovered  no  trace  whatever  of  any  par- 
ticular conspiracy  against  Kotzebue’s  life.”  And  again,  he  says : 
“Besides  that,  the  investigation  found  no  reliable  trace  of  any  con- 
spiracy whatever  against  Von  Kotzebue’s  life;  it  moreover  failed  to 
discover  any  certain  indications  that  there  were  any  accessories  to  the 
act,  who  took  either  an  active  or  passive  part  in  it,  by  encouragement 
or  concealment.” 

The  investigation  was  next  directed  against  the  association  of  “ Un- 
conditionals” or  “ Blacks,”  at  whose  head  Karl  Follenius  was  considered 
to  be.  His  principles,  and  his  influence  upon  Sand  have  been  de- 
scribed ; and  it  has  been  mentioned  that  he  had  followers  in  Giessen, 
but  that  in  Jena  only  three  students  had  submitted  themselves  “ un- 
conditionally” to  his  instructions,  one  of  them  being  Sand.  But  that, 
even  in  Giessen,  Follenius’  influence  had  not  extended  to  a great  num- 


126 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


ber,  appears  from  a letter  of  a Giessen  student  to  Sand,  dated  May  12, 
1818,  in  which  he  says,  “ We  yonng  men  are  almost  alone  in  the  father- 
land  ; scarcely  ten  older  persons  are  unconditional  followers  of  the  truth.” 

Jarcke  gives  some  details  respecting  this  association  of  the  ]31acks, 
mostly  from  the  judicial  documents.  Among  others  is  “Outlines  of  a 
future  Constitution  for  an  Empire  of  Germany,  by  the  brothers  Fol- 
lenius Jarcke’s  opinion  upon  which  is  as  follows:  “This  piece  of 
patchwork  is  not  unworthy  of  attention,  as  being  the  last  of  those 
])aper  constitutions  which  the  revolutionary  system  brought  forth  by 
the  dozen.  At  its  basis,  as  at  that  of  Follenius’  ‘ Sketch  of  a Consti- 
tution for  a German  Republic,’  lies  a complete  disregard  of  every  ex- 
isting right;  the  delusive  notion  that  it  is  possible  to  develop  a living 
constitution  from  an  abstract  theory  ; and  lastly,  the  political  dogma 
of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people.” 

But  this  constitution  differs  fi*om  others  of  the  same  kind  in  an  im- 
portant point,  namely  : in  that  Christianity  is  an  element  in  it.  Thus, 
it  says,  “ Every  German  is  an  elector,  and  may  be  chosen  to  any  office, 
provided  he  has  been  admitted  to  partake  of  the  holy  sacrament.” 
And  § 10  reads : 

“Since  the  Christian  faith  is  free  from  dogmas,  which  restrict  the 
growth  of  the  human  intellect,  and  as  a faith  of  freedom,  truth,  and 
love,  is  in  agreement  with  the  whole  mind  of  man ; it  is  therefore 
adopted  as  the  religion  of  the  empire.  Its  source — to  which  every 
citizen  has  free  access — is  the  New  Testament,  and  separate  sects  are  to 
be  consolidated  in  one  Christian  German  church.  Other  faiths,  which 
are  uncongenial  to  the  aims  of  humanity,  such  as  the  Jewish,  which  is 
only  a form  of  faith,  shall  not  be  allowed  in  the  empire.^  All  take 
part  in  public  worship  who  feel  the  need  of  it.  There  is  no  compul- 
sory belief  whatever;  and  family  devotions  are  not  interfered  with.” 

By  § 11,  the  clergy  are  officers  of  the  church,  and  are  to  be  models 
and  teachers  of  pure  Christianity. 

One  German  Republic  was  aimed  at,  and  one  German  Christian 
church  ; and  as  the  first  was  looked  for  from  a consolidation  of  all  the 
small  German  states,  so  there  was  to  be  a consolidation  of  all  the  con- 
fessions— or  sects,  as  they  called  them — into  one  church.  So  Sand 
wrote:  “We  Germans — one  empire  and  one  church.”f  Ills  political 
views,  indeed,  corresponded  entirely  with  those  of  Follenius. 


♦This  is  like  Rousseau,  who  put  together  the  religions  of  the  Jews,  Turks,  and  Christians,  and 
abstracted  from  them,  jointly,  a universal  religion,  adding,  that  if  any  one  sliould  teach  contrary 
to  thi.s,  he  should  be  banished  from  the  community,  as  an  enemy  to  its  fundamental  laws. 
(See  this  work,  vol.  ii.  pp.  215,  21G.) 

t Ilohnhorst,  vol.  i.  p.  190,  in  Sand’s  composition  entitled  “ Death  Blow.” 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


127 


For  tlie  further  description  of  these  “ Blacks,”  Jarcke  cites  poems 
from  the  “Free  Voices  of  Bold  Youth,”  by  the  brothers  Folle- 
iiius.'^ 

To  make  this  description  complete,  however,  we  must  allude  to  a 
second  collection  of  hymns,  published  by  Adolph  Follenius,  with  the 
title  “Ancient  Christian  Hymns  and  Songs  of  the  Church,  in  German 
and  Latin,  with  an  Appendix.  By  A.  L.  Follenius.” 

These  appeared  in  1819,  at  the  same  time  with  the  “Free  Voices.” 
Their  preface  was  as  follows: 

“These  hymns  and  songs  mostly  date  back  to  that  mighty  time 
when  faith  removed  mountains;  that  is,  when  by  free  power  of  will  in 
faith,  wonders  were  believed,  and  therefore  could  happen,  such  as  the 
weakness  of  our  times  scoffs  at;  when  the  power  of  the  purely  divine 
in  the  human  mind  showed  itself  in  operating  upon  and  moving  mate- 
rial matter. 

“ The  author  is  convinced  that  these  hymns  and  songs  are  among 
the  noblest  fruits  which  have  ever  been  gathered  in  the  fields  of  poetry 
by  any  age  or  nation  ; — believing  that  the  oak  is  not  more  beautiful 
than  the  lily. 

“It  is  sad  that,  notwithstanding  the  recommendations  of  Herder, 
Schlegel,  and  others,  these  Christian  poems  are  almost  unknown  in 
the  Protestant  German  Christian  congregations,  are  not  so  much 
known  as  they  deserve  in  the  Catholic  German  ones,  and  have  never 
parsed  from  the  Latin  hymn-book  into  German  life.  We  unfortunately 
have,  except  of  a few  hymns,  not  even  an  endurable  German  transla- 
tion ; while  the  genial  Horace  and  the  great  Virgil,  with  whom,  as 
heathens  tending  to  cultivate  the  mind,  young  Chiistians  cannot  too 
early  be  made  acquainted,  are  spread  all  over  the  learned  portion  of 
our  beloved  fatherland,  and  lie  on  eveiy  table,  in  innumerable  German 
versions,  hexameter  and  others.  Our  ancient  popular  songs  and  Chris- 
tian hymns  seem  nearly  related  to  our  ancient  cathedrals  and  council- 
houses,  both  in  the  spirit  of  their  construction  and  in  their  fate.  In 
spiiit, — for  these  poems,  like  the  cathedrals,  while  most  richly  and  ar- 
tistically finished,  even  to  the  smallest  particular,  never  lose  the  lofti- 
ness of  belonging  to  their  consecration  as  a whole;  and  in  fate, — because 
the  subsequent  French,  Italian,  or  Greek  architecture  and  poetry  have 
covered  in  and  hidden  our  Christian  cathedrals  and  Christian  poetry, 
to  such  a degree,  that  even  a sight  of  them  can  only  be  had  after  dili- 
gent tracing  and  scouring.” 

A.  Follenius  selected  the  best  Latin  church  hymns,  and  translated 


A second  edition  of  this  appeared  in  1820. 


128 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


them,  mostly  in  his  own  spirit,  and  with  an  adaptation  to  his  own 
purposes.'^ 

In  this  collection,  church  hymns  and  worldly  political  songs  stand 
in  a contrast  like  that  of  the  church  and  the  temporal  republic,  in  the 
prosaic  and  dry  scheme  of  Follenius’  Constitution  for  the  Empire.  There 
is  often  a mingling  of  both  elements;  the  political  one,  however,  run- 
ning into  a frightful  revolutionary  extreme. 

The  Latin  church  hymns  translated  by  A.  Follenius  are  purely 
ecclesiastical ; and  being  mostly  distinctly  Catholic,  they  are  directly 
opposed  to  the  one  national  church  of  his  Constitution. 

As  an  example  of  his  politico-religious  hymns,  I give  one  of  Buri’s 
poems,  placed  by  A.  Follenius  in  the  appendix  to  his  “ Church 
Hymns.”  It  bears  the  singular  title  of  “ Scharnhorst’s  Last  Prayer;” 
and  is  as  follows : 


Thou  call’st,  0 God  ! 

Thy  flaming  image  stands  on  high  uprear’d 
Within  proud  hearts  that  thee  have  never  fear’d. 

0 sea  of  grace  ! 

Thou  art  our  place 

Of  strength  in  need  ; and  thou  our  mighty  tower, 
Whence  the  alarm  shall  sound  in  needful  hour. 

Through  want  and  death, 

Through  joy  and  grief,  stands  ever  open  wide 
The  fane  of  freedom.  As  we  long  have  sigh’d 
To  see  fall  down 
Beneath  thy  frown 
The  hold  of  tyranny,  so  let  it  be, 

That  freedom’s  standard  we  unfurl’d  shall  see  ! 

0 Jesus  Christ ! 

Thy  words  are  plain  : — Freedom  alike  to  all. 

And  from  God’s  love  and  oneness  he  doth  fall 
Who  to  this  word 
Of  grace  thus  heard, 

And  thus  confess’d,  doth  not  in  heart  hold  fast — 

For  this  word  doth  not  live,  and  die  for  it  at  last. 

( 

My  heart,  how  low. 

Before  thy  God  in  meekness  art  thou  flung, 

Since  freedom’s  spark  for  thee  to  flame  hath  sprung  1 
Such  strength  is  won 
By  love  alone  ; 

Such  doctrine  did  the  Saviour  still  dispense. 

And  such  hath  long  been  proved  the  best  defense. 

0 light  of  God ! 

How  lords  and  knaves,  in  hate  and  envy,  still 
Strive  after  thee  ; while  I,  my  faith,  my  will. 

Proudly  and  bold 
By  thy  cross  hold. 

Where  thou  thy  word  all-powerful,  sealest  sure, 
Which  shapes  thy  people  o’er,  for  freedom  pure. 


♦Among  these  hymns  are,  “ Quern  pastores  laudavere,"  ^'Stciiat  mater  dolorosa"  "■Dies 
tree,"  &c. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


129 


]\Iy  people,  hear ! 

To  thee  I call,  in  joyful  dying  strife  ; 

Thy  Saviour  comes  ! Awake  anew  to  life  ! 

The  mockers  fly ! 

The  tyrants  die ! 

Thy  standard  moves — the  victor’s  cross  before  ! 

Onward  ! for  open'd  wide  is  Freedom’s  door  !” 

The  same  hymn  is  given  in  the  “Free  Voices,”  but  remarkably 
altered.  The  title  here  is  “Kosciusko’s  Prayer;”  and  Buri  inserted, 
after  the  fifth  stanza,  another,  which,  to  be  sure,  would  not  have  been 
more  inappropriately  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  dying  Scharnhorst 
than  the  others.^ 

As  in  this  poem,  pride  and  humility,!  love  and  hate,  Christianity  and 
revolution,  the  most  discordant  elements  appear  in  conflict  with  each 
other;  so,  in  like  manner,  especially  in  many  of  Karl  Follenius’  poems, 
the  demon  of  revolution,  entirely  unchecked  by  Christianity,  appears 
in  his  most  frightful  shape.  An  unbridled  and  unbounded  hate  of 
kings  inspires  and  preaches  rebellion  and  murder.];  It  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at,  that  after  Sand’s  crime,  such  poems  should  no  longer  be 
endured  with  patience,  and  that  the  demoniac  violence  which  inspired 
them,  and  stimulated  to  similar  actions,  should  be  feared. 

Jarcke  gives  many  results  of  the  investigations  which  followed  Sand’s 
deed,  particularly  oral  and  written  expressions  by  students  of  Giessen, 
Heidelberg,  Freiburg,  and  Jena.  They  agree,  in  general,  with  Sand’s 
view’s.  On  the  question,  whether  the  end  justifies  the  means,  they 
were  not  agreed  ; at  Giessen,  a majority  were  in  the  affirmative.§  It 
also  appeared  that  the  murder  of  Kotzebue  was  approved,  and  even 
praised,  by  many. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  go  further  into  the  details  of  these  investi- 
gations, to  mention  the  punishments  which  were  inflicted  on  some  of 
the  young  men,  Ac.  But  the  following  four  resolutions  are  of  very 
great  importance  to  the  universities,  which  were  passed  by  the  German 
Union  [Bimdestag)^  September  20,  1819,  and  published  in  Prussia,  on 
the  18th  October,  the  sixth  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Leipzig.  They 
are  as  follows  :|| 

“§  1.  There  shall  be  appointed,  at  each  university,  an  extraordinary 
royal  overseer,  with  proper  instructions,  and  wide  authority  ; to  be  a 
resident  at  the  university  city,  and  to  be  either  the  present  curator, 

* There  was,  also,  a characteristic  alteration  in  the  third  stanza.  Instead  of  the  words  above 
translated.  “Freedom  alike  for  all,”  were  inserted,  Freiheit,  Gleichheit  Allen" — “Freedom 
and  equality  for  all.”  Evidently  the  well-known  shihholeth  of  the  Revolution. 

t Compare  the  first  three  lines  of  the  first  stanza  with  the  same  of  the  last. 

$ See  the  poem  already  mentioned  as  distributed  by  Sand,  “Human  crowd,  O thou  great 
human  desert;”  and  the  so-called  “ Hymn  of  Union  of  the  United  Netherlanders,”  in  the  “ Free 
Voices."  Jarcke  cites  others.  § Jarcke,  13S.  11  See  Koch,  i.  15. 

No.  17.— [VoL.  VI.,  No.  2.]— 9 9 


130 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


or  some  other  person  recognized  as  fit  for  tlie  place  by  the  govern- 
ment. The  office  of  this  overseer  shall  be,  to  provide  for  the  fullest 
compliance  with  existing  laws  and  disciplinary  regulations  ; carefully 
to  observe  the  spirit  in  which  the  academical  teachers  deliver  their 
public  and  private  instructions,  and  to  exeicise  over  them  a healthful 
control,  without  immediately  interfering  in  their  scientific  duties,  or 
methods  of  instruction,  and  with  reference  to  the  future  destinies  of 
the  students  ; and,  in  general,  to  devote  his  uninterrupted  attention  to 
every  thing  which  can  promote  good  order  and  external  propriety 
among  the  students.  The  relations  of  this  extraordinary  overseer  to 
the  academical  senate,  and  all  matters  connected  with  the  details  of  his 
field  of  labor,  and  his  occupations,  are  to  be  set  forth,  as  fully  as  pos- 
sible, in  the  instructions  which  he  is  to  receive  from  his  government, 
having  reference  to  the  circumstances  which  have  occasioned  the  ap- 
pointment of  such  overseer. 

“§  2.  The  governments  of  the  German  Union  pledge  themselves  to 
each  other,  that  if  any  teacher  in  a university,  or  other  public  teacher, 
shall  be  guilty  of  proved  dereliction  of  duty,  or  transgression  of  the 
limits  of  his  duty,  by  misusing  his  proper  influence  on  the  young,  or 
promulgating  instructions  of  an  injurious  nature,  as  at  enmity  with 
public  order  and  quiet,  or  subversive  of  the  principles  of  existing  gov- 
ernments ; and  shall  thus  give  unmistahable  evidence  of  unfitness  for 
the  important  office  confided  to  him,  they  will  exclude  him  from  the 
universities  and  other  public  institutions  for  education ; no  impedi- 
ments being  by  this  intended  to  be  opposed  to  the  progress  of  such  in- 
stitutions, as  long  as  this  resolution  shall  remain  in  force,  and  until 
definite  regulations  shall  have  been  made  on  the  subject.  But  no 
such  measure  shall  be  resolved  upon,  except  after  a proposition  by  the 
government  overseer  of  the  university,  thoroughly  explained  by  him, 
or  upon  a repoi  t sent  in  previously  by  him.  An  instructor  dismissed 
in  this  manner  cannot  receive  an  appointment  in  any  public  educa- 
tional institution  whatever,  of  any  of  the  States  of  the  Union. 

“ § 3.  The  laws  which  have  long  existed  against  secret  or  unauthor- 
ized associations  in  the  universities  shall  be  enforced  in  their  whole 
extent  and  significance,  especially  against  that  society  established 
within  a few  years,  under  the  name  of  the  General  Burschenschaft,  and 
the  more  strictly  against  this  society,  inasmuch  as  it  is  based  upon  an 
altogether  inadmissible  permanent  connection  and  correspondence  be- 
tween difterent  universities.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  government 
overseers  to  exercise  especial  watchfulness  on  this  point.  The  govern- 
ments Mgree  with  each  other,  that  individuals  who,  after  the  publication 
of  this  resolution,  shall  be  proved  to  have  remained  in,  or  entered  a 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


131 


secret  or  unauiliorized  association,  sliall  be  appointed  to  no  public 
office. 

“§  4.  Xo  student  who  sliall  have  been  dismissed  from  a university 
by  decree  of  a government  overseer,  or  of  a university  senate,  upon  his 
motion,  or  who  shall  leave  the  university  to  avoid  the  result  of  such  a 
decree,  shall  be  admitted  into  any  other ; and,  in  general,  no  student 
shall  be  received  from  one  university  into  another,  without  a satisfac- 
tory testimonial  of  his  good  standing  at  the  former. 

“Done  and  given  at  Berlin,  October  18,  1819.” 

The  third  of  these  seetions  required,  unconditionalljq  the  dissolution 
of  the  General  Burschenschaft. 

Thus  far,  we  have  discussed  only  the  investigations  in  the  matter  of 
Sand,  and  respecting  the  association  of  the  “Blacks,”  or  “Uncondition- 
als,” of  which  Sand  was  a member,  and  whose  views  he  not  only  believed 
in,  but  had  proposed  to  earry  out  into  practiee,  and  enlighten  all  by 
his  example. 

But  it  was  not  thought  sufficient  to  punish  him  only  who  was  found 
guilty.  Evil-disposed  men  stirred  up  an  incessant  excitement  about 
the  vile  murder  of  Sand,  and  disturbed  peaceful  people.  By  means  of 
the  phantom  of  an  extensive  revolutionary  conspiracy,  they  were  en- 
abled to  cause  upright  princes  to  execute  the  most  unjust  measures, 
and  to  disgrace  the  most  honorable  men.  How  unrighteous,  for  in- 
stance, were  the  measures  pursued  against  Arndt,  the  truest  of  patriots, 
who  has  done  such  infinite  service  to  Germany  !* 

The  inquiry  was  now  made,  whether  the  Burschenschaft,  though 
neither  an  accomplice  in,  nor  cognizant  of  Sand’s  deed,  was,  neverthe- 
less, based  upon  the  same  religious,  moral,  and  political  dreams  and 
principles  from  which  that  action  had  followed.  By  no  means. 

The  result  of  the  criminal  investigations  showed  that  no  member  of 
the  Burschenschaft  knew  of  Sand’s  crime,  nor  was,  in  any  way  what- 
ever, accessory  to  it. 

To  what  we  have  already  given,  may  be  added  the  following  re- 
mark of  the  investigating  judge,  who  says  :f  “While  the  academical 
senate  at  Jena  asseverated  that  the  Burschenschaft  there  had  not  the 
least  connection  with  Sand’s  act,  the  Mannheim  investigations  left  no 
reason  for  doubting  this,  and  there  was  no  reason  for  claiming  that 
Sand’s  relations  to  the  Jena  German  Burschenschaft  had  even  the  most 
indirect  iufiuence  upon  his  crime.” 

But  what  were  the  relations  of  the  Burschenschaft  and  the  society 
of  the  “ Unconditionals  ?” 


See  Arndt's  “ Forced  Account  of  my  Life."  1S47. 


tllohnlior.st,  ii.  49. 


132 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


§ 8 of  the  Jena  statutes,  “The  Burschenschaft  can  exist  onl)  in  a 
free  and  'public  social  life  suitable  to  students while  that  society  was 
obliged  to  conceal  its  views  and  purposes,  and  thus  assumed  a charac- 
ter entirely  opposed  to  that  of  the  Burschenschaft.  “The  Burschen- 
schaft rejected  the  character  of  a secret  association,”  wrote  one  who 
knew  it  thoroughly.^  We  have  seen  that  Karl  Follenius,  the  leader 
of  the  “ Uncouditionals,”  had  only  three  followers  in  Jena,  and  that 
among  the  numerous  other  members  of  the  Burschenschaft  he  met 
with  no  success.  “ The  Jena  Burschenschaft,”  says  another  author,! 
“ received  not  the  least  influence  from  all  the  efforts  which  the  friends 
of  Karl  Follenius  made  in  various  ways.” 

Jarcke’s  statements,  and  the  letters  and  statements  of  the  “Uncon- 
ditionals” which  he  gives,  agree  exactly  on  this  point. 

A.,  a student  from  Heidelberg,  declared J;  that  “The  Burschenschaft 
had  merely  established  a general  union  for  the  cause  of  Germany ; 
but  nothing  more  than  this  could  be  expected  from  an  association 
which  was  at  least  twenty  times  larger  than  the  society  (of  Uncon- 
ditionals), for  nothing  judicious  could  come  from  it.  For  this  reason, 
those  of  the  Burschenschaft  who  trusted  in  each  other  to  pursue,  with 
earnestness  and  perseverance,  the  often  contemplated  plan  (of  a repub- 
lican form  of  government),  united  themselves  into  a smaller  associa- 
tion : that  is,  into  the  society.” 

L.,  a member  of  this  smaller  society  at  Jena,  wrote,  July  24,  1818, 

to  A , “ The  students  in  general  disgust  me ; it  is  a miserable, 

pitiful  brood ; God  preserve  the  world  and  the  fatherland  from  any 
salvation  which  is  to  come  through  them ! I do  nothing  for  the 
Burschenschaft  with  pleasure  and  pride,  but  only  out  of  duty.  I have 
long  given  up  the  idea  that  our  salvation  is  to  come  from  the  universi- 
ties. There  are  at  least  nineteen  rascals  to  one  good  fellow.  That 
sounds  hard,  but  it  is  true.  God  preserve  us  from  such  salvation  as 
can  come  through  such  fellows !” 

G.,  also  a member  of  the  same  smaller  society  at  Jena,  wrote  at  or 
about  the  some  time  to  A , “ It  is  out  of  the  question  to  accom- 

plish what  we  aim  at  merely  through  the  Burschenschaft.  I see, 
daily,  that  through  their  means  alone  we  shall  never  arrive  at  the 
point  at  which  we  aim.” 

That  this  society  would  gladly  have  perverted  the  whole  Burschen- 
schaft to  a concurrence  in  its  own  principles  and  foolish  plans  is  clear; 
but  how  little  was  accomplished  in  this  direction  at  Jena  we  have 
seen.  This  appears  from  the  above  letter  of  L.,  who  was  a member  of 


* “ German  Youth,"  &c.,  p.  32. 


t Ib.,  p.  S3. 


$ Jarcke,  p.  196. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


1:33 


the  society  at  Jena,  and  vho  was  pi-ofoiindly  in  enmity  with  llie 
Biirschenschaft,  which  opposed  tlie  tendencies  of  the  “ Unconditionals.” 
G.  speaks  to  the  same  etfect,  but  more  mildly. 

The  Biirschenschaft,  therefore,  came  unscathed  from  all  the  inves- 
tigations of  1819.  But  in  the  apprehension  that  they  might  after- 
ward'fall  into  error,  it  was  not  thought  sufficient  to  punish  the  guilty, 
but  the  whole  society  was  abolislied.  We  shall  see  that  this  disso- 
lution was  the  direct  cause  of  the  subsequent  real  faults  of  the  Bursch- 
enschaft. 

Upon  the  publication  of  the  decree  of  dissolution  to  the  Jena 
Burschenschaft,  they  wrote  to  their  protector  at  that  time,  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Weimar,  as  follows : 

“Most  Serene  Grand  Duke! 

“ Most  Gracious  Lord  and  Prince  ! — The  confidence  which  we  have 
learned  to  feel  in  your  Royal  Highness  causes  us  to  believe  that  we 
need  apprehend  no  difficulty  in  expressing,  once  more,  our  feelings 
toward  your  Royal  Highness,  now  that  we  are  separated  and  torn 
away  from  the  beautiful  hopes  which  had  grown  up  in  our  young 
hearts,  in  the  unity  and  harmony  of  an  allowed  and  virtuous  social 
life. 

“ It  was  the  will  of  your  Royal  Highness  that  the  Burschenschaft 
should  be  dissolved.  That  will  has  been  carried  into  effect.  We 
hereby  declare,  solemnly  and  publicly,  that  we  have  paid  strict  obedi- 
ence to  the  command,  and  have  ourselves  dissolved  our  association,  as 
was  ordered ; we  have  torn  down  what  we  had  built  up  after  our  best 
knowledge,  upon  mature  experiment,  with  upright  and  blameless  good 
faith,  and  with  the  genuine  belief  that  we  were  doing  a good  thing. 
The  consequences  have  answered  our  expectation,  and  there  grew 
up  a virtuous  and  free  mode  of  life.  Trustful  publicity  took  the  place 
of  creeping  secrecy ; and  we  could,  without  shame,  and  with  a good 
conscience,  display  to  the  eyes  of  the  world  what  we  had  meditated  in 
our  inmost  hearts,  and  had  carried  out  into  actual  existence.  The 
spirit  of  love  and  of  uprightness  led  us,  and  the  voices  of  the  better 
part  of  the  public  have  sanctioned  our  efforts  down  to  a very  late  period. 

“The  spirit  which  has  united  us  has  sunk  deep  into  the  bosoms  of 
each  one  of  us.  Each  of  us  understands  what  should  be  the  relations 
of  one  German  youth  to  another.  The  right  of  standing  by  one 
another,  in  its  ancient  form,  was  discontinued.  Good  morals  were  the 
first  and  last  motives  of  our  united  action.  Our  life  was  intended  to 
be  a preparatory  school  for  future  citizens.  This  fact  has  not  escaped 
your  Royal  Highness ; and  the  two  searches  of  our  papers  have  not, 
according  to  our  best  knowledge,  led  to  any  different  conclusion. 


134 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


“This  school  is  now  closed.  Each  of  its  inenibers  will  depart  with 
what  he  has  learned.  This  he  will  retain,  and  in  him  it  will  live. 
What  they  all  have  recognized  as  true,  will  continue  true  to  each. 
The  spirit  of  the  Burschenschaft,  the  s})irit  of  virtuous  freedom  and 
equality  in  our  student  life,  the  spirit  of  justice,  and  of  love  to  our 
common  country,  the  highest  of  which  man  can  be  conscious— this 
spirit  will  dwell  in  each  of  us,  and  will  lead  him  forward  for  good, 
according  to  his  capabilities. 

“These  things,  however,  grieve  us  deeply:  first,  our  influence  upon 
those  who  shall  come  after  us;  and  second,  that  our  efforts  have  been 
misunderstood,  and  misunderstood  publicly.  In  truth,  we  could  not 
have  been  wounded  more  deeply.  Only  the  good  conscience  within 
our  bosoms  can  teach  us  that  no  one  can  destroy  our  own  honor,  and 
can  show  us  the  means  of  consolation  for  this  injustice. 

“As  it  regards  this  decree,  we  leave  it  to  time  to  justify  us,  and  will- 
ingly admit  the  belief  that  at  least  there  has  been  a time  when  our 
efforts  were  not  misunderstood,  even  by  our  noble  prince  and  lord. 
Nothing  shall  change  our  love  to  him ; and  perhaps  some  better  day 
shall,  in  future,  permit  us  gratefully  to  prove  it  to  him. 

“ With  warm  wishes  for  our  fatherland,  and  for  the  prosperity  of 
your  Royal  Highness,  we  subscribe  ourselves,  in  unchangeable  love, 
your  Royal  Highness’  most  faithful  servants, 

“ The  Members  of  the  Late  Burschenschaft.” 

A hundred  and  sixty  signed  the  document. 

Binzer,  one  of  them,  composed  the  following  song,  afterward  ex- 
tensively sung : 

“ A house  we  had  huilded, 

So  stately  and  fair  ; 

There  trusting  to  be  shielded, 

In  God,  from  storm  and  care. 

“We  lived  there  so  gayly, 

So  friendly,  so  free  ; 

• It  grieved  the  wicked  daily. 

Our  true  accord  to  see. 

“ That  fair  house  may  perish. 

When  greatest  our  need — 

Its  spirit  still  we  cherish — 

But  God’s  our  strength  indeed.” 

Both  letter  and  song  testify  to  a good  conscience. 

After  the  dissolution  of  the  Burschenschaft,  the  strictest  measures 
were  taken  to  prevent  its  re-establishment.  These  remind  us  of  those 
employed  in  the  seventeenth  century  to  uproot  the  abominable  system 
of  Pennalism.  Yet  no  two  things  could  be  more  completely  opposed 
than  were  Pennalism  and  the  Burschenschaft.  The  latter  had  an 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


135 


especial  contest  with  the  associations  corresponding  to  the  earlier 
‘‘Nations,”  in  which  Pennalism  had  its  home. 

We  have  given  Klupfel’s  description  of  the  Landsmannschaften,  and 
have  seen  how,  at  the  time  of  the  War  of  Freedom,  there  had  been  a 
profound  moral  change  and  reformation  in  a large  part  of  the  academical 
youth.  The  same  students  who  then  followed  the  standards  as  volun- 
teers, and  fought  in  those  ever-memorable  battles,  now  fought  a second 
time,  as  volunteers  against  the  profound  demoralization  of  the  univer- 
sities. We  call  them  volunteers,  for  they  did  not  act  at  the  command 
of  the  authorities,  nor  did  their  movements  proceed  from  a new  code 
of  laws;  but  from  the  young  men’s  hearts,  which  God  had  drawm  to- 
ward himself,  and  renew’ed.  The  advantages  which  followed  w^ere 
such  as  neither  commands  nor  prohibitions  had  availed  to  secure.  I 
w'ill  mention  but  a few. 

“Almost  all  the  Burschenschafts  very  early  banished  the  hazard- 
table  from  their  precincts.”^ 

“ Above  all,  the  duel  was  disapproved  for  various  reasons,  and  often 
altogether  rejected  ; and  this  without  any  injury  to  those  who  adhered 
to  this  opinion.  By  means  of  the  courts  of  honor,  the  disuse  of  the 
duel  was  carried  to  a point  beyond  all  expectation.  In  the  summer  of 
1815,  there  were  once,  at  Jena,  thirty-five  duels  in  one  day,  and  a 
hundred  and  forty-seven  in  one  w'eek,  among  about  three  hundred  and 
fifty  students.  In  the  summer  of  1819,  the  court  of  honor  decided  for 
the  fighting  out  of  eleven  duels  among  seven  hundred  and  fifty  stu- 
dents; and  about  forty  were  brought  before  it.  No  duel  was  allowed 
until  after  reference  to  the  court  of  honor.  No  witness,  second,  or  sur- 
geon, was  to  attend  a duel  without  such  reference ; and  it  may  be  con- 
fidently asserted  that  no  duel  took  place  without  the  previous  reference 
to  the  court  of  honor,  as  long  as  that  court  could  inflict  the  penalty  of 
exclusion  from  the  association.  The  proportion  of  duels  to  those  of 
previous  periods  was  similar  in  other  Burschenschafts.”]- 

Within  my  own  knowledge,  a society  had  been  formed  in  Berlin, 
which  wholly  excluded  the  duel,  and  was  upheld  in  so  doing  by  the 
Bui'schenschaft. 

“ Among  the  virtues  of  their  ancestors,  that  of  chastity  w-as  set  very 
high.  It  was  no  longer  considered  witty  to  make  sport  of  innocence 
or  ignorance  of  play ; and  it  was  thought  a shame  to  resort  to  licensed 
houses  of  ill-fame.”J 

“ Conscious  of  such  an  endeavor  after  an  inward  moral  reform,  the 

* “ German  Youth'"'  &c.,  p.  34.  I was  assured  that  this  was  the  fact  as  to  the  members  of  the 
Burschen  sell  aft  at  Halle.  t Ib.,  pp.  29,  30. 

X lb.,  p.  85.  The  same  was  true  at  Halle,  by  the  testimony  of  students  there. 


136 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Burschen  sell  aft  could  neither  seek  secrecy,  nor  be  indifferent  to  a 
recognition  of  the  authorities.  Thus,  they  acquired  an  open,  straight- 
forward, and  downright  character.  Tliey  endeavwed,  everywhere,  to 
secure  the  approbation  of  the  authorities,  both  by  their  conduct  as  a 
society,  and  by  attempts  to  secure  direct  recognition.  They  had  no 
idea  that  they  could  be  considered  dangerous  to  the  state;  and  when 
this  character  was  given  to  them,  there  crept  in,  with  the  secrecy 
which  then  obtained  in  their  organization,  an  unreasonable  fancy  re- 
specting it,  which  led  them,  like  boys,  not  to  fear  a contest  with  the 
authorities,  and  even  with  the  law  itself.  They  could  scarcely  have 
foreseen,  that  with  this  secrecy,  and  this  delusive  opinion,  the  first  con- 
dition of  their  good  character — moral  uprightness — would  be  de- 
stroyed.”^ 

While  the  earlier  innocent  years  of  the  Burschenschaft  are  truly 
delineated,  the  origin  and  the  development  of  their  downfall  is  also 
correctly  pointed  out.  This  will  appear  from  the  following  account. 

F.— Halle.  (1819-1823.) 

I was  transferred  from  Breslau  to  Halle  in  the  year  1819.  I had 
passed  through  many  severe  struggles ; and  still  severer  ones  lay  be- 
fore me.f 

As  to  my  own  office  as  an  instructor,  I was,  for  the  second  time, 
put  in  charge  of  an  academical  collection  of  minerals,  which  was  not 
nearly  adequate  to  the  purposes  of  thorough  instruction  ; and  I sought 
in  vain  for  assistance,  in  this  respect,  during  four  years.  I was  obliged 
to  content  myself  with  the  use  of  a tolerable  private  collection,  which 
its  pi'oprietor  very  kindly  allowed  me  to  use  for  my  lectures.  I occu- 
pied myself,  also,  with  practical  instructions  in  geognosy,  making 
geognostic  excursions  during  two  afternoons  of  the  week,  in  which  the 
Prussian  mining  students,  more  especially,  joined.  I lectured  here  on 
pedagogy,  for  the  first  time,  in  1822. 

I occupied,  with  my  family,  the  house  and  garden  formerly  Reich- 
ardt’s,  at  Giebichenstein,  half  a mile  from  Halle,  and  where  I had 
enjoyed  such  happy  days  when  a student  there.  A young  theological 
student,  whom  I had  known  at  Breslau,  was  the  first  who  came  to  live 
with  me,  but  others  soon  followed  him. 

The  Burschenschaft  was  dissolved  at  Halle,  as  well  as  at  the  other 
universities.  A singular  condition  of  affairs  was  the  result.  The  same 
students  who  had  lived  together  as  the  Burschenschaft,  remained  at 
Halle.  They  were  no  longer  to  associate  together.  Let  their  conduct 


“ German  Youth"  &c.,  p.  86. 


tSee  '‘'■History  of  Pedagogy"  part  3,  § 2,  pp.  236-230. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


13Y 


be  as  honorable  and  open  as  possible,  this  did  not  avail  to  prevent 
them  from  becoming  suspected  by  the  authorities,  and  from  being 
most  incessantly  watched  over  by  them.  They  had,  up  to  the  publi- 
cation of  the  decree  of  September — up  to  October  18,  1819 — been  not 
only  associated  together  as  members  of  the  Burschenschaft,  but  had 
been,  personally,  the  most  intimate  friends;  and  it  was,  therefore,  a 
strange  requirement  that  they  should,  from  that  day,  become  iudifier- 
ent  to  each  other,  and  that  all  social  intercourse  among  them  should 
be  interdicted. 

The  Prussian  government,  agreeably  to  the  decree  of  September, 
appointed  a government  overseer  to  each  of  its  universities.  The  office 
of  these  was,  not  only  to  watch  over  the  students,  but,  as  section  1 of 
the  decree  requires,  over  the  instructors  also.  All  dignity  and  influ- 
ence was  thus  taken  from  the  academical  senate ; and  instead  of  a 
paternal  academical  discipline,  was  introduced  a completely  police-like 
practice,  which  was  harsher  for  the  reason  that  only  evil  was  presumed 
from  those  previously  members  of  the  Burschenschaft.  And,  on  the 
other  hand,  even  the  most  immoral  students  were  countenanced  and 
protected,  because  they  were  considered  adversaries  to  the  Burschen- 
schaft ; persons  to  wdiom  the  ideals  of  that  body  were  only  a jest. 

A similar  distinction  was  made  among  the  professors,  accordingly 
as  they  were  considered  partisans  or  opponents  of  the  reaction  which 
was  introduced. 

At  Berlin,  Privy  High  Government  Councilor  Schultz  was  appointed 
over  the  university ; a harsh,  self-conceited,  and  intensely  reactionary 
man.  “ Irritated  at  the  senate  and  the  professors,  of  whom  he  regarded 
Schleiermacher  and  Savigny  as  the  chief  friends  of  the  Burschenschaft, 
he  required  the  senate,  in  January,  1820,  to  justify  themselves  in  rela- 
tion to  their  connection  with  the  Burschenschaft.”*  On  the  2 1st  March, 
1820,  Schleiermacher  wrote  to  Arndt,  “While  Schultz  persecuted  the 
Burschenschaft,  he  extravagantly  favored  the  Landsmannschaften,  who 
are  eminently  the  destruction  of  the  university.”  On  the  18th  of 
August,  1822,  Schultz  declared  that  “He  was  now  convinced  that  he 
could  no  longer  reckon  upon  truth  and  good  faith  in  his  dealings  with 
the  ministry ; and  that  it  is  to  those  officials  themselves  that  the  faults 
of  the  members  of  the  secret  societies  are  to  be  imputed.”f 

But  this  dignitary  had  already  seen  how  fruitless  were  all  his  strin- 
gent regulations.  In  a letter  of  October  29,  1821,  he  wrote,  “It  is 
astonishing  to  what  an  extent  those  disorders  in  the  university,  for 
whose  removal  I have  now  labored  for  ‘two  years  with  the  greatest 


Corres^pondencetetween  Goethe  and  State  Councilor  Schultz,"  p.  76. 


t Ib.  p.  76. 


138 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


zeal,  increase  from  day  to  day  ; and  the  circumstances  attending  my 
labors  are  such,  that  I see,  with  sorrow,  the  moment  approaching  when 
I must  resign  my  post  with  reproach  and  shame,  even  if  vexation  and 
useless  labor  do  not  sooner  entirely  destroy  my  health  and  put  me  out 
of  the  world.”^ 

The  example  of  Schultz  shows  how  much  difficulty  and  harm  may 
be  caused  by  misuse  of  his  functions,  on  the  part  of  a harsh,  reckless, 
short-sighted,  and  proud  overseer.  Vice-president  of  Mines  Von  Witz- 
leben,  appointed  over  the  university  of  Halle,  was  diametrically  the 
opposite  of  Schultz.  He  was  mild,  always  benevolent,  and  a supporter 
of  every  thing  good.f  But  the  nature  of  the  office  which  had  been 
conferred  upon  him  was  any  thing  rather  than  mild.  He  w^as  obliged 
to  obey  the  orders  of  others.  What  he  saw  at  Halle,  and  the  results 
of  his  investigations  there,  was  not  permitted  to  determine  his  views 
or  his  actions.  It  was  said  that  the  proceedings  at  the  separate  uni- 
versities could  only  be  correctly  judged  of  at  the  central  point  of  the 
investigations;  only  at  Mainz,  the  seat  of  the  investigating  commis- 
sion appointed  by  the  Union,  which  could  overlook  the  whole  con- 
spiracy. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Burschenschaft  was  made  to  suffer  for  the 
transgressions  which  Sand  had  committed,  both  in  wmrd  and  deed,  but 
the  association  of  the  Unconditionals  in  revolutionary  prose  and 
poetry. 

No  pains  whatever  were  taken  to  distinguish  between  the  innocent 
and  the  guilty,  but  the  whole  Burschenschaft  was  declared  guilty,  and 
its  dissolution  was  as  sternly  followed  up  as  if  it  had  been  judicially 
convicted  of  the  accusations  against  it.  It  is,  therefore,  not  to  be 
wondered  at,  that  a man  otherwise  so  upright  and  mild  as  Witzleben, 
came  to  see  wicked  secrets  and  intrigues  everywhere,  and  at  last,  even 
to  think  the  very  honestest  of  the  students  the  most  cunning,  and 
utterly  unworthy  of  any  confidence. 

I myself  enjoyed  the  fullest  confidence  of  those  students  at  Halle  who 
had  belonged  to  the  Burschenschaft.  They  complained  to  me  that, 
notwithstanding  their  punctual  obedience  to  the  laws,  they  were  treated 


* Schultz  was  upon  the  very  point  of  breaking  up  the  Altenstein  ministry,  and  of  being  placed 
at  the  head  of  the  departments  of  Church  and  Instruction  ; the  necessary  cabinet  order  having 
been  made  out,  but  never  having  been  published.  lie  was,  at  last,  removed  from  his  overseer- 
ship  by  a cabinet  order,  dated  July  6,  1S24 

+ He  had  shown  himself  such  during  many  years’  most  benevolent  and  active  service  as  ad- 
ministrator of  the  school  at  Kosleben.  .The  able  Rector  Wilhelm  remained  at  the  head  of  this 
school  for  fifty  years,  notwithstanding  many  lionorable  invitations  elsewhere.  He  said  that  “ he 
could  not  find  a Witzleben  for  his  official  superior  anywhere  else.”  (“  Golden  Jubilee  of  Rec- 
tor Wilhelm J Weimar,  1836;  pp.  16,  17.) 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


139 


as  if  guilty.  To  remove  all  misiinclerstancling  and  distrust,  they  twice 
lianded  in  to  the  authorities  fair  and  truly  written  reports  of  their 
doings.  They  did  this  voluntarily;  and  had  no  difficulty  in  being 
public  in  doing  so,  because  they  were  conscious  of  no  fault. 

Among  those  who  often  visited  me  was  an  excellent  young  phy- 
sician, X.,  whose  strong  character  rendered  him  highly  esteemed  by 
his  acquaintances.  He  induced  them,  on  the  12th  of  January,  1821, 
to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the  foundation  of  their  Burschenschaft. 
This  celebration  was  wholly  unpremeditated.  But  the  authorities  saw 
in  it,  not  a memorial  of  a suppressed  association,  but  that  very  associa- 
tion continuing  to  exist.  During  the  investigation  which  followed,  I 
drew  up  the  following  testimonial  for  X. : 

“ Testimonial  for  X.,  student  of  medicine^  on  occasion  of  his  receiving 
the  admonition  to  depart  (consilium  abeundi),/rom  the  academical 
senate^  on  account  of  the  festival  of  January  12,  1821  {the  festival  of 
the  foundation  of  the  Burschenschaft  in  this  place). 

“I  have  been  acquainted  with  the  student  X.  for  more  than  a year. 
He  has  visited  me  once  almost  every  w^eek  since,  and  even  oftener; 
and  has  spoken  with  me  frequently,  and  fully,  respecting  his  own  cir- 
cumstances as  a student,  and  those  of  the  whole  body  of  students  ; not 
as  to  a superior,  but  as  to  an  old  friend.  He  had  no  reason  to  deceive 
me  in  any  thing,  and  I am  firmly  convinced  that  he  would  have  been 
precisely  as  truthful  if  questioned  before  the  most  rigorous  judge. 

“ I have,  in  particular,  spoken  often  with  him  respecting  the  Bursch- 
enschaft, of  which  he  was  a member  during  its  existence.  I know 
distinctly,  from  him,  that  he  adheres  strictly  to  the  w^oid  of  honor 
which  he  gave,  not  to  re-establish  the  Burschenschaft,  nor  to  aid  in  so 
doing.  He,  and  many  of  like  views,  it  is  true,  lament  that  unhappy 
political  occurrences  should  have  caused  the  suppression  of  that  body. 
But  these  do  not  indulge  the  dream  that  they  are  fitted  to  exert  any 
influence  upon  civil  society.  How  little  X.,  in  particular,  concerned 
himself  with  politics,  is  indicated  by  a remark  which  he  made  in  my 
presence,  that  he  was  too  busy  with  his  medical  studies  to  have  time 
to  read  the  newspapers. 

“ But  if  these  young  men,  while  fully  admitting  the  bad  tendencies  of 
a portion  of  the  Burschenschaft,  desired  to  hold  fast  to  the  true  bene- 
fits which  had  resulted  from  it  in  the  universities,  can  they  be  blamed 
for  this  ? But  when  ardent  love  of  truth,  chastity,  temperance,  patriot- 
ism, and  so  many  holy  Christian  virtues  have  sprung  up,  of  late,  in  the 
universities  ; when  young  men  associate  together  in  order  to  confirm 
themselves  in  these  virtues,  and  when  they  do  every  thing  to  reform 


140 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


those  who  are  in  evil  ways,  in  that  case  those  universities  in  which  such 
a spirit  prevails,  should  think  themselves  fortunate.  And  tins  doubly, 
when  they  compare  this  spirit  with  that  formerly  prevailing,  of  disso- 
luteness, and  of  emulation  in  many  vices.  Nor  is  this  hitter  spirit, 
unfortunately,  yet  extinguished ; those  of  better  intentions  are  daily 
annoyed  by  their  attacks. 

“I  know  how  much  X.  has  done  to  uphold  this  good  feeling,  and 
how  strenuously  he  resisted  those  evils.  The  best  swordsman  in  Halle, 
he  has  not  fought  one  duel,  but  has  adjusted  innumerable  misunder- 
standings. As  an  example  of  strict  morality,  he  was  superior  to  the 
rest.  In  oiiginating  the  celebration  of  the  12th  of  January,  as  a me- 
morial of  so  much  that  was  praiseworthy  in  the  designs  of  the  Bursch- 
enschaft,  his  purposes  were  pure ; and  it  is  only  to  be  lamented  that  a 
false  construction  was  put  upon  youthful,  though  even  blamable 
carelessness. 

“My  official  oath,  as  professor,  bound  me  ‘to  use  all  my  exertions 
to  increase  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  safety  of  the  church,  and  of  the 
republic ; to  lead  the  students  away  from  vice,  and  to  influence  them 
to  integrity  of  life  and  purity  of  manners.’  This  oath,  and  my  own 
impulses  oblige  me,  on  this  occasion,  to  speak  distinctly.  While  it  is, 
on  one  hand,  the  conscientious  and  official  duty  of  a teacher  to  warn 
and  protect  young  men  from  the  vicious  errors  which  were  made  the 
cause  for  suppressing  the  Burschenschaft,  it  is  equally  his  sacred  duty 
to  protect  the  new  and  pure  influence — the  spirit  of  Christian  virtue — 
which  grew  up  with  the  Burschenschaft.  I know  of  no  greater  fault 
with  which  an  instructor  of  youth  could  charge  himself,  than  that  of 
opposing  such  an  influence. 

“ I call  my  oath  to  witness,  that  I have  written  the  foregoing  accord- 
ing to  my  best  inward  conviction.” 

In  the  academical  senate,  I added  to  this  testimonial  the  following 
remarks  : “ I shall  add,  after  this  paper,  only  a few  words.  Since  writ- 
ing it,  I have  had  additional  reason  for  believing  myself  right  in  the 
views  therein  expressed  respecting  the  condition  of  the  students.  The 
jurisprudence  of  the  university  seems  to  me  to  differ  from  that  of  the 
usual  courts,  especially  in  this : that  in  its  decisions  it  may  not  only 
consider  each  case  by  itself,  and  compare  it  with  the  body  of  the  laws, 
but  more  especially  in  that  it  may  decide  according  to  a personal 
knowledge  of  the  accused,  and  rather  on  moral  than  on  judicial 
grounds.  Thus,  for  the  same  act,  a good-for-nothing  fellow  may  be 
treated  severely,  and  one  otherwise  of  good  reputation,  moderately.  The 
present  case  is  one  where  the  accused,  according  to  the  law,  by  the 
opinion  of  the  overseer  of  the  university,  should  be  acquitted.  Since 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


141 


they  are,  moreover,  known  to  be,  especially  the  medical  student  X., 
unblamable,  virtuous,  and  industrious  men,  there  is  double  reason, 
considering  the  case  as  one  of  discipline,  to  acquit  them.” 

About  this  time  my  intercourse  with  the  students  seemed  worthy  of 
attention  in  high  quarters.  I received  a letter  from  the  Chancellor  of 
State,  Prince  Ilardenberg,  in  which  he  spoke,  though  mildly,  yet  with 
displeasure,  of  my  relations  to  three  certain  young  men.  I answered  : 

“The  more  I recognize  the  kindness  expressed  toward  me  in  your 
grace’s  letter,  the  more  I feel  it  my  duty  to  justify  against  misunder- 
standing, to  your  grace  as  my  immediate  superior,  my  civic  and 
official  life.  I was  a member  of  a Turning  association,  when  it  was 
not  only  permitted,  but  favored  and  recommended  by  the  Prussian 
government  in  many  ways.  It  was  my  belief  that  in  this  I not  only  was 
not  violating  1113^  official  duty,  but  was  doing  it  better  than  was  required. 

“ When,  some  two  years  ago,  I expressed  my  profound  conviction 
of  the  great  value  of  the  Turning  system  for  youth,  in  a printed  publi- 
cation, I declared  myself,  at  the  same  time,  distinctl}'  opposed  to  any 
political  tendencies  in  it.  This  I did  of  m}’-  own  free  will,  under  no  in- 
fluence from  without ; and  I spoke  accordingly  to  young  persons, 
against  any  premature  grasping  after  the  station  of  a citizen. 

“Various  of  the  Turners  in  Breslau  were  also  my  scholars  in  miner- 
alogy ; among  them  M.  and  W. 

“ When  these  two  were  subjected  to  an  investigation,  I thought  it 
my  duty  to  warn  and  admonish  them,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  where 
they  were  in  fault ; but  not  to  give  them  up ; to  protect,  more  care- 
fully than  ever,  the  good  element  which  I recognized  in  them.  I con- 
sidered myself  their  teacher,  in  whom  they  placed  confidence,  not 
their  judge ; as  bound  to  improve  and  instruct  them,  not  to  condemn 
them ; and  I was  the  less  ready  to  condemn  them,  because  I had,  my- 
self, experienced  how  difficult  it  is,  in  a season  of  excitement,  always 
to  act  prudently  and  moderately. 

“ A year  ago  I became  acquainted  with  L.,  in  Berlin.  I found  out 
afterward,  to  my  sorrow,  that  he  had  certain  faults.  At  the  last  Whit- 
suntide vacation  he  made  a short  trip  from  Jena,  and  came  to  Halle. 
I conversed  with  him,  and  satisfied  myself  that  nothing  was  more  im- 
portant for  him  than  at  once  to  get  into  some  honorable  occupation, 
and  never  to  leave  it.  He  showed  a particular  inclination  and  aptness 
for  land-surveying  and  engineering.  As  there  are  excellent  opportu- 
nities at  Dresden  to  study  these,  I made  application  to  a friend  there, 
to  learn  from  Herr  Fischer,  professor  at  the  Military  Academ\q  what 
steps  a young  man  should  take  in  order  to  be  admitted  to  instruction 
in  land-surveying,  what  expenses  would  be,  &c. 


142 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


“Your  grace  will  see,  from  this  correct  account,  how  far  I have  been 
connected  with  L.  It  has  never  occurred  to  me  to  desire  to  bring  him 
under  my  influence,  as  a teacher,  in  any  way.  This  would  have  been 
a most  improper  design,  for  L.  was  by  no  means  a suitable  person  for 
it,  and  I am  convinced  that  your  grace  will  certainly  never  blame  me 
for  having  endeavored  to  set  L.  in  a way  to  cultivate  his  talents  to  his 
own  pleasure  and  quiet,  and  to  the  benefit  of  his  fatherland. 

“ It  is  a cause  for  mourning  before  God,  that  a large  part  of  our  youth 
are,  at  present,  in  an  unprecedented  misunderstanding  with  the  gen- 
eration preceding  them.  I consider  it,  accordingly,  the  sacred  duty  of 
the  teacher,  whom  his  official  duties  bring  into  close  contact  with 
them,  to  treat  them  in  every  respect  paternally,  and  to  use  all  means 
of  restoring  a good  understanding,  and  of  preparing  the  way  for  a 
pleasanter  future.  This  they  can  especially  do  by  having  regard  to 
the  peculiar  talent  of  each  young  man,  and  by  assisting,  with  counsel 
and  action,  in  cultivating  it,  and  thus  helping  to  educate  men  who 
will  be  both  skilled  and  satisfied  in  their  destined  sphere  of  life. 

“ I have  endeavored,  according  to  my  powers,  to  contribute  my  mite 
toward  this  object. 

“ Thus  your  grace  will  not  misunderstand  my  intercourse  and  cor- 
respondence with  young  men  accused  ; since  it  is  the  endeavor  to 
fulfill  my  duty  as  an  instructor  of  youth,  that  has  been  the  occasion 
of  them. 

“I  am,  of  myself,  most  decidedly  opposed  to  political  revolutions, 
and  an  adherent  to  what  promises  real  and  enduring  peace,  and  all  the 
benefits  of  prosperous  times.  I feel  myself  happy  in  my  sphere  of  life; 
why  should  I not  abhor  all  violence  and  destruction,  and  desire  calm 
and  peaceful  progress  ? 

“I  would  gladly  acquaint  your  grace  with  the  experiences  which 
have  been  occasioned  me  by  means  of  the  full  confidence  which  has 
been  reposed  in  me  by  those  young  men  who  have  been  accused.  I 
would  gladly,  as  their  advocate,  produce  the  conviction  that,  notwith- 
standing the  undeniable  improprieties  and  unjustifiable  views  which 
they  have,  youth-like,  thoughtlessly  written,  still  they  are  so  disposed 
that  they  would  gladly  offer  up  their  lives  for  king  and  fatherland, 
should  a second  year  1813  require  that  highest  evidence  of  their 
truth. 

“I  most  humbly  request  your  grace  to  receive  this  letter  with  favor, 
and  remain,  «kc.,  Von  Raumeh.” 

The  unhappy  impression  now  gained  ground  among  the  students, 
that,  notwithstanding  all  their  propriety  of  conduct,  no  confidence 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


143 


whatever  was  placed  in  tliem.  It  was  easy  to  foresee  the  iinliappy  conse- 
quences which  must,  of  necessity,  sooner  or  later,  arise  from  this  opin- 
ion. Want  of  confidence,  on  the  part  of  the  government  overseer  and 
the  senate,  produced  the  like  on  the  part  of  the  students.  There 
would  be  an  end  of  all  good  influence  by  the  former  on  the  latter,  if 
the  breach  between  them  should  widen.  Every  thing  was  to  be 
feared,  should  the  students  be  driven  from  their  previous  openness 
and  truthfulness  to  secresy  and  lies.  I was  in  great  trouble  on  this 
account.  Under  these  circumstances,  there  came  into  my  hands  the 
Tubingen  “ Statutes  for  forming  a Students’  Committee,”"*  which  were 
sanctioned  by  a royal  oixlinance  of  January  2,  1821,  and  whose  con- 
tents are  given  by  Klupfel.  I conceived  the  hope,  that  by  means  of 
a similar  committee,  the  open  and  proper  conduct  of  the  students 
at  Halle  might  be  maintained,  and  unhappy  secret  doings  avoided. 

To  this  end  I drew  up  the  following  paper,  to  be  read  at  the  session 
of  the  senate,  on  January  5,  1822  :f 

“ It  is  to  be  considered  what  are  the  best  means  of  healing  the  evil 
of  associations  among  the  students,  which  are  more  strictly  prohibited 
than  ever  by  government. 

“ It  cannot  naturally  be  required  that  eacli  student  shall  live  en- 
tirely isolated  in  his  room,  like  a monk  in  his  cell.  He  will  associate 
with  congenial  friends;  and  one  will  have  many,  and  another  few. 
Indeed  it  would  be  a sad  mark  of  entire  lack  of  friendly  feelings,  if 
none  should  inquire  about  another,  and  therefore  it  cannot  be  the  de- 
sign of  the  government  to  put  an  end  to  social  friendship.  This  was 
intended  only  of  all  formal  (or  prohibited)  associations,  which  are  very 
different  from  informal  social  intercourse.  From  such  prohibited  asso- 
ciations, many  of  the  students  here  are  entirely  disjoined,  though  they 
have,  against  their  wills  and  contrary  to  truth,  often  been  included  in 
the  appellation  of  Burschenschaft.  They  have  no  constitution,  no 
officers  ; nothing  is  said  among  them  of  commanding  or  obeying. 
They  have  so  little  of  secresy,  that  they  have,  entirely  of  their  own  free 
will,  twice  drawn  up  a complete  account  of  their  modes  of  life  and 
doings,  and  handed  it  in  to  the  curator.  That  mode  of  life — as,  in- 
deed, was  to  have  been  expected  from  his  character — received  his 
friendly  approbation,  as  regards  its  morals.  It  was  the  just  confidence 
in  their  good  intentions,  which  they  saw  to  be  felt  by  a high  official, 
which  occasioned  this  course.  But  if  this  confidence  of  theirs  has  not 

* P,  318,  &c.  Seo  Appendix  VIII.  A ministerial  decree,  of  Nov.  30,  1820,  had  already 
elated  that  the  king  was  not  opposed  to  such  a committee. 

i 8ome  less  important  portions  are  omitted,  but  what  is  left  is  given  vet'hatim. 


144 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


caused  a corresponding  one,  and  if  there  yet  prevails  an  apprehension 
that  present  circumstances  may  secretly  bring  about  an  entirely  differ- 
ent formal  association,  I know  of  only  one  means  of  relieving  this 
apprehension — which  I have  already  referred  to. 

“We  all  know  that  the  most  watchful  police  cannot  entirely  discover 
the  schemes  and  views  of  the  students,  if  they  resort  to  falsehood  and 
deceit.  Something  may  occasionally  come  to  light,  and  one  or  another 
individual  may  be  punished;  but  to  vdiat  end?  Puni-shment  may  be 
inflicted  to-da}’^,  but  the  hydi'a  head  grows  again  to-morrow. 

“ May  God  preserve  those  students,  who  presented  the  writing  I have 
cited,  from  giving  up  their  confidence  and  love  of  truth,  and  from  ad- 
dicting themselves  to  secresy  and  falsehood!  And,  above  all,  may 
God  prevent  the  honorable  senate  from  becoming  the  cause  of  such  a 
revolution  1 What  excuse  could  be  made  for  such  a result? 

“But  to  prevent  this  result,  I can,  as  I have  said,  see  only  one 
means.  Instead  of  ourselves  destroying  the  confidence  in  us  of  the 
young  men,  by  police  regulations — by  the  establishment  of  a com- 
pletely police-like  relation  between  ourselves  and  them — instead  of  de- 
pending upon  shrewdness  as  police-officers,  which  cannot  accomplish 
our  objects,  we  ought,  according  to  my  opinion  and  experience,  to  repay 
their  confidence  with  a full  return  of  it.  A full  return,  I say,  for  half 
confidence  is  no  confidence.  We  should  soon  see  with  what  sin- 
cerity of  heart,  how  freely  and  openly,  the  students  would  respond 
to  such  treatment.  Above  all,  it  would  then  be  in  our  power  to 
counteract  all  erroneous  tendencies  in  them,  because  we  should  know 
them  thoroughly ; and  all  the  phantoms  which  terrify  us  in  the 
dark,  would  disappear  in  the  bright  daylight  of  such  a condition  of 
things. 

“ Such  a clear  and  open  relation  between  ourselves  and  the  students 
can,  in  my  judgment,  not  be  more  beneficently  and  honorably  brought 
about  than  has  been  done  by  his  majesty,  the  King  of  Wurtemberg, 
by  an  ordinance  to  the  university  of  Tubingen,  of  the  2d  January  of 
last  year.  This  enacted  that  the  students  should  choose,  from  among 
themselves,  fifteen  persons,  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  communicate 
the  wishes  of  the  senate  to  the  rest  of  the  students,  and  to  assist  in 
accomplishing  the  same.  This  committee  is  also  empowered  to  bring 
before  the  senate  the  wishes  of  tlie  body  of  students.  Each  member 
of  this  committee  is  bound,  by  section  27  of  the  ordinance,  to  warn 
his  fellow-students  against  every  secret  association,  or  one  shunning 
publicity,  and  so  far  as  in  him  lies,  to  exert  his  influence  to  deter  them 
from  joining  any  such.  I refrain  from  giving  here  any  details  of  this 
excellent  ordinance,  inasmuch  as  I venture  to  submit  a copy  of  it  to 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


145 


be  examined  by  my  colleagues;  and  only  observe  that  I have  good  in- 
formation that  the  university  of  Tubingen  already  experiences  good 
results  from  this  ordinance.  Von  Raumer. 

“ Giebichenstein,  Jan.  6,  1822.” 

Unless  I am  mistaken,  there  is  but  one  man  now  living  who  was 
present  at  the  sitting  where  this  proposition  was  read,  namely,  my 
friend  Prof.  Schweigger.  He  will  remember  in  how  incredibly  tumul- 
tuous a manner  my  reading  was  interrupted.  He  repeatedly  begged 
that  I might  at  least  be  allowed  to  read  to  the  end.  I can  not,  after 
thirty  years,  trace  this  opposition  to  individuals.  But  I remember 
vividly  how  some  protested  most  strenuously  against  this  Students’, 
Committee,  as  if  it  would  be  a profound  injury  to  their  official  dignity, 
and  to  their  relations  with  the  students;  and  how  others  exclaimed 
that  they  were  not  in  the  habit  of  learning  from  the  Wurtembergers 
how  the  students  were  to  be  managed,  and  so  on.  As  this  opposition 
was  so  violent  that  I was  actually  unable  to  read  to  the  end,  I sent  the 
paper  next  day  to  Royal  Commissioner  von  Witzleben,  writing  to  him 
at  the  same  time  as  follows : 

“ I take  the  liberty  to  send  your  excellency  my  proposition  of  yes- 
terday in  the  senate.  Its  design  was  to  acquaint  that  body  with  tha 
Wurtemberg  ordinance,  with  which  your  excellency  is  familiar, 
wrote  it  dowm,  because,  in  case  of  cei'taiu  occurrences,  I will  adhere  to 
it,  word  for  word,  and  neither  more  nor  less.  My  official  duty  forbids 
me  to  conceal  my  honest  convictions.  Accordingly,  I was  yesterday 
desirous  of  expressing  my  conviction  that  nothing  of  the  nature  of 
police  regulations  would  succeed  in  the  case  then  in  hand,  but  that 
paternal  and  confiding  measures,  like  that  of  Wurtemberg,  would  be 
of  incalculable  service.  Many  of  my  colleagues  agree  with  my  views 
respecting  police  measures. 

“I  am  sufficiently  acquainted  with  your  excellency’s  views  to  know 
that  your  own  feelings  prefer  a paternal,  rather  than  a police-like  mode 
of  administration  ; I hope  that  you  may  not  be  prevented  from  acting 
in  accordance  with  those  feelings.  Von  Raumer.” 

I now  saw  the  evil  daily  coming  nearer,  and  was  convinced  that  no 
help  was  to  be  looked  for  from  the  senate.  Every  day  the  ill  feeling 
of  the  students  increased,  and  was  especially  stimulated  b}^  some  young 
men  of  talent,  who,  about  that  time,  came  from  Jena  to  Halle.  These 
individuals  used  every  influence  to  induce  the  dissatisfied  to  join  a se- 
cret Burschenschaft  which  they  had  founded  at  Jena.  One,  named  C. 

No.  17.— [VoL.  VL,  No.  2.]— 10  10 


146' 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


was  particularly  active,  advocating  the  establishment  of  such  a Biirsch- 
enschaft  with  the  utmost  eloquence  and  sophistry.  He  unfortunately 
found  the  ground  so  well  prepared  during  two  years,  that  the  seed 
sown  by  him  and  his  fellows  quickly  sprang  up  and  grew.  C.  after- 
ward confessed  before  a court,  that  “ his  exertions,  during  his  stay  at 
Halle,  were  intended  to  establish  there,  also,  the  secret  Bui’schenschaft, 
and  to  propagate  among  its  members  the  political  views  of  the  organi- 
zation at  Jena.”*  He  avowed  that  he,  with  three  others,  had  “earn- 
estly endeavored  to  re-establish,  among  the  partisans  of  the  Burschen- 
schaft  in  Halle,  that  organization,  dissolved  by  the  authorities.”  He 
declared,  in  so  many  words,  that  “ the  step  from  this  Burschenschaft 
to  our  smaller  political  association  was  not  difficult,  as  the  members  of 
the  former,  by  having  broken  their  word  of  honor,  given  to  tlie  au- 
thorities, were  thus  placed  in  opposition  to  them,  and  also  to  the 
existing  government.” 

I became  acquainted  with  C.  Without  (as  will  easily  be  conceived) 
introducing  me  to  his  demagogical  plans  and  endeavors,  he  made  no 
secret  of  his  theory.  This  was,  in  truth,  exceedingly  radical,  although 
he  was  under  the  delusion  that  it  was  based  upon  the  most  correct 
moral  principles.  The  Burschenschaft,  for  instance,  he  said,  aimed  at 
the  purest  morality  in  life ; the  governments  which  had  broken  it  up 
had,  therefore,  put  themselves  in  direct  opposition  to  the  purest 
morality;  and,  therefore,  there  remained  no  other  course  for  young 
men  than  to  obey  God  rather  than  man,  and  to  take  an  active  part  for 
morality. 

He  also  cited  political  reasons;  and  especially  the  fact,  that  the  well- 
known  thirteenth  article  agreed  on  by  the  Congress  of  Vienna  had  not 
been  carried  into  operation  by  Prussia  and  other  goveiTiments. 

C.,  whom  I loved  much,  and  who  has  long  ago  escaped  from  the  errors 
of  his  youth,  and  who  is  a very  useful  mau,  will  remember  well  how  I 
discussed  all  these  matters  with  him.  An  enemy  to  sophistry  and 
dialectic  fencing,  I adhered  to  the  Christian  code  of  morals,  which  had 
always,  from  my  youth,  been  to  me  holy  and  perfect;  rejected  all 
Jesuitism,  and  enforced  strongly  this  principle:  that  the  holy  God 
would  never  require  us  to  assist  in  supporting  and  extending  his  king- 
dom by  unholy  and  wicked  means.  The  uidiappy  consequences  of 
Sand’s  action  were  also  placed  in  a strong  light  before  his  eyes. 

A strife  now  arose  between  those  who,  led  away  by  this  newly  dis- 
covered code  of  morals,  which  appeared  to  them  of  supreme  authority. 


• '■'■Information  against  the  Members  of  the  so-called  Youth's  Union"  (Jugendhund). 
Halle.  1S26.  P.49. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


14*7 


advocated  joining  the  secret  Bursclienschaft  and  the  “Young  Men’s 
Union,”  and  those  who,  restrained  by  the  word  of  honor  wliie.h  they 
had  given,  opposed  such  adhesion.  The  latter  were  overcome.  The 
“Young  Men’s  Union”  was  the  chief  temptation  to  them,  and  with  its 
foundation  a new  period  may  be  commenced  ; the  previous  one  liaving 
been  distinguished  by  the  association  of  tlie  “ Unconditionals.”  But 
Karl  Folleiiius  had  now  also  a hand  in  the  game. 

The  detailed  history  of  the  “Young  Men’s  Union”  is  given  in  the 
^’‘Information'''  already  quoted,  by  the  Royal  High  Court  of  Breslau.'^ 
I shall  refer  the  reader  to  this ; and  shall  here  only  give  the  following 
sketch : 

A student  of  Jena  became  acquainted,  in  1821,  in  Switzerland,  with 
Karl  Follenius  and  two  other  men,  who  confided  to  him  the  statement 
that  “there  was  to  be  formed  an  association,  among  men  already  living- 
in  civic  stations,  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  the  existing  govern- 
ments ; and  that  it  was  desirable  that  a similar  association  should  be 
formed  among  young  men.”  They  proceeded  to  request  the  student 
to  found  such  an  association.  He  entered  into  the  plan,  and  labored 
at  Zurich,  Basle,  Freiburg,  Tubingen,  Erlangen,  and  Jena,  in  behalf  ot 
the  society  ; at  all  which  places,  as  well  as  at  Halle,  Leipzig,  Gottin- 
gen, Wurzburg,  and  Heidelberg,  there  were  members  as  early  as  the 
summer  of  1821.  During  1821,  1822,  and  1823,  several  other  sec- 
tions of  it  were  established,  consisting  mostly,  however,  of  only  a few 
persons;  and  in  all  of  them,  so  far  as  has  been  reported,  great  con- 
fusion and  perplexity  of  ideas  prevailed,  no  one  knowing  exactly  what 
he  wanted. 

Many  were,  probably,  induced  to  join  the  “Young  Men’s  Union” 
by  the  compliment  to  their  vanity  implied  in  the  immediate  connec- 
tion with  the  secret  league  of  men,  from  which  was  expected  a tre- 
mendous revolution  tending  to  the  improvement  and  renovation  of 
Germany,  and,  perhaps,  even  of  all  Europe. 

But  they  were  startlingly  undeceived  by  discovering,  with  certainty, 
that  no  such  association  of  men  existed.  Part  of  them  thereupon  de- 
clared, that  under  these  circumstances,  the  “ Youno-  Men’s  Union” 
was  without  any  basis;  and  that  it  must,  therefore,  be  dissolved.  A 
majority,  however,  decided  to  continue  their  exertions  more  sti'enu 
ously  than  ever,  since  the  renovation  of  Germany  must  rest  with  them 
alone. 

Thus,  the  phantasmal  existence  of  the  Union  continued;  it  could 
neither  live  nor  die.  “It  is  clear,”  says  the  ’■'‘Information'''  “that  we 


* This  work  was  pritited  by  C.  Anton,  with  the  express  y)erinission  of  the  Royal  Prussian 
Ministries  of  religion,  instruction,  and  medicine.  Halle,  1S26. 


148 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


can  not  discuss  an  actual  organization  of  the  ‘Young  Men’s  Union;’ 
and  that  it  would  be  in  vain  to  attempt  to  follow  up  single  ramifica- 
tions of  it  to  their  origins,  which  were  often  accidental.  We  must 
rather  treat  of  repeated  attempts  to  accomplish  an  organization.” 

As  the  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  “Young  Men’s  Union”  in  Halle  grew 
more  and  more  efficient,  they  had  an  influence,  most  painful  to  me, 
upon  my  relations  with  the  students.  Whereas,  they  had  previously 
been  entirely  open  with  me,  and  had  conversed  with  me  frankly  re- 
specting their  lives,  I could  not  but  very  soon  observe  that  they  were 
infected  with  wretched  and  foolish  secrets  and  schemes.  They  could 
not  communicate  these  to  me,  for  they  knew  too  well  what  were  my 
opinions  on  them.  I afterward  found  that,  out  of  the  most  friendly 
feelings  toward  me,  they  had  been  entirely  silent  on  these  points,  in 
order  that  no  suspicion  of  participation  might  attach  to  me  in  case  of 
any  investigations.  But  this  very  silence  sufficiently  indicated  to  me 
that  the  young  men,  previously  so  firm  in  their  honesty,  were  in  great 
danger  of  being  betrayed  into  secret,  dishonest,  and  unlawful  schemes. 
I felt  myself  necessitated  to  warn  them  once  more,  in  a paternal  man- 
ner, as  clearly  and  distinctly  as  possible;  and  accordingly  addressed 
to  them  all,  in  the  year  1822,  the  following  admonitory  letter: 

“ On  the  Re~esta,hlishment  of  the  Barschenschaft. 

“ I do  not  believe  that  the  formal  reorganization  of  the  Burschen- 
schaft  by  the  students,  in  spite  of  their  word  of  honor,  and  contrary  to 
law,  is  to  be  apprehended ; for,  as  the  university  overseer  testifies, 
they  speak  the  truth.  Upon  the  dissolution  of  the  Jena  Burschen- 
schaft,  they  wrote  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Weimar,  ‘It  was  the  will  of 
your  Royal  Highness  that  the  Barschenschaft  be  dissolved.  That  will 
has  been  carried  into  effect.  AVe  hereby  declare,  solemnly  and  pub- 
licly, that  we  have  paid  strict  obedience  to  the  command,  and  have, 
ourselves,  dissolved  our  association,  as  was  ordered,’  &c.,  &c. 

“ In  my  judgment,  these  words  express  the  true  spirit  of  the  Bursch- 
enschaft — open,  true,  and  honorable.  Every  association  which  consti- 
tutes itself  secretly,  against  the  law  and  their  word  of  honor,  stands  in 
direct  opposition  to  this  true  spirit  of  the  late  Burschenschaft ; and 
ought  not,  in  my  opinion,  to  be  considered  as  an  association  of  the 
class  of  that  one,  notwithstanding  it  may  adopt  its  watchwords,  colors, 
and  all  other  externals. 

“ Such  were  my  expressions  to  the  academical  senate  in  relation  to 
the  festival  of  January  12,  1821.  May  I never  be  obliged  to  give  up 
the  good  opinion  which  I entertained  when  writing  it. 

“ I still  can  not  fear  that  any  formal  reorganization  of  the  Burschen- 


THE  GEHMAX  UNIVERSITIES. 


149 


scliaft,  contrary  to  tlie  word  of  honor  given,  and  in  contempt  of  the 
law,  will  take  place.  Who  would  advocate  it  ? 

“ Suppose  it  should  be  said,  ‘ You  know  the  excellent  purposes  of 
the  Burschenschaft ; but  it  is  impossible  to  attain  them  without  the 
formal  re-establishment  of  that  body.  Without  a formal  organization 
and  establishment  it  will  be  impossible  for  us  to  hold  together  the 
students,  and  to  lead  them  toward  a common  purpose.’ 

“ To  this  1 would  reply : I ought  not,  strictly,  to  answer  you  at  all, 
for  you  are  seeking  to  cause  a breaking  of  the  law,  and  of  the  word  of 
honor.  Do  you  propose  to  defend  this  violation  of  law  by  claiming 
that  the  government  has,  on  its  part,  destroyed  the  just  condition  of 
affairs  by  its  own  injustice,  and  that,  therefore,  you  feel  yourself  not 
bound  by  the  law  ? How  dare  you  say  that  law  and  right  have  not 
been  violated  by  the  young  men  themselves ; and  that,  therefore,  law 
and  justice  toward  them  are  taken  away  ? Have  you  forgotten  Sand, 
and  so  many  circumstances  connected  with  him  ? 

“But,  even  if  injustice  has  been  committed,  dare  you,  for  that  reason, 
declare  yourself  free  from  all  civil  obligations?  Was  Socrates,  then, 
in  your  opinion,  a fool,  because  he  drank  the  poison  unjustly  tendered 
him,  rather  than  to  flee  ? Follow  no  principle  which  you  can  not  wish 
all  the  world  to  follow.  Try  every  Christian  commandment  by  this 
rule,  and  you  will  feel  that  the  world  would  be  happy  if  all  should 
obey  it.  But  if  all  w^ere  to  cast  loose  from  the  State  on  this  principle 
of  yours — for  when  the  government  is  unjust  to  one  it  endangers  all — 
there  would  at  once  result  a most  fearful  dissolution  of  all  social  bonds, 
a most  terrific  and  bloody  revolution.  All  the  visionary  and  unbridled 
powers  and  passions  of  our  nature  would  awake  ; hatred,  envy,  revenge, 
pride,  ambition ; the  devil  would  stir  up  wicked  hopes,  and  vain  confi- 
dence in  mere  strength ; and  holy  love  would  disappear  in  the  waste 
abyss.  Do  you  consider  yourself  powerful  enough  in  intellect  to  quiet, 
guide,  and  rule  these  excited  and  rude  powers  and  masses  ? Will  you,  a 
teacher  and  establisher  of  revolution,  establish  and  maintain  order  ? 
Beware  of  throwing  out  partial  and  frivolous  words,  which,  as  stimulants 
in  real  life,  may  become  sad  seeds  of  incalculable  misery.  Woe  to  you 
if  you  fool  weak  minds,  and  lead  them  astray  with  such  words ! And 
with  this  breach  of  law,  the  breach  of  word  goes  hand  in  hand.  ‘ One 
word,  one  word — one  man,  one  man,’  our  ancestors  said.  But,  do  you 
propose  to  begin  tho  establishment  of  the  German  Burschenschaft  by 
the  violation  of  this  truly  German  motto,  and  then  to  sing  to  your 
‘Union,’  ‘The  world  itself  must  pass  away,  and  so  the  ancient  proverb 
must?’  Would  you,  Jesuitically,  shelter  yourself  by  that  abominable 
principle  that  ‘ The  end  sanctifies  the  means  ?’  In  this  direction  points 


150 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


the  cunning  requirement,  that  we  shall  give  up  our  healthy,  simple 
moral  instincts,  and,  instead  of  them,  set  up  principles  which  an  honest 
heart  can  not  comprehend.  And  let  us  consider  more  closely  that 
purpose  of  the  Christian  German  Burschenschaft  which  is  to  sanctify 
these  means.  Was  it  not  this,  that  the  members  were  to  live  a com- 
mon, free,  open,  true,  pure,  and  affectionate  life  ? And  is  the  first  step 
toward  the  accomplishment  of  that  end,  to  be  a breaking  of  the  word  of 
honor,  and  of  the  law?  Have  you,  like  the  most  unprincipled  diplo- 
matists, the  greater  morals  and  the  lesser  morals  : the  latter — Christian 
morality — for  every-day  life,  and  the  former,  the  greater — devilish 
morality — for  extraordinary  occasions,  which  require  lying  and  deceit? 
Are  breach  of  one’s  word  and  of  the  law  to  be  the  consecrating  cere- 
mony at  the  entrance  into  the  Burschenschaft?  And  must  all  the 
members  live  secretly,  afraid  every  moment  of  being  brought  to  an 
account,  and  contriving  pettifogging  shifts  and  tricks  to  get  off  with 
in  case  of  need  ? What  becomes  of  the  simple  innocence  of  an  open 
and  pure  youthful  life,  with  a good  conscience,  in  whose  place  appears 
this  concealed,  secret,  and  light-shunning  life  ? Are  the  young  to  train 
themselves,  by  such  a course  of  life,  into  free  Christian  citizens  ? It  is 
impossible. 

“ And  however  shrewdly  all  of  your  arrangements  may  have  been 
made,  however  cunningly  you  calculate,  be  sure  that  good  German 
honesty  is  best,  and  will  always  be  best.  Honesty  stands  longest. 
Arndt’s  verses  are  true  of  the  German  youth : 

“ ‘ Trust  thou  not  to  a fair  outside, 

Lies  and  cheats  thou  canst  not  guide. 

Arts  and  tricks  will  fail  with  thee, 

Thy  cunning,  shallowest  phantasy.’ 

“ And  in  like  manner  will  fail  this  trickish  and  secretly  constituted 
Burschenschaft.  It  will  soon  be  discovered,  and  broken  up  by  ex- 
pulsions. 

“ For  these  reasons  I consider  that,  at  present,  the  formal  reorgani- 
zation of  the  Christian  German  Burschenschaft  would  be  a violation  of 
law,  and  of  the  word  of. honor;  unchristian,  un-German,  unwise. 

“ But  is  our  youth  so  superannuated  that  it  can  not  exist  without  a 
fixed  form,  without  adherence  to  a letter  ? No  law  prevents  you  from 
living  and  laboring  as  friends  in  life  and  death,  for  the  noblest  of 
human  purposes — for  a fi-ee  Christian  intercourse.  Must  friendship  be 
replaced  by  mere  verbal  fastenings,  and  a living  intellectual  tie  by  a 
lawyer’s  paper  one  ? Must  that  mental  powder  by  which  the  better  or 
more  intelligent  man  influences  his  brother  in  God’s  name,  be  assured 
to  him  by  a constitution  ? 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


lol 


“But  if  there  are  only  a few  individuals  who  are  constituted  capable 
of  a profound  and  close  association  in  life  through  love,  it  is  better  that 
these  few  should  hold  themselves  purely  and  truly  together,  in  inde- 
pendent friendship,  than  that  efforts  should  be  made  to  hold  together, 
by  prohibited  ties,  a great  number  of  repugnant  persons,  and  that  the 
purpose  should,  at  last,  utterly  fail.  Woe  to  us,  when  our  youth, 
even,  shall  be  given  over  and  consecrated  to  lovelessness ; woe  to  youths 
who  imagine  that  they  can  attain  freedom  by  using  their  brethren 
wickedly  and  tyrannically,  as  blind  tools!  Oh,  that  our  youth  would 
purify  themselves  from  every  evil  means,  from  every  impure  purpose ; 
with  a good  conscience  confess,  before  all  the  world,  the  good  purpose 
at  which  they  aim,  and  openly  and  freely  demand  from  their  instruct- 
ors and  officers,  recognition  and  assistance  in  their  truly  holy  endeavor  ! 
Who  would  dare  oppose  young  men  avowing  their  object  to  be  a pure, 
active,  loving  life  ? Who  can  harm  you  if  jmu  do  good  ? Oh,  that 
Luther’s  free,  and  vehement,  and  powerful  spirit  could  be  a pattern  for 
the  German  youth ; that  spirit  which  despised  all  low,  stealthy,  secret 
tricks  and  practices,  and  through  divine  and  open  confidence  in  itself, 
was  unconquerable  and  irresistible  !” 

I w^as  soon  convinced  that  my  appeal  could  not  resist  the  force  of 
the  influence  at  work  on  the  students.  All  confidence  in  the  authori- 
ties was  entirely  at  an  end ; for  the  students  had  experienced  from 
them  opposition,  not  assistance;  and  the  opinion  prevailed,  that  in 
order  to  realize  the  ideal  of  the  Burschenschaft,  it  would  be  necessary 
no  longer  to  co-operate  with  the  authorities,  but  to  oppose  them ; and 
that,  on  radical  political  principles,  whatever  stood  in  the  way  of  that 
ideal  must  be  removed.  It  was  fancied  that  the  “ Young  Men’s  Union” 
would  lift  the  world  to  the  condition  of  the  angels. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Union  was  actually  a nonentity.  It  was  a 
fit  subject  for  Aristophanes.  But  the  times  were  too  bitterly  in  earnest 
for  this  ; and  irritable  and  wicked  consciences  could  neither  understand 
nor  endure  any  sport.  The  Union  came  to  a tragical  end.  I had  fore- 
told, in  my  admonition,  that  if  the  prohibited  Burschenschaft  should 
be  reorganized,  it  would  soon  be  discovered,  and  broken  up  by  expul- 
sions. But  the  “Young  Men’s  Union,”  in  thinking  to  surpass  the 
morality  and  lawfulness  of  the  original  Burschenschaft,  foolishly  passed 
beyond  the  sphere  of  its  activity  among  young  men,  and  attempted  to 
interfere  with  the  relations  of  actual  life,  of  which  it  knew  nothing, 
and  which  it  was  far  from  being  competent  to  regulate  or  to  change. 
Thus  it  happened  that  its  members  had  to  do,  not  with  the  paternal 
academical  disciplinary  court  and  the  academical  penalties,  but  with  a 
criminal  court  and  its  severe  sentence ; that  they  were  measured  with 


152 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


the  measure  of  the  government,  the  existing  state  of  which  they  had 
permitted  themselves  to  attack.  On  the  25th  of  March,  1826,  the 
High  Court  of  Breslau  passed  sentence  upon  twenty-eight  members  of 
the  Union,  all  of  whom,  except  a few,  were  condemned  to  from  two  to 
fifteen  years’  imprisonment."^ 

This  was  the  tragic  end  of  the  “ Young  Men’s  Union.” 

In  1822  my  stay  at  Halle  became  unendurably  painful  to  me.  I 
still  saw  the  same  students  w'hom  I loved  so  well,  but  yet  they  were 
changed.  I afterward  found  the  names  of  twelve  of  them  in  the  list  of 
those  condemned  as  just  mentioned. 

There  w'as  also  a second  reason,  which  had  long  annoyed  me.  I 
had  been  begging  for  three  years  that  a collection  of  minerals  might 
be  purchased  for  the  university,  as  the  existing  one  did  not  at  all  fulfill 
the  purposes  of  instruction.  My  request  not  being  complied  with,  it 
was  impossible  for  me  to  properly  perform  my  duty  as  professor  of 
mineralogy. 

During  this  period  of  great  uneasiness,  my  friend  Rector  Dittmar, 
w^hile  on  a visit  to  me  from  Nuremberg,  at  Easter,  1822,  invited  me 
to  take  partial  charge  of  his  institution  at  that  city.  In  October  fol- 
lowdng  I went  to  Nuremberg,  examined  the  school,  and  consented. 
On  returning  to  Halle,  I applied  to  the  two  ministries  under  which  I 
was  an  official — as  mining  councilor  and  as  professor — for  a dismis- 
sion. I desire  to  commemorate  the  friendly  manner  in  which  the  two 
ministers,  Schuckmann  and  Altenstein,  returned  me  my  request,  and 
advised  me  to  recall  my  decision.  But  I had  taken  my  resolution 
too  firmly,  and  repeated  my  application.  I received.  May  30,  1823, 
through  the  ministry,  the  royal  cabinet  order  which  dismissed  me. 
“In  consequence,”  said  the  accompanying  letter  from  the  ministries, 
“the  undersigned  ministries  do  free  you  from  your  official  duties,  both 
in  the  university  at  Halle,  and  in  the  High  Council  of  Mining,  with 
thanks  for  your  exertions  there,  and  with  the  best  wishes  for  your 
future  prosperity.” 

I left  Halle  wdth  very  sad  feelings.  It  was  as  if  I were  bearing  to 
the  grave  all  the  wishes  and  hopes  that  I had  nourished  for  ten  years, 
ever  since  the  year  1813,  and  for  whose  accomplishment  I had  fought 
and  labored. 


* Ten  of  them  were  imprisoned  for  fifteen  years.  Most  of  the  twenty-eight  were  Prussians, 
but  many  other  members  were  punished  elsewhere.  Most  of  them  were,  however,  pardoned 
before  the  end  of  their  term. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


153 


CONCLUSION. 

Tlie  narration  of  our  past  experiences  completely  carries  us  back  to 
time  past,  and  so  identifies  us  again  •with  them,  that  we  involuntarily 
write  with  affectionate  interest  of  thinors  which  were  so  interestino:  to 
US.  And  although  many  things  appear  different  to  us  in  the  course 
of  time,  yet  we  are  unwilling  to  be  too  careful,  and  to  weakemour  de- 
lineation by  subsequent  criticisms.  We  may  even,  as  Solomon  admon- 
ishes, become  incorrect  by  striving  to  be  too  much  so.  And  it  is 
equally  improper  to  measure  the  past  by  the  measure  of  the  present 
— which  was  not  then  known  nor  applied — without  reference  to  time 
and  circumstances. 

A reference  to  the  eminent  and  long-continued  usefulness  of  Schleier- 
macher  will  well  illustrate  this  point.  How  many  have  thanked  him 
for  having  first  awakened  them,  at  a time  when  they  were  sunken  in  a 
stupefying  slumber  under  the  poisonous  influence  of  the  vapors  which 
arose  from  the  dead  sea  of  nationalism ! And  this,  too,  notwithstand- 
ing that  subsequently  a still  deeper  need  separated  them  from  him,  to 
seek  instruction  and  faith  in  eternal  life  from  other  preachers.  Like 
them,  I am  grateful  for  the  influence  which  Schleiermacher  exerted 
upon  me,  although  I afterward  became  unable  to  agree  wdth  his  theo- 
logical views. 

It  is  not  in  the  least  my  intention  to  defend  all  that  I have  related 
of  myself,  especially  during  my  student  life.  I did  not  think  it  neces- 
sary to  warn  my  reader,  as  he  can  become  sufficiently  acquainted  with 
me,  and  with  my  views  of  Christianity,  from  this  book. 

My  narrative  ends  with  the  year  1823,  after  which  time  I was  for 
four  years  not  at  any  university,  and,  accordingly,  the  concerns  of 
those  were  out  of  my  sight.  When  I was  appointed  at  Erlangen  in 
1827,  I found  every  thing  very  difterent  from  the  north  German  uni- 
versities, and  every  thing  seemed  to  me  to  have  changed. 

The  statements  which  follow  are  mostly  derived  from  my  experience 
during  the  twenty-seven  years  of  my  professorship  at  Erlangen.  They 
relate  chiefly  to  academical  subjects,  which  have  been  much  discussed 
within  the  last  ten  years,  and  upon  which  views  and  opinions  have 
been  very  various. 

I have  stated  my  own  beliefs  as  unequivocally,  clearly,  and  defi- 
nitely as  I could,  with  the  design  of  making  both  agreement  and  dis- 
agreement more  easy ; and  not  at  all  from  any  dogmatic  assumption. 


5:5^711.:^.'  . "'«155 

h ; f ’.v'  ’ ' - ■ " ' ' 


rv-w^  ,_  ^ I ^ ■ 1.  ' , 

i4'W’'-->v.  ''"»v.-  ^ ‘---t';  ' . rfi,  .V, 


. fe.  r ’ Ai*'. .« 


,•  Sk:’  f.  1.  . 'i  /''  ■ ■ ' ■•  f . 


'•'i  • .v^  \,  .v' 

iifAaiv;V  i'-' 


4 


-fVN-  .; 


S ■'b6^'i'=  ic"-  '•'’f-'^'  ■ ■s'-'''  .7*/  -.'t''?.  'f7‘  ' ‘. 


‘ ,'  y> , , . ' 

'■•'  ->  ■'.  ’iV;  ■?'J:j"  4-'^'  ' ■'  “ ■ ' ■ 

*’  ’ , - ' 

■14  ' 

4-4  '^;r 

4';.  ; 1 ’■, «.r  ■:-•*, 5 '»)!.,.•  y,,  ■ i^,{i, ‘‘ii  ■; -’(, 

ij,?;  t«  *■“'■  * 

V Jlm'  i.w*. 


;,^'i7'il'# 


. ' .-i-."'7-’r  :4j&:  \ ‘V’  ■ '-'■r.j'  'j. ,' «,  v vfy  ’(?;j-ri^>;,  i 

’m  k il!i  ■:•'  W.'j 


.j-  .-■ /■'!<;,  .'.5  - ,-■/;  vifh  \?y/;V 


. . f ' . i:  .V'  ■•  ■ V. 

. /"  , • - V-  , ^‘-  ■ ^ . ■ -i  ..  ,'' 

. i.:  '•  - ? ■ 

n^irn  :rv:Y) 

.!*, 'j.':; 'if' .'ir:j;|  . !,.  i ;.,  ,.i  f,’ 

W'J  ' 

v.'/ij-^  ! ;..  MKl  V » ' ' ‘-ti* 

;;4  ;r's‘-'yjr  -'■  !,? 

‘'Mt> ''<"<!'•  '•’■-iT'  * 

j'f 


II.  APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


DOCUMENTS  ILLUSTRATIVE  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  GERMAN 
UNIVERSITIES. 


I.  Bull  of  Pius  II.  for  establishing  the  University  of  Ingolstadt.I 

Pius,  bishop,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  in  perpetual  remembrance : — Among 
the  happinesses  which  in  this  unstable  life  are  oifered  us  by  the  gift  of  God,  it  is  not 
to  be  counted  among  the  least  that  by  assiduous  study  the  pearl  of  knowledge  may 
be  found  ; which  points  out  the  way  to  live  well  and  happily,  and  makes  the  learned 
far  different  from  the  unlearned,  and  like  God,  And  besides  that,  it  introduces 
such  to  the  clear  comprehension  of  the  secrets  of  the  universe;  it  assists  the  un- 
learned, and  raises  on  high  those  born  in  the  lowest  places ; and  for  these  reasons 
the  Apostolic  See, — a provident  manager  in  things  both  spiritual  and  temporal— a 
careful  distributor  of  its  honorable  abundance — and  the  continual  and  faithful  helper 
of  every  commendable  work, — in  order  that  men  may  be  the  more  easily  carried  to 
the  aftainment  of  so  lofty  a point  of  earthly  condition,  and  to  refund  again  with 
increase  to  others  what  they  have  gained,  since  distribution  diminishes  the  quan- 
tity of  other  things,  but  knowledge  increases  by  being  communicated  in  proportion 
as  it  is  diffused  among  more  persons — exhorts  them  to  prepare  places  for  it ; assists 
and  cherishes  it ; and  is  itself  accustomed,  especially  at  the  request  of  Catholic 
princes,  willingly  to  make  grants  for  its  convenience  and  usefulness. 

A petition  lately  exhibited  to  us  on  the  part  of  our  beloved  son,  the  noble  Louis, 
Count  Palatine  on  the  Ehine,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  imports  that  he,  having  long  and 
providently  considered  that  by  the  labors  of  those  who  pursue  learned  studies  the 
Divine  Majesty  is  worthily  worshiped;  the  truth  of  the  orthodox  faith  illustrated  ; 
virtues  and  good  morals  are  acquired,  and  every  species  of  human  prosperity  aug- 
mented, fervently  desires,  for  the  good  of  the  common  weal,  that  in  his  city  of  In- 
golstadt,  in  the  Diocese  of  Eystett — which  is  very  fit  for  the  purpose,  and  in  which 
the  air  is  temperate,  and  an  abundance  of  the  necessaries  of  life  is  found,  and  which 
has  no  other  university  within  a circuit  of  almost  a hundred  and  fifty  Italian  miles 
around  it,  or  thereabouts — there  may  be  founded  a university  in  all  the  lawful  facul- 
ties {studium  generale  in  qualibet  licita  Facultate)^  where  the  faith  may  be  promoted, 
the  simple  instructed,  equity  in  judgment  preserved,  reason  cultivated,  the  minds 
of  men  enlightened,  and  their  intellects  illustrated. 

We,  having  attentively  considered  the  premises,  and  also  the  eminent  sincerity 
of  the  faithful  devotion  which  the  said  duke  has  been  proved  to  feel  to  us  and  to 
the  Eoman  Church,  e.xperience  a fervent  desire  that  the  said  city  may  be  embel- 
lished with  the  gifts  of  science,  so  that  it  may  produce  men  eminent  for  mature 
judgment,  crowned  with  ornaments  of  virtues,  and  erudite  in  the  doctrines  of  the 
various  faculties,  and  that  there  may  be  there  a plentiful  fountain  of  learning,  from 


* Schiittgen,  112. 


t Medercr,  iv.  16. 


158 


THE  GERMAN  tJNIVERSITIES. 


■whose  abundance  all  may  drink  who  desire  to  be  imbued  with  good  literature  ; — 
and  favorably  inclining  to  the  supplications  of  the  aforesaid  duke  on  that  part,  for 
the  glory  of  the  divine  name,  and  the  propagation  of  the  faith,  by  apostolical 
authority  do  determine  and  ordain  that  in  the  said  city  there  shall  henceforward  be 
a university,  and  that  it  shall  there  exist  for  all  future  time,  in  theology,  canon  and 
civil  law,  medicine,  arts,  and  every  other  lawful  faculty.  And  that  readers  {legentes) 
and  students  in  it  may  for  the  future  enjoy  and  use  all  privileges,  liberties,  exemp- 
tions, honors,  and  immunities  whatsoever,  and  in  the  same  manner  as  masters, 
doctors,  and  students  in  the  University  of  Vienna  do  or  can  enjoy  or  use  them. 
And  that  those  who  in  process  of  time  shall  have  merited  the  reward  of  superiority 
in  the  faculty  which  they  study,  and  shall  have  sought  a license  to  teach,  that  they 
may  instruct  others,  or  the  honor  of  the  master’s  degree,  or  the  doctorate,  may  be 
admitted  to  the  same  by  the  doctor  or  doctors,  or  master  or  masters  of  such  faculty, 
after  strict  examination,  with  the  usual  formalities.  And  those  who  have  been 
examined  and  approved  in  the  said  university  of  the  said  town,  and  have  obtained 
a license  to  teach,  or  an  honor,  may  thereafter  have  full  and  free  liberty  of  reading 
and  teaching,  both  in  the  said  city  and  in  other  universities  where  they  may  desire 
to  read  or  teach,  without  other  examination  or  approbation,  notwithstanding  the 
statutes,  customs,  and  privileges  of  the  University  of  Vienna,  or  of  other  universi- 
ties, assured  to  them  by  oath,  apostolical  confirmation,  or  any  other  confirmation 
whatever,  precisely  as  if  special  and  express  mention  had  been  made  of  them,  and 
of  the  entire  tenor  of  them,  in  these  presents,  and  of  all  other  contrary  matters 
whatsoever. 

But  we  ordain  that  scholars  in  this  university  about  being  erected,  taking  an 
honor  of  any  grade,  shall  be  held  obligated,  and  obliged,  to  take  a proper  oath  of 
fidelity,  before  the  Kector  for  the  time  being  of  the  said  university,  according  to 
the  form  given  in  these  presents.  And  the  form  of  the  said  oath  is  as  follows ; “ 1, 
a scholar  of  the  University  of  Ingolstadt,  in  the  diocese  of  Eystett,  will,  from  this 
hour  forward,  be  faithful  and  obedient  to  Saint  Peter  and  to  the  holy  Eoman 
Church,  and  to  my  lord,  the  lord  Pius  the  Second,  papal  pontiff,  and  to  his  succes- 
sors canonically  succeeding.  I will  not  enter  into  any  plan,  agreement,  undertak- 
iRg,  or  act,  to  cause  them  to  lose  life  or  limb,  or  into  any  machinations  or  conspira- 
cies for  the  derogation  or  prejudice  of  the  person  of  any  one  of  them,  or  of  the 
authority,  honor,  or  privileges  of  his  Church,  or  of  the  Apostolic  See,  or  of  the 
Apostolic  statutes,  ordinances,  reservations,  dispositions,  or  mandates  ; neither,  as 
often  as  I shall  know  of  the  agitation  of  any  such  thing,  will  I fail  to  impede  it  to 
the  best  of  my  ability,  or  to  do  whatever  I conveniently  can  to  signify  the  matter 
to  our  said  lord,  or  to  some  other  person,  through  whom  it  may  come  to  his  notice. 
But  the  counsels  which  shall  be  intrusted  to  me  by  them,  their  messengers,  or  let- 
ters, I will  reveal  to  no  one,  to  their  damage.  I will  be  their  assistant  against  every 
man,  for  the  retaining  and  defending  the  Eoman  primacy,  and  the  royalties  of  St. 
Peter.  I will  be  diligent  to  increase  and  prSmote,  as  much  as  in  me  lies,  their 
authority,  privileges,  and  rights,  and  to  observe  with  care  their  statutes,  ordinances, 
reservations,  and  dispositions.  I will  assist  the  legates  of  the  Apostolic  See  hon- 
orably, and  in  their  necessities ; and  will  follow  up,  and  fight  against,  to  the  utmost 
of  my  strength,  heretics  and  schismatics,  and  such  as  shall  rebel  against  any  one  of 
the  aforesaid  successors  to  our  lord.  So  help  me  God,  and  these  holy  Evangelists 
of  God.” 

Let  no  man  whatever,  therefore,  infringe  upon  this  our  statute  and  ordinance,  or 
with  rash  daring  violate  it;  and  if  any  shall  presume  to  attempt  it,  let  him  know 
that  he  will  incur  the  wrath  of  the  omnipotent  God,  and  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul, 
the  Apostles,  Given  at  Siena,  in  the  year  of  the  divine  incarnation  one  thousand 
four  hundred  and  fifty-nine,  on  the  seventh  to  the  ides  of  April.  In  the  year  of 
our  pontificate,  the  first. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


159 


II.  List  of  Lectures  in'  the  Faculty  of  Arts. 


Metaphysics,* 

Physics,* 

On  the  heavens,* 

Generation,* 

Sense  and  sensation,* 

Memory  and  recollection,*,.. 

Sleep  and  waking,* 

Length  and  shortness  of  life,* 

Vegetables,* 

Ethics  and  Physics,* 

Politics  and  Physics,* 

Rhetoric  and  Physics,* 

CEconomics,* 

Boethius  de  consolatione, 

The  old  logic, 

Prior  (ethics  ?)* 


Prague,  1366.t 

Honorarium. 

Grosclieii.  Months. 

8 6 


Honorarium. 
Grobcheii. 

Posterior  (ethics  ?)* 3 

Topics,* 4 

Treatise  of  Peter  Hispanus, 2 

Material  Sphere,  1 

Algorism, 

Theory  of  the  planets, 2 

Si.K  books  of  Euclid, 8 

Almagest Ifl 

Almanach, 10 

Priscian  (major), 2 

De  Gn^ecismo, 6 

Poetria  nova, 2 

Labyrinth 1 

Boetius  on  the  discipline  of  schools, 
Doctrinale,  2d  part, 


Months. 

3 

4 
3 

u 

H 

6 

12 

6 

2 

6 

3 


Physics, 

On  the  soul 

On  heavens  and  earth, 

On  meteors, 

Lesser  natural  philosophy,* 

Ethics, 

Politics, 

05conomics, 

Metaphysics, 

Euclid, 

Theory  of  the  planets, 

Music 

Art  of  metrical  composition. 

Perspective, 

Material  sphere, 

Old  logic, 

Prior  (ethics?) 

Posterior  (ethics?) 

Topics 


Lesser  logic,  and  exercises, 

Old  logic,  and  exercises, 

Elenchi 

Obligatory  propositions, 

Physics,  and  exercises, 

Material  sphere, 

Euclid,  1st  book, 

Algori-sm,  integers, 

Some  book  on  rhetoric, 

Alexander,  1st  part  (Doctrinale), 

Same,  2d  part. 

Prior  (ethics  ?)  exercises, 


Erfurt,  1449.$ 


Months. 

8 

3 

3 

3 

2 

8 

6 

1 

6 

6 

u 

1 

1 

3 

H 

8i 

81 

. ...3i 

4 


Months. 


Elenchi,* 2 

Peter  Hispanus, 3 

Suppositions,  amplifications,  restrictions,  and 

appellations, 2 

Consequences, 1 

Biligam? 1 

Obligatory  and  insoluble  propositions, 1 

Priscian  (minor), 3 

Donatus, 1 

Alexander,  part  1st  (Doctrinale), 1 

Same,  part  2, 1 

Same,  part  3, 1 

Boetius  on  the  consolations  of  philosophy, ...  1 

Loyca  Heysbri, 4 

Poetria 2 

Computus, 1 

Algorism, 1 

Labyrinth, 2 


Ingolsiadt,  1472.§ 


Honorarium. 

Groschen. 


.24 
. 3 
, 1 


, 3 
, 1 
, 1 
, 1 
. 3 
, 3 
10 


Honorarium. 

Groschen. 

(The  preceding  examined  on  for  baccalaureate; 
the  following  for  the  master’s  degree.) 


Ethics t 

Metaphysics, 9 

On  meteors, 11 

On  generation  and  corruption, 3 

On  heavens  and  earth, 6 

Lesser  natural  philosophy, 3 

Theory  of  the  planets, .3 

Common  arithmetic, 2 

Topics, 6 

On  the  soul. li 

Posterior  (ethics  ?) ,3 


Physics, 

Metaphysics 

Heavens  and  earth, 

On  generation  and  corruption, 

On  meteors, 

On  the  soul, 

Lesser  natural  philosophy, 

Ethics, 

Politics 

(Economics, 


Vienna,  1389.11 


Honorarium. 

Groschen. 

3 

9 

5 

3 

5 

5 

3 

12 

10 

2 


Honorarium. 

Groschen. 

Boetius  on  the  consolations  of  philosophy, . . 5 


Euclid,  5 books 6 

Theory  of  the  planets, 4 

Perspective, 5 

Bragwardinus  on  proportionate  lengths, 3 

On  breadth  of  forms, 2 

Albertus  Magnus’  summary  of  nat.  phil., 4 

Old  logic, 5 

Peter  Hispanus, 3 

Prior  (ethics  ?) 3 


t From  “ Monumenla  Universitatis  Pragensis,'"  i.  1,  76.  I give  these  lists  as  in  the  origi* 
nal  sources,  with  their  characteristic  errors. 

$ Motschmann,  i.  § Mederer,  iv.  93. 

I Zeisl,  138.  This  list  is  headed,  “We  now  assign  the  books  ordinarily  to  be  read,  with  the 
fees  of  the  same,  which  no  master  may  presume  to  augment.”  These  fees  will  sufficiently  indi- 
cate those  for  the  other  ordinary  lectures. 


160 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Upon  the  above  lists  of  lectures  in  arts,  it  may  be  observed : 

1.  The  books  which  passed  for  Aristotle’s  are  marked  with  a star  (*),  in  the 
Prague  list ; as  is  also  the  Elenchi,  in  the  Erfurt  list,  for  the  same  reason.  The  lat- 
ter, together  with  the  Prior  and  Posterior  (ethics  ?),  and  Topics,  belong  to  the  new 
logic.  The  “ old  logic”  ( Velas  ars^  Logica  veins')  is  not  that  of  Aristotle. 

Lesser  natm'ol philosophy. — “Part  6th  of  the  Aristotelian  Physiology,  which  dis- 
putes upon  the  general  characteristics  of  living  beings,  such  as  memory  and  recol- 
lection, sense  and  sensation,  sleep  and  dreams,  . . . waking,  respiration,  old  age, 
life,  death  ; which  three  are  called  lesser  natural  philosophy  {parva  nataralm)^ 
See  Monnm.  JJniv.  Prag.,  i.  2,  551,  564,  567. 

2.  Honorarium.,  or  fee  {Pastus). — At  Prague,  those  who  were  unable  to  pay  12 
gulden  a year,  might  attend  the  lectures  free.  The  professor  was  not  to  take  more 
than  the  fixed  fee  for  each  lecture,  nor,  however,  might  he  take  less  (by  way  of 
attracting  scholars).  If  the  smallness  of  his  audience  compelled  him  to  discontinue 
his  lectures,  he  was  obliged  to  return  to  those  from  whom  he  had  received  it,  the 
fee,  less  a part  proportioned  to  the  lectures  read.  Receivers  or  collectors  corre- 
sponded to  the  present  quaestors,  and  their  oflBce  was  “ to  collect  the  dues  of  the 
faculty ; and  accordingly  collecta  is  the  honorarium.”  {Zeisl,  138,  147.) 

III.  Bursaries.  Burschen.* 

“ Bursa:  1.  Purse,  bourse  ; from  the  Greek  of  ^vpaa,  a hide,  because  they  were 
made  of  leather.  Jo.  de  Garlandia  gives,  as  synonyms,  ‘ marsupium,  bursa,  forulus., 
lomsque,  crumena.' 

“ 2.  Chest,  raptiov,  casket;  but,  more  properly,  a box  for  a specified  purpose.  In 
these  bursca  or  chests  were  deposited  sums  set  apart  for  the  support  of  scholars,  or 
given  by  pious  men  for  that  purpose. t Bursarius : One  who  receives  an  allowance 
from  a bursa;  also,  applied  to  such  scholars  in  the  universities  as  are  allowed,  on 
account  of  poverty,  certain  amounts  from  the  chest  -set  apart  for  that  purpose,  to 
enable  them  to  complete  their  studies.”  {Dufresne.) 

Chrysander  wrote  a treatise,  “ Why  Students  at  the  Universities  are  called  Burs- 
chen.  Rinteln,  1751.”  I extract  the  following  from  it: 

“ The  chest  from  which  poor  students  were  supported  at  the  Sorbonne  was  called 
Bursa,  and  such  students,  Barsii  or  Bursarii,  Boursier.  ‘ A Boursier  was  a poor 
scholar  or  student,  supported  by  the  Bursa  of  his  college.  The  others,  who  sup- 
ported themselves  at  the  university  of  Paris  by  their  own  means,  were  called  Stii- 
diosi,  students.’  ” Hence  the  term  was  introduced  to  Germany. 

In  Italy,  however,  the  students  were  called  Bursati,  because  they  were  girded 
with  a bursa  or  purse.  Hence  the  stanza  : 

“Dum  mea  bursa  sonat, 

Ilospes  milii  fercula  donat. 

Dnin  mea  bursa  vacat, 

Ilospes  mibi  ostia  monstfat.” 

That  is  : “ While  my  purse  tinkles,  the  host  gives  me  delicacies ; but  when  it  is 
empty  he  shows  me  the  door.”  A similar  French  stanza  is ; 

“Quand  ma  bourse  fait,  bim,  bim,  bim, 

Tout  le  monde  est  inon  cousin  ; 

Mais  quand  elle  fait  da,  da,  da. 

Tout  le  monde  dit,  Tu  t’en  va.’'$ 

The  French  Boursiers  seem  to  correspond  to  the  poor  students  of  Germany,  and 
the  Italian  Bursati  to  the  rich  ones. 


♦ See  an  article  entitled  “Signification  of  ‘ Bursch’  and  ‘ Burschenschaft,’  ” in  the  Academical 
Monthly,  May  and  June,  1853,  p.  252. 
t Merchants’  purses  were  also  called  Bursa. 

X This  stanza  is  quoted  by  the  pseudonymous  Schllngschlangschlorura.  See  note,  under 
chapter  on  “ Personal  Relations  between  Professors  and  Students.’’ 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


161 


IV.  Comments  of  Landsmannschaften. 

Extract  from  Comment  of  Landsmannschaft  at f (Altdorff),  as  in  fwce  in  1815.* 

GENERAL  PROVISIONS. 

§ 1.  The  Societies  bind  themselves  to  put  the  present  Comment  into  operation 
from  the  moment  of  its  ratification,  and  to  enforce  the  penalties  fixed  therein. 

§ 2.  If  occasions  shall  arise  for  which  the  present  Burschen-Comment  does  not 
provide,  or  if  additional  statutes  are  to  be  enacted,  or  if  there  is  any  occasion  for  a 
general  council,  two  deputies  are  to  be  appointed  from  each  Society,  who  shall  ex- 
change with  each  other  the  sentiments  of  the  Societies ; of  which  two,  one,  at  least, 
must  be  an  Old  Bursch.  The  majority  of  voices,  or  in  case  of  a tie,  the  lot,  shall  de- 
termine the  result. 

§ 3.  The  Societies  bind  themselves  not  to  permit  this  code  to  come  into  the  hands 
of  a renouncer ; but  to  cite  its  provisions,  when  necessary,  only  as  if  by  oral  tra- 
dition, and  without  giving  any  other  source  for  them  than  general  custom. 

Title  I. — Relations  of  the  Societies  to  each  other  and  to  Renouncers. 

A. — Societies  to  each  other. 

§ 4.  Existing  Societies  ratifying  this  Comment^  mutually  guarantee  to  each  other 
their  existence  as  at  present. 

§ 5.  No  Society  not  now  existing  can  be  organized  without  the  consent  of  those  ex- 
isting; nor  can  any  existing  Society  be  extinguished  without  the  consent  of  all  the 
existing  Societies,  or  without  sufficient  and  proved  reasons.  Nor  can  any  new  So- 
ciety organize  itself  under  the  name  of  an  existing  Society. 

§ 6.  All  the  Societies  have  equal  rights. 

§ 7.  In  case  of  collisions  between  them,  as,  for  instance,  in  differences  for  prece- 
dence, the  major  vote  of  the  deputies,  or  the  lot,  in  case  of  a tie,  shall  determine. 

B. — Between  the  Societies  and  Renouncers. 

§ 8.  Every  student,  not  a member  of  a Society,  is  a Renouncer. 

§ 9.  In  case  of  doubt,  the  student  shall  be  considered  a Renouncer. 

§ 10.  Renouncers  can  enter  only  the  Society  of  their  countrymen  ; but  if  there  is 
no  such,  they  may  enter  any  other  existing  one  which  is  undetermined.  Novel: 
but  he  shall  not  be  recognized  as  such  member  by  the  other  societies  until  so  rec- 
ognized by  a major  vote  of  the  Convention  of  Seniors. 

§ 11.  On  public  festival  occasions,  the  Societies  shall  be  governed  by  the  directory. 

§ 12.  Members  of  a Society  have,  everywhere,  precedence  over  Renouncers. 

Title  II. — Distinctions  among  Students. 
a. — According  to  Birthplace. 

§ 13.  A Pavement-beater  {Pflastertreter')^  or  Quark,  is  one  whose  parents  live  in 
the  university  town. 

§ 14.  A Cumtnin-Turk  {Kummelturk)  is  one  whose  parents  reside  within  four 
miles  of  the  university  town. 

b. — Accordi/ng  to  length  of  stay  at  the  University. 

§ 15.  From  the  moment  of  matriculation,  every  matriculated  student  is  a student 
qualified  to  fight. 

§ 16.  A Fox  is  one  who 

a.  Has  not  yet  been  half  a year  at  the  university  since  his  matriculation  ; or, 

b.  Comes  from  a university  which  the  Burschen  of  the  present  university  have 
degraded  to  the  rank  of  Fox. 

§ 17.  A Brander  or  Brand-Fox  is  a Fox  after  his  first  half-year. 


♦ Haupt,  p.  185.  The  Novels  or  additions  to  this  code  are  dated  June  15, 1815.  Haupt,  p.  203. 

11 


162 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


§ IS.  But  any  Fox  may  be  made  a Brander,  or  any  Brander  a*  Young  Burscli,  by 
his  Society. 

§ 19.  A Pavement-beater,  Cummin-Turk,  or  Fox,  may  not,  witliout  renowning, 
either  consider  himself  insulted  by  those  names,  nor  use  them  in  insult. 

§ 20.  Excessive  impositions  upon  the  Foxes  is  by  no  means  to  the  honor  of  a 
Burscli.  If  these  border  upon  abuse,  the  Fox  may  demand  satisfaction  of  the 
Bursch,  or  take  the  advantage  of  him.*  And  any  Society  may,  besides,  make  the 
matter  one  concerning  itself,  if  the  insulted  Fox  is  a me;nber. 

§ 21.  In  other  matters,  every  Bursch  has  the  prerogative  over  the  Foxes  and 
Branders,  that  the  latter  may  not  challenge  him  on  behalf  of  an  insulted  person, 
nor  make  appointments,  nor  be  seconds  in  a duel,  nor  give  testimony  in  a case  of 
dueling,  nor  preside,  nor  have  precedence  in  dancing,  nor  give  the  pitch,  nor  ride 
with  them  in  public  processions,  nor  drink  SchmolUs  to  them,  &c. 

§ 22.  A Young  Bursch  is  one  who  is  passing  the  first  half  of  his  second  year; 
during  the  latter  half  he  is  Bursch.  During  the  first  half  of  the  third  year  he  is  an 
Old  Bursch,  and  afterward  a Mossy  Man  {hemooster  Ihrr), 

§ 23.  According  to  this  reckoning  of  time  spent  at  the  university,  if  he  have  not 
been  in  dishonor  {iyn  verschisse)  during  the  same,  a student  can  become  a Mossy 
Man  during  his  fifth  half-year  at  the  university,  if  he  has  been  previously  promoted 
from  the  degree  of  Fox  to  that  of  Brander,  or  from  that  of  Brander  to  that  of 
Burscli. 

c. — According  to  the  possession,  or  lack  of  Bur sch-hov.or. 
aa.  The  Ilonorahle. 

§ 24.  Every  student  is  to  be  reckoned  honorable  until  he  is  expressly  declared 
dishonorable  {in,  ve?'schiss  komm)  by  the  Society. 

§ 25.  In  case  of  doubt,  the  party  is  to  be  held  honorable. 

§ 26.  Every  honorable  student  gives  or  receives  the  ordinary  Bursch-satisfaction, 
according  to  his  injury. 

§ 27.  If  two  honorable  students  give  their  word  of  honor  to  the  truth  of  the  same 
fact;  or  one  for  and  the  other  against  it,  he  who  first  gave  it,  as  the  injured  party, 
is  entitled  to  satisfaction  from  the  other. 

§ 28.  If  one  Kenouncer  applies  to  another,  or  to  a member  of  a Society,  the  term 
“ dishonorable,”  &c.,  the  injured  party  is  entitled  to  fight  him  three  times,  with  the 
choice  of  weapons,  whatever  the  result  of  the  duels.  (!) 

§ 29.  A party  insulted  by  apereat  may 

1.  Take  a real  advantagef  of  the  other,  and 

2.  Must  fight  a duel  with  him. 

bb.  The  Dishonorable. 

§ 30.  For  each  dishonor  (verschisse)  is  requisite  : 

a.  A major  vote  of  the  deputies. 

b.  A sufficient  reason. 

Novel.  And  the  Society  concerned  shall  not  vote. 

A. — What  constitutes  dishonor  of  a student. 

§ 31.  Dishonor  is  either  that  from  which  the  person  dishonored  can  never  escape, 
or  from  which  he  may  be  relieved  after  a certain  time. 

§ 32.  Of  what  kind  the  dishonor  shall  be,  always  depends  upon  the  decision  of 
the  deputies. 

§ 33.  Causes  of  dishonor  are : 

a.  If  a student  breaks  his  word  of  honor. 

b.  If  a member  of  one  Society  applies  to  a member  of  another  Society,  of  whom 


• “Advantage;”  see  this  Appendix,  p.  53. 


t See  this  Appendix,  p.  58. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


16 


lie  knows  only  the  distingnisliing  tokens,  the  term  “ dishonorable,”  the  former  be- 
comes thereby  dishonorable. 

c.  Returning,  to  the  highest  verbal  insult  of  “foolish  fellow”  {Bummer  Jung 

a further  verbal  or  actual  insult,  or  only  tlireatening  to  inflict  a similar  verbal  insult, 
after  having  been  told  that  the  party  insulting  is  ready  to  fight. 

d.  Refusing  the  satisfaction  which  is  demanded,  or  not  knowing  and  seeking  how 
to  exact  satisfaction  for  the  term  “foolish  fellow.” 

e.  Becoming  a traitor  in  matters  relating  to  the  Burschen  : as,  for  instance,  by 
giving  testimony  against  a student.  (!!!) 

f.  Stealing,  or  being  guilty  of  a great  (!)  piece  of  cheating  at  play. 

g.  Declaring  one’s  self  entirely  free  from  the  obligations  of  this  Comment.  (!) 

h.  Living  in,  or  going  to  the  house  of  a dishonored  Philister. 

i.  Holding  confidential  intercourse  with  any  dishonored  person,  except  when 
strict  necessity  requires  it.  Persons  violating  clauses  h and  i,  are  first  to  be  noti- 
fied, by  members  of  their  own  Society,  to  separate  from  the  offenders ; and,  if  diso- 
bedient, they  become  dishonorable  with«>them. 

k.  Uttering  a against  a whole  Society. 

l.  Taking  hold  of  an  adversary’s  sword  with  the  hand. 

m.  Bringing  unequal  weapons  to  a duel,  as  a broadsword  against  a rapier ; or 
using  weapons  contrary  to  their  purpose,  as  to  thrust  with  a broadsword. 

n.  Intentionally  thrusting  or  cutting  after  the  seconds  have  called  Halt ! 

o.  Challenging  without  any  reason. 

p.  Expulsion,  with  infamy,  from  a Society. 

q.  Letting  one’s  self  be  chased  away  with  a straight  sword  or  a Jena  rapier. 
Jkovel.  But  this  shall  be  reckoned  a shame  {Schande)  only. 

B. — Dishonor  of  Philister. 

§ 34.  As  under  § 30,  without  the  Novels. 

C. — Consequences  of  Dishonor. 

a.  — With  Students. 

§ 35.  The  dishonorable  has  no  cliiira  to  the  honor  or  satisfaction  of  a Bursch.  Any 
advantage  may  be  taken  of  him. 

§ 36.  The  dishonorable  can  not  take  part  in  any  commerce.^  or  any  public  ceremony. 

§ 37.  In  duels  between  the  dishonorable  and  Philister,  the  former  shall  receive 
no  countenance,  unless  in  case  of  insult,  by  the  latter,  to  honorable  Burschen. 

b.  — With  Philister. 

§ 38.  The  consequences  of  dishonor,  with  the  Philister,  depend  on  the  kind  of 
the  dishonor;  that  is, 

1.  Whether  the  Philister  is  dishonorable  on  every  account,  or 

2.  Only  on  one;  as  landlord,  for  instance,  or  as  artisan  ; in  which  case  the  con- 
sequences follow,  of  course  (by  § 38,  h). 

D. — Removal  of  Dishonor. 
a. — In  the  case  of  Students. 

§ 30.  A dishonorable  person  may  be  relieved  from  his  dishonor,  according  to  its 
kind  ; and  if  he  demand  it,  a member  is  selected  from  each  Society,  with  whom  he 
must  fight.  The  choice  of  weapons  belongs  to  such  members,  and  not  more  than 
tliree  duels  must  be  fought  with  any  one  of  tliem. 

§ 40.  Dishonor  may  be  removed  by  unanimous  vote  of  the  deputies  of  the  So- 
cietie.s. 

§ 41.  The  person  freed  from  dishonor  re-enters  upon  all  his  rights  as  a Bursch. 


164 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


b. — In  the  case  of  Philister. 

§ 42.  The  dishonor  of  a Philister  ia  removed  at  the  expiration  of  the  time  for 
during  which  it  was  imposed. 

Title  III. — Provisions  on  Injuries  to  Bursch-honor. 

§ 43.  An  honorable  student,  receiving  a verbal  insult  from  another,  or  being 
pushed  by  him,  may 

a.  Push  him  back  again,  or 

b.  Take  the  advantage  of  him,  by  calling  him  foolish  fellow. 

c.  “ Foolish  fellow”  is  the  highest  verbal  insult,  and  can  be  answered  by  no 
further  insult ; it  can  be  followed  only  by  a challenge.  If  one  apply  to  another  any 
other  insulting  expression,  as  “ scoundrel,”  and  other  terms,  the  insulted  person 
may  knock  him  down  or  challenge  him,  and,  after  the  duel,  may  address  to  him 
the  same  verbal  insult.  The  term  dishonorable,  however,  may  not,  under  penalty 
of  the  punishments  above  specified,  be  used,  except  to  a dishonorable  person,  upon 
whom  both  verbal  and  real  insults  may  be  inflicted. 

§ 44.  Insults  from  officers  or  honorable  students  from  other  universities  come 
under  the  same  rule. 

§ 45.  In  case  of  a duel  with  a student  of  another  university,  they  shall  meet  half 
way  between  the  two  universities.  The  person  insulted  shall  fight  the  first  three 
bouts  with  the  weapon  of  his  own  university,  and  the  last  three  with  that  of  his 
opponent’s. 

§ 46.  In  the  university  prison,  the  Comment  is  suspended. 

Extract  from  the  Comment  of  the  Landsmannschaft  of  the  University  of  Leipzig^  as  in 
force  in  1817. 

Title  II. — Of  the  Insult,  or  Advantage. 

§ 1.  Whether  honor  be  hurt,  or  not,  is  left  to  the  feelings  of  each  individual ; 
but  the  convention  has  recognized  certain  expressions  and  actions,  viz.,  those 
which  are  mortifying,  or  which  undervalue  one’s  honor  and  good  reputation,  as  in- 
sults which  every  student  is,  as  kich,  bound  to  answer  by  a challenge. 

§ 2.  Among  verbal  insults  and  verbal  advantages  are  the  terms  “ singular,  arro- 
gant, absurd,  silly,  simple,  impertinent,  rude,  foolish and,  as  an  epitome  of  the 
extremest  verbal  insult  and  advantage,  “ foolish  fellow.” 

§ 3.  For  all  these  expressions  an  unconditional  challenge  must  pass,  unless  they 
are  withdrawn.  Eeal  insults  can  not  be  withdrawn.  Insults  given  in  intoxication 
are  not  to  be  noticed,  unless  they  are  afterward  repeated,  when  sober. 

§ 4.  If  any  one  thinks  himself  insulted  by  expressions  or  gestures,  he  may  either 
proceed  by  means  of  the  coramage^  or  take  a verbal  advantage  ; but  must  not  send 
a challenge  for  that  reason. 

§ 5.  If  any  one  thinks  himself  not  entitled  either  to  challenge  or  to  resort  to  the 
coramage,  he  may  take  the  advantage : that  is,  may  answer  with  a more  insulting 
expression,  and  thus  wipe  out  the  lesser  one. 

§ 6.  Beal  advantages  are,  a box  on  the  car,  a blow  with  a stick,  or  any  other  as- 
sault with  whip  or  stick.  The  offer  of  any  such  shall  not  be  considered  an  ad- 
vantage. 

§ 7.  The  advantage  can  not  be  taken  unless  within  three  days  of  the  receiving  of 
an  insult ; but,  if  the  aggressor  can  not  be  found,  at  his  house,  or  elsewhere,  within 
that  time,  the  term  begins  anew,  and  so  onward. 

§ 8.  There  must  be  at  least  one  witness  when  an  advantage  is  taken.  But  if  he 
who  takes  it  shall  give  his  word  of  honor  to  the  fact,  it  shall  be  sufficient,  if  he  be- 
long to  a Society. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


1G5 


V.  CONSTITUTIOXS  OI;'  BUUSCHEXSCHAFTKX. 

A.— Constitution  of  the  Gkneual  German  Burschenschaft. 

Adopted  on  the  18^/i  day  of  the  month  of  Victory  {October)^  1818.* 

GENERAL  PRINCIPLES. 

§ 1.  Tlie  General  German  Burschenschaft  is  the  free  union  of  all  the  German 
youth  engaged  in  learned  studies  at  the  universities  ; based  upon  the  relations  of 
the  German  youth  to  the  coming  union  of  the  German  people. 

§ 2.  The  General  German  Burschenschaft,  as  a free  Society,  lays  down,  as  the 
central  point  of  its  operations,  the  following  received  general  principles  : 

a.  Unity,  freedom,  and  equality  of  all  Burschen  among  each  other,  and  equality 
of  all  rights  and  duties. 

b.  Christian  German  education  of  every  mental  and  bodily  faculty  to  the  service 
of  the  fatherland. 

§ 3.  The  living  together  of  all  the  German  Burschen  in  the  spirit  of  these  princi- 
ples, expresses  the  highest  idea  of  the  General  German  Burschenschaft — the  unity 
of  all  the  German  Burschen  in  spirit  and  in  life. 

§ 4.  The  General  German  Burschenschaft  assumes  existence,  in  order  that  the 
longer  it  lives,  the  more  it  may  present  a picture  of  the  freedom  and  unity  of  its 
prosperous  nation ; that  it  may  maintain  a national  Burschen-life  in  the  develop- 
ment of  every  bodily  and  mental  faculty ; and  in  a free,  equal,  and  orderly  common 
life,  will  prepare  its  members  for  national  life,  so  that  each  one  of  them  may  be 
raised  to  such  a grade  of  self-knowledge,  as  in  his  own  pure  individuality  to  dis- 
play the  brightness  of  the  glory  of  the  German  national  life. 

Constitution. 

§ 5.  As  the  General  German  Burschenschaft  does  not  exist  at  any  one  place,  it  is 
livided  into  separate  Burschenschaften,  at  the  different  universities. 

§ 6.  These  Burschenschaften  are,  in  respect  to  each  other,  to  act  as  entirely  simi- 
lar parts — as  parts  of  the  entire  whole. 

§ 7.  The  constitutions  of  these  separate  Burschenschaften  must  coincide,  as  far 
as  the  above  fixed  principles,  without  any  prejudice  to  any  other  peculiarities  of 
each  separate  one. 

§ 8.  The  General  German  Burschenschaft  acts — 

a.  By  an  assembly  of  delegates  from  the  separate  ones,  meeting  annually,  at  the 
period  of  the  eighteenth  of  the  month  of  victory  (October) ; to  which  each  shall 
send,  if  possible,  three  delegates,  with  full  powers,  who  shall  bring  with  them  the 
constitution,  the  customs,  and  the  history  of  their  Burschenschaft. 

b.  By  the  choice  of  a Burschenschaft  for  transacting  business  between  one  as- 
sembly of  delegates  and  another,  in  order  to  conduct  the  common  concerns.  As  a 
general  rule,  this  appointment  must  not  be  passed  from  one  Burschenschaft  to 
another  in  any  fixed  succession. 

Relations  of  the  General  German  Burschenschaft  to  its  members;  the  sepa- 
rate Burschenschaften. 

§ 9.  As  in  every  well-organized  Society  the  common  will  of  the  whole  is  above 
that  of  a single  member,  so  in  the  General  German  Burschenschaft,  the  expressed 
will  of  the  whole  is  above  that  of  each  single  one. 

§ 10.  Any  separate  Burschenschaft  which  does  not  recognize,  as  its  own,  the  com- 
mon decision  of  the  General  German  Burschenschaft,  cuts  itself  off  from  the  Gen- 
eral German  Burschenschaft  by  that  very  act. 


* Haupt,  p.  257. 


166 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Duties  of  the  Assembly  of  Delegates. 

^ 11.  The  assembly  of  delegates  has  supreme  authority : 

a.  In  controversies  between  the  separate  Burschenschaften ; 

b.  In  controversies  of  single  Burschen  with  their  Burschenschaft. 

§ 12.  It  has  power  to  scrutinize  the  constitutions  of  separate  Burschenschaften, 
as  well  as  to  decide  whether  any  thing  in  them  agrees,  or  not,  with  the  recognized 
fundamental  principles.  In  the  latter  case  it  is  to  propose  to  the  separate  Bursch- 
enschaft the  alteration  of  the  inconsistent  portion. 

§ 13.  The  assembly  of  delegates  shall  usually  begin  its  sessions  with  an  ex- 
amination of  the  constitution  of  the  General  German  Burschenschaft,  in  order  to 
convince  themselves  whether  its  form  still  expresses  its  spirit ; in  order  that  the 
progress  of  its  spirit  may  never,  in  any  way,  be  circumscribed  by  the  letter. 

§ 14.  All  propositions  not  having  immediate  reference  to  the  above  general  rec- 
ognized principles,  or  to  the  constitution  of  the  General  German  Burschenschaft, 
whether  they  relate  to  the  constitution  or  the  customs  of  the  separate  Burschen- 
schaften, shall  be,  after  previous  examination  and  approval  by  the  assembly  of 
delegates,  by  them  laid  before  the  separate  Burschenschaften  for  acceptance,  with 
request  for  agreement,  as  to  something  promotive  of  the  beautiful  idea  of  com- 
plete freedom  ; but  still,  whose  non-acceptance  can  not  injure  the  connection  of 
the  whole.  All  such  propositions  shall  be  either  accepted  or  rejected  by  the  sepa- 
rate Burschenschaften,  and  the  result  laid  before  the  next  general  assembly. 

§ 15.  In  all  votes  of  the  general  assembly  a majority  of  votes  shall  be  decisive. 

Duties  of  the  Burschenschaft  for  Managing  Business. 

§ 13.  The  Burschenschaft  in  charge  of  the  business  has  the  precedence  in  the 
general  assembly : that  is,  opens  its  sessions,  leads  the  deliberations,  and  keeps  the 
records. 

§ 17.  During  the  year  its  duties  are  the  following  : 

a.  It  collects  and  arranges  whatever  is  communicated  to  it  to  be  laid  before  the 
general  assembly. 

b.  It  communicates  all  notifications,  as  quickly  as  possible,  to  the  General  Bursch- 
enschaft ; for  which  purpose  such  notices  are  sent  to  it  only,  from  the  others. 

c.  It  designates  the  place  and  time  for  the  assembly  of  delegates. 

d.  It  has  charge  of,  and  keeps  in  order  the  papers  of  the  General  German  Bursch- 
enschaft. 

e.  It  keeps  the  treasury  of  the  General  German  Bursehenschaft,  and  collects  the 
contributions  of  the  separate  Burschenschaften ; for  which  purpose  each  one  is, 
half-yearly,  to  report  all  changes  of  its  members. 

§ 18.  The  Burschenschaft  in  charge  of  business  shall  report  its  proceedings  to 
the  assembly  of  delegates. 

Relations  of  the  separate  Burschenschaften  to  each  other. 

§ 19.  The  separate  Burschenschaften  are  to  consider  themselves  equal  parts  of  a 
great  whole. 

§ 20.  All  controversies  between  them  must  be  settled,  not  by  duel,  but  by  the 
reasonable  decision  of  the  general  assembly  ; unless  they  can  be  settled  by  them- 
selves, or  through  the  medium  of  a third  Burschenschaft. 

§ 21.  Each  Burschenschaft  shall  recognize  all  penalties  inflicted  by  the  others  as 
just,  and  as  binding  on  themselves,  unless  the  General  German  Burschenschaft  shall 
have  declared  them  improper. 

§ 22.  It  is,  of  course,  understood  that  any  member  of  one  Burschenschaft,  merely 
by  declaring  his  wish,  and  by  adhering  to  the  customs  of  the  university,  can  join 
another. 

§ 23.  Mutual  hospitality  is  to  be  practiced. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


1G7 


Relations  of  the  General  German  Burschenschaft  to  Societies  outside  of  it. 

§ 24.  If  a Society  of  German  Biirschen  is  established  at  any  university  where 
there  is  already  a Burschenschaft,  part  of  the  general  one,  such  Burschen  are,  by 
virtue  of  that  fact,  in  disgrace  ; which,  however,  ends  with  the  dissolution  of  such 
Societies,  or  secession  from  them. 

§ 25.  Wliere,  however,  Landsmannschaften  or  other  Soeieties,  having  existed  for 
a long  time,  are  in  operation,  besides  the  Burschensehaft,  the  separate  Burschen- 
schaften  shall  eonduet  toward  them  as  their  character  may  require ; and  shall  seek, 
as  far  as  possible,  to  gain  them  over,  in  the  way  of  persuasion,  by  exemplifying  the 
truth  to  them,  in  part  by  their  own  whole  life,  and,  where  it  seems  likely  to  be  ef- 
fectual, by  discussion.  But  if  the  Burschenschaft  is  attacked  by  them,  and  hindered 
in  the  free  development  of  its  principles,  it  must  resort  to  the  most  efficient 
measures  which  the  occasion  may  offer,  and  shall  expect  the  utmost  possible  as- 
sistance from  the  General  German  Burschenschaft. 

§ 26.  With  universities  where  there  is  no  Burschenschaft,  but  only  Landsmann- 
schaften, the  General  German  Burschenschaft  has  no  further  relation.  But  in 
order  that  these  shall  not  become  rendezvous  for  all  sorts  of  disreputable  persons, 
it  will  advise  them  of  such  Burschen  as  are  known  to  it  to  be  of  bad  character. 

§ 27.  If,  however,  there  are,  at  such  universities,  individual  Burschen,  who  de- 
sire to  found  a Burschenschaft,  the  General  German  Burschenschaft  will  supply  all 
possible  assistance  to  them,  and  pledges,  in  particular,  the  aid  of  the  nearest  uni- 
versity where  there  is  already  a Burschenschaft. 

§ 28.  Foreigners  at  any  German  university  are  permitted  to  proceed  with  their 
education  in  as  free  and  national  a manner  as  they  desire ; but,  as  it  is  not  reason- 
able to  expect  that  they,  as  foreigners,  and  as  intending  to  remain  such,  should 
enter  the  German  Burschenschaft,  and  labor  in  it  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  and  of 
individuals,  they  are  permitted  to  form  associations  with  each  other.  But  an  asso- 
ciation of  foreigners  can  never  have  a decisive  vote  in  the  general  concerns  of  the 
Burschen ; and  they  must,  in  all  things,  comply  with  the  prevailing  code  of  customs. 

Relations  of  the  General  German  Burschenschaft  to  individuals  not  members. 

§ 29.  With  such  Burschen  as  are  connected  with  no  Society,  the  General  German 
Burschenschaft  stands  in  the  most  friendly  relations.  It  guarantees  to  them  the 
fullest  freedom  which  they  can  enjoy  as  men.  But  it  properly  requires  from  them 
to  conduct  themselves  according  to  the  code  of  customs  prevailing  at  the  university 
where  they  happen  to  be.  To  this  end  all  honorable  Burschen  have  a right  to  re- 
quire that  the  customs  of  the  university  shall  be  read  to  them.  Their  affairs  of 
honor  with  the  members  of  the  Burschenschaft  shall  be  conducted  according  to  the 
customs  of  the  latter;  but  they  may  select  for  themselves  honorable  seconds  and 
witnesses,  but  such  as  are  acquainted  with  the  code. 

§ 30.  If  there  are  at  the  university  associations  other  than  the  Burschenschaft, 
having  different  codes  of  customs,  all  Burschen  connected  with  no  Society,  may,  in 
affairs  of  honor  with  each  other,  proceed  under  whichever  code  they  please ; but, 
where  they  select  that  of  the  Burschenschaft,  or  where  there  is  only  a Burschen- 
schaft, the  latter  may  satisfy  itself  that  the  code  will  be  properly  adhered  to. 

§ 31.  Against  those  refusing  to  conduct  their  affairs  of  honor  on  the  principles  of 
the  Burschen,  proceedings  shall  be  taken  according  to  their  practice. 

§ 32.  The  General  Burschenschaft  will  use  its  means  of  protecting  Burschen  not 
in  that  Society  against  all  treatment  of  an  unjust  kind,  and  unworthy  of  a Bursch, 
from  those  not  Burschen. 

§ 33.  In  consultations  touching  the  good  of  the  whole  university,  all  honorable 
Burschen  must  ndturally  have  part,  whether  members  of  the  Burschenschaft  cr 
not. 


168 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


General  Festivals. 

§ 34.  The  18th  of  the  month  of  victory  is  the  permanent  festival  of  the  General 
German  Burschenschaft.  Every  three  years,  when  possible,  this  day  shall  be  cele- 
brated by  all  the  German  Bursehen  together,  as  a festival  in  commemoration  of  the 
first  brotherly  meeting  at  the  Wartburg. 

§ 35.  The  18th  of  June  is  a festival  for  remembrance  of  all  the  German  brothers 
at  the  other  German  universities. 

B.— General  portion  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Jena  Burschenschaft.* 

§ 1.  The  Jena  Burschenschaft,  as  a part  of  the  General  German  Burschenschaft, 
is  an  association  of  all  the  Jena  Bursehen  who  recognize  as  their  own  the  general 
principles  laid  down  in  the  General  Constitution,  and  have  given  in  their  adherence 
to  them  by  joining  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 2.  The  design  of  the  Jena  Burschenschaft  must  be  that  of  the  General  German 
Burschenschaft,  and  it  will  promote  that  design  within  its  sphere  of  activity  ; and 
will,  for  itself,  also  strive  after  the  purposes  therein  proposed. 

§ 3.  In  like  manner  will  it,  also  for  itself,  carry  out,  in  actual  life,  the  idea  of  the 
unity  and  freedom  of  the  German  people ; and  will  promote  and  maintain,  in  Jena, 
a national  and  upright  Bursehen- life,  in  unity,  freedom,  and  equality,  in  the  de- 
velopment of  mental  and  bodily  powers,  and  in  a cheerful  social  intercourse  ; and 
will,  by  its  organization,  prepare  its  members  for  the  service  of  the  fatherland. 

§ 4.  The  Burschenschaft  adopts  the  code  of  customs  as  the  only  one  which  is 
right  and  suitable  to  the  organization  of  the  universities,  and  endeavors  to  maintain 
it,  and  by  means  of  it,  an  honorable  relation  among  the  Bursehen. 

§ 5.  Therefore  it  has  supreme  power  in  all  affairs  relating  to  the  Bursehen  of  our 
university. 

§ 6.  Only  upon  decisions  relating  to  the  interests  of  the  whole  university  does  it 
permit  voting  by  those  not  members  of  the  Burschenschaft ; who  are,  otherwise,  to 
be  treated  as  those  having  themselves  resigned  their  right  to  vote,  since  nothing 
prevents  them  from  joining  the  Burschensehaft. 

§ 7.  For  this  reason  every  Bursch  is  bound,  in  every  matter  in  which  he  consults 
with  Bursehen,  to  have  reference  to  the  privileges  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 8.  The  Burschenschaft,  as  a separate  organization,  can  exist  only  in  unity  and 
order,  and  in  a free  and  public  social  intercourse,  such  as  is  proper  for  Bursehen. 

§ 9.  In  order  to  secure  its  own  existence,  the  Burschenschaft  establishes  a con- 
stitution, in  which  it  sets  forth  its  relations  in  proper  order;  so  that  each  member 
may  comprehend  the  sentiment  and  spirit  of  the  Burschenschaft,  and  may  be  able 
to  instruct  himself  in  what  relation  he  stands,  and  what  he  must  do  and  avoid,  in 
order  to  become  a worthy  member  of  the  Society. 

§ 10.  The  Bursehenschaft  appoints,  as  its  head,  a managing  board,  to  whom  it 
intrusts  the  management  of  affairs,  as  it  is  impossible  for  the  whole  body  to  transact 
them. 

§ 11.  In  order  to  secure  itself  against  any  attempts  upon  the  rights  of  the  whole 
body,  it  appoints,  together  with  the  managing  board,  a committee,  as  a supervising 
authority. 

§ 12.  But  the  decision  is  reserved  to  the  Society  in  all  cases  which  nearly  concern 
its  own  whole  existence ; as  the  making  of  laws,  and  as  a tribunal  of  ultimate  ap- 
peal. And  it  shall  also  deeide  upon  such  decisions  and  ordinances  of  the  manag- 
ing board  as  are  brought  before  it  by  the  non-concurrence  of  the  committee,  or  by 
the  appeal  of  individuals. 

§ 13.  In  order  to  secure  the  obedience  of  its  members  to  its  laws,  it  establishes  a 
code  of  penalties. 


* Haupt,  p.  264. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


169 


§ 14.  As  the  maintenance  of  the  Burschenschaft  renders  necessary  many  expen- 
ditures of  money,  it  pledges  each  of  its  members  to  a contribution  to  the  common 
funds.  It  establishes  a treasury. 

§ 15.  In  order  to  maintain  in  the  Burschen-life  the  ancient  knightly  exercise  of 
fencing,  and  that  each  member  of  the  Burschenschaft  may  be  skillful  enough  fora 
combat  in  defense  of  his  honor,  the  Burschenschaft  establishes  a fencing-room.  It, 
however,  also  favors  other  bodily  exercises,  since  it  recognizes  bodily  development 
as  especially  necessary  to  a German  education.  For  this  reason  the  Turning-place 
{Tw'nplatz)  is  under  its  protection. 

§ 16.  In  order  to  promote  friendship  and  pleasure  in  the  social  intercourse  of  the 
members  of  the  Burschenschaft,  it  rents  a Burschen-house,  and  supplies  it  with 
every  thing  proper  for  that  purpose. 

§ 17.  Upon  all  occasions  of  celebrations  by  Burschen  on  days  which  are  festivals 
for  every  German,  the  Burschenschaft  will  appear  as  a public  participant  at  the 
ceremony.  It  establishes  and  arranges  banquets  for  pleasure,  and  also  more  serious 
celebrations. 

§ 18.  A general  view  of  the  chief  heads  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Jena  Burschen- 
schaft is  as  follows : 

A.  Organization  as  to  the  business  concerning  the  Society : 

1.  Managing  board. 

2.  Committee. 

3.  Decisions  of  the  whole  Burschenschaft. 

a.  Sections  of  the  Society. 

b.  Assemblies  of  the  Burschen. 

4.  Course  of  business. 

B.  Entrance  into  and  departure  out  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

C.  Kelations  of  the  members  as  individuals — Eights,  Duties. 

D.  Penal  code. 

E.  Treasury. 

F.  Fencing-rooms. 

G.  Burschenhaus. 

H.  Burschenschaft  festivals. 

SPECIAL  PART  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

Managing  Board. 

§ 19.  The  managing  board  consists  of  nine  managers,  and  three  candidates  for 
the  managership. 

§ 20.  The  managing  board  is  chosen  every  half-year,  for  six  months,  by  the 
Burschenschaft. 

Official  Duties  of  the  Managing  Board. 

§ 21.  The  managing  board  is  the  representative  of  the  Burschenschaft,  and  all 
matters  are  under  its  charge  which  relate  to  the  whole  Society.  It  exercises,  in 
their  name,  judicial,  executive,  supervisory,  and  managerial  authority. 

§ 2^.  Above  all,  it  is  to  watch  over  the  credit  and  honor  of  the  Burschenschaft, 
and  to  promote  it  by  every  means  in  its  power. 

§ 23.  It  exercises  judicial  power,  in  that  it  decides  all  cases  which  come  before  it 
under  the  laws  ; or  where  none  of  them  deals  with  the  case  in  hand,  after  the  anal- 
ogy of  existing  laws,  and  in  accordance  with  justice  and  conscience. 

§ 24.  It  exercises  executive  power,  by  carrying  into  execution  the  decisions  of 
the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 25.  The  board  watches  over  the  observance  of  the  laws  and  conformity  to  the 
code.  It  decides  upon  quarrels,  and  all  affairs  of  honor  between  Burschen,  which 
are  brought  before  it.  And  accordingly,  each  manager  has  authority  to  stop  any 


170 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


duel  which  appears  to  him  to  be  contrary  to  the  code,  and  to  cause  it  to  be  in 
vestigated. 

§ 26.  It  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the  n)anagers  to  give  friendly  admonitions  to  the 
other  members  of  the  Burschenschaft  in  reference  to  their  relations  as  Burschcn. 

§ 27.  Tlie  board  manages  all  external  business  of  the  Burschenschaft,  and  con- 
ducts its  correspondence. 

§ 28.  It  fixes  the  time  and  place  of  the  assembly  of  the  Burschen. 

§ 29.  It  has  charge  of  all  general  festivities,  of  the  Burschen-house,  the  fencing,  and 
especially  the  gymnastic  exercises,  and  the  financial  atfairs  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 30.  It  is  the  especial  duty  of  the  managers  to  fight  such  duels  as  are  upon  points 
involving  the  whole  Burschenschaft. 

Official  Duties  of  the  Individual  Managers. 

§ 31.  In  order  to  the  proper  execution  of  its  duties,  the  managing  board  appor- 
tions offices  among  the  nine  members  as  follows : one  shall  be  speaker,  one  secre- 
tary, one  treasurer,  one  manager  of  the  fencing-room,  one  of  the  Burschen-house, 
one  steward,  one  umpire  of  the  gymnastic  council,  and  one  historiographer. 

§ 32.  All  these  offices  are  conferred  by  the  board  for  the  whole  half-year,  except 
that  of  speaker,  who  is  to  be  appointed  every  month and  must  not  be  reappointed 
at  the  end  of  his  term. 

§ 33.  The  character  of  these  offices  makes  it  necessary  that  the  secretary  and 
treasurer  should  hold  no  other  office ; but  all  the  others  may  be  speaker  at  the 
same  time. 

The  Speaker. 

§ 34.  The  speaker  is  to  call  meetings  of  the  board  whenever  necessary.  He  is 
bound  to  do  the  same  upon  the  requisition  of  any  member  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 35.  He  is  the  proper  person  to  be  applied  to  in  all  matters  relating  to  the 
Burschenschaft. 

§ 36.  At  sessions  of  the  board  he  is  to  preserve  quiet  and  good  order,  and  may, 
for  that  purpose,  take  away  the  privilege  of  voting.  In  all  the  business  of  that 
body  he  has  the  precedence,  and  the  first  vote. 

§ 37.  The  speaker  is  to  call  meetings  of  the  assembly  of  the  Burschenschaft.  He 
opens  and  closes  them,  maintains  quiet  and  order  in  them,  and  is  to  take  the  lead 
in  the  business. 

§ 38.  If  he  is  prevented  from  performing  his  duties,  his  last  predecessor  is  to  sup- 
ply his  place  ; and,  in  case  of  his  failure,  a person  chosen  tempore. 

The  Secretary. 

§ 39.  The  secretary  is  to  record,  at  sessions  of  the  managing  board,  and  of  the 
assembly  of  the  Burschenschaft,  a proper  account  of  the  proceedings. 

§ 40.  lie  has  charge  of  the  archives  of  the  Burschenschaft,  and  is  to  keep  all  their 
papers  in  order. 

§ 41.  He  is  to  enter  all  new  laws  in  the  constitution,  and  to  note,  also,  the  repeal 
or  alteration  of  old  ones. 

§ 42.  He  is  to  inform  applicants  for  joining  the  Burschenschaft  of  the  established 
mode  of  proceeding. 

§ 43.  lie  has  charge  of  forwarding  all  letters,  and  authenticates  all  documents 
issued  by  the  managing  board. 

§ 44.  In  the  absence  of  tlie  secretary,  the  historiographer  is  to  supply  his  place. 

The  Treasurer. 

§ 45.  The  treasurer  has  the  management  of  all  the  finances  of  the  Burschenschaft, 
and  the  care  of  all  its  housekeeping  arrangements. 

§ 46.  The  treasury  of  the  Burschenschaft  is  in  his  charge. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


171 


§ 47.  He  is  to  render  a quarterly  account  of  liis  official  proceedings  to  the  com- 
mittee, together  with  the  necessary  vouchers. 

§ 48.  In  his  absence,  the  steward  is  to  take  his  place. 

The  Manager  of  the  Fencing-room. 

§ 49.  He  is  to  supervise  the  fencing  exercises  of  the  members,  and  to  keep  order 
in  the  fencing-room. 

§ 50.  He  is,  half-yearly,  to  lay  before  the  managing  board,  an  order  of  fencing 
exercises,  and  must  keep  a list  of  fighters. 

§ 51.  He  is  to  have  charge  of,  and  keep  in  good  order,  all  weapons,  standards,  de- 
fensive apparatus,  and  all  other  such  property  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 52.  He  is  to  select  all  witnesses  for  the  Burschenschaft  at  duels. 

The  Manager  of  the  Burschen- house. 

§ 53.  He  has  the  oversight  of  the  Burschen-house ; and,  accordingly,  all  com- 
plaints, by  and  against  the  landlord  there,  are  to  be  brought  to  him. 

§ 54.  He  is  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  in  the  assembly-hall  for  the  as- 
semblies of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 55.  He  is  to  adjust  the  minor  details  of  the  Commerces,  and  all  other  festivals, 
after  consulting,  previously,  with  the  managing  board  respecting  them. 

§ 56.  At  the  beginning  of  every  half-year  he  must  lay  before  the  board  a plan  ot 
arrangements  for  Commerces. 

The  Steward. 

§ 57.  He  is  to  see  that  the  duties  of  hospitality,  on  the  part  of  the  Burschenschaft, 
toward  Burschen  from  abroad  are  fulfilled,  and  has  charge  of  their  entertainment. 
For  this  purpose  he  is  to  possess  a list  of  the  dwellings  of  all  the  members  of  the 
Burschenschaft. 

§ 58.  He  has  the  care  of  any  Burschen  who  are  ill. 

The  Umpire  of  the  Gymnastic  Council. 

§ 59.  He  is  to  attend  at  such  meetings  of  the  council  as  may  take  place. 

The  Historiographer. 

§ 60.  He  is  to  keep  the  journal  of  the  Burschenschaft,  and  to  have  the  history  of 
it  w'ritten  up  for  presentation  at  the  general  assembly. 

§ 61.  At  every  election  of  speaker,  he  is  to  announce  it  to  the  managing  board. 

The  Candidates. 

§ 62.  The  candidates  for  the  managership  must  attend  the  sessions  of  the  board, 
and  have  an  advisory  vote  therein.  But  if  acting  members  are  absent,  they  are  to 
take  their  places,  and  to  cast  deciding  votes. 

§ 63.  They  are,  also,  to  assist  the  managers  in  the  performance  of  their  duties,  by 
all  proper  means. 

Meeting  of  Managers  and  Course  of  Business. 

§ 64  a.  The  sessions  of  the  board  are  of  two  kinds,  viz. : 

1.  Those  in  which  accusations  are  made  against  individuals,  and  the  trials  thence 
arising  are  had. 

2.  Those  in  which  discussions  and  decisions  are  had  upon  the  various  matters 
entered  upon  the  business-book  of  that  session,  as  far  as  they  need  no  further  in- 
vestigation ; and  generally,  upon  all  other  matters  affecting  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 64  b.  The  penalties  inflicted  are  to  be  executed,  partly  in  private  meetings  of 
the  managing  board,  and  partly  in  public  ones. 

§ 65.  Assemblies  of  the  first  kind  are  to  be  held  at  the  speaker’s  room,  or  at  some 
other  suitable  place,  to  be  fixed  by  him. 


172 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


§ 66.  These  assemblies  are  to  consist  of  the  speaker,  secretary,  and  two  other 
managers,  who  shall  attend  in  regular  order. 

§ 67.  Besides  the  managers,  no  one  is  to  be  present,  except  such  as  are  to  bring 
accusations,  or  to  be  tried ; and  the  latter  only  till  their  business  is  settled. 

§ 68.  Except  these  assemblies  of  the  managers,  all  sessions  of  the  managers  are 
public : that  is,  all  members  of  the  Burschenschaft  may  attend  them,  being  silent. 

§ 69.  The  managers  are  to  hold  a public  meeting,  usually,  every  week,  at  a fixed 
time ; when  practicable,  at  the  Burschen-house,  at  which  they  shall  endeavor  to 
transact  any  business  coming  up.  In  urgent  cases,  extraordinary  sessions  may  take 
place,  which  are  to  be  notified  by  handbills,  and  to  which  the  speaker  shall  summon, 
the  managers. 

§ 70.  Any  one  not  attending  a meeting,  unless  he  have  a sufficient  excuse,  of 
which  the  board  is  to  be  the  judge,  and  which  must  be  previously  communicated 
to  the  speaker,  either  orally  or  by  writing,  must  pay  a fine  of  one  reichstl;aler  to  the 
treasury,  and  loses  his  vote  at  that  meeting. 

§ 71.  If  a member,  without  a sufficient  excuse,  comes  a quarter  of  an  hour  after 
the  appointed  time,  he  is  to  pay  eight  groschen;  if  half  an  hour,  sixteen  groschen. 

§ 72.  After  the  expiration  of  a quarter  of  an  hour  the  speaker  is  to  proceed  to 
business. 

§ 73.  During  the  meeting  the  speaker  must  have  the  laws  lying  before  him,  in 
order,  in  doubtful  cases,  to  be  able  to  refer  to  them. 

§ 74.  The  speaker  has  the  precedence,  and  conducts  the  business.  In  voting,  he 
votes  first,  and  then  calls  upon  the  other  managers,  in  succession.  He,  only,  is 
authorized  to  stop  the  voting,  and  to  recall  attention  to  the  question  under  dis- 
cussion. 

§ 75.  In  public  meetings,  the  following  order  of  business  is  usually  to  be  ob- 
served : First,  the  managers  take  up  the  business-book  of  the  committee  ; then  the 
trial  book ; and  then  only,  other  oral  or  written  business  may  be  attended  to. 

§ 76.  After  the  managers  have  ended  their  deliberations,  the  speaker  is  to  inquire 
of  the  audience  whether  any  of  them  has  any  thing  to  olfer.  Until  that  time  they 
must  all  preserve  silence;  and  for  the  decision  of  each  matter,  some  one  must  fur- 
nish new  facts,  not  before  considered,  permission  to  state  which  must  be  given  by 
the  speaker. 

§ 77.  At  the  end  of  the  meeting,  the  secretary  must  read  over  the  proceedings. 

§ 78.  The  decision  of  the  managing  board,  in  all  matters,  is  made  by  a majority  vote. 

§ 79.  A public  sitting  can  only  be  held  with  nine  members  present.  If  nine 
managers  are  not  present,  those  who  are  may,  in  very  urgent  cases,  fill  up  their 
number. 

§ 80.  At  the  first  session  of  the  new  board,  in  every  half-year,  when  the  offices 
are  apportioned,  the  duties  of  the  board  must  be  read  over  from  the  constitution. 

§ 81.  In  the  decision  of  cases,  witnesses,  documents,  and  the  word  of  honor  shall 
be  testimony.  The  witnesses  must  be  two  Burschen  in  good  standing,  and  must 
be  able  to  authenticate  their  testimony  by  their  word  of  honor.  In  cases,  however, 
where  other  testimony  is  wanting,  Philisters  who  are  known  to  the  board  to  have 
such  correct  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  honor  as  to  be  competent  to  give  their 
word  of  honor  upon  any  matter,  may  be  admitted  to  testify. 

§ 82.  No  manager  may  give  a decision  upon  any  affair  which  is  his  own,  or  in 
which  he  is  a witness.  The  same  rule  is  to  be  observed  in  decisions  by  the  com- 
mittee or  by  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 83.  No  manager  may,  in  the  performance  of  his  duty,  use  insulting  expres- 
sions ; and  this  is  the  rule  for  all  authorities. 

The  Committee. 

§ 84.  The  committee  shall  consist  of  twenty-one  acting  members,  and  seven  can- 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


173 


didates  for  membersliip,  who  are  to  be  chosen  half-yearly,  by  the  Burschenschaft, 
for  a half-year. 

§ 85.  The  doings  of  the  committee  have  a twofold  relation. 

§ 86.  As  a whole,  it  is,  as  a supervising  authority,  to  observe  that  the  managing 
board  acts  in  conformity  to  the  law,  and  not  beyond  its  authority. 

§ 87.  Immediately  upon  observing  any  irregularity  of  this  kind,  it  is  its  right, 
and  its  duty,  to  advise  the  board  of  the  same,  and  if  the  latter  does  not  act  accord- 
ingly, to  bring  the  matter  before  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 88.  The  committee  is  also  to  review  all  decisions  in  cases  not  clearly  and  defi- 
nitely determined  by  the  law,  and  to  approve  or  reject  the  decision  of  the  board 
upon  the  same. 

§ 89.  In  order  that  the  committee  may  be  able  to  exercise  its  supervisory  and  ap- 
proving power,  the  business-book  of  the  managing  board  must  be  laid  before  it 
every  week,  with  all  the  papers  relating  to  it.  It  must  also  examine  all  letters  of 
the  managing  board,  before  they  are  dispatched.  It  is,  also,  after  the  board,  to  de- 
cide whether  the  same  shall  be  laid  before  the  Burschenschaft  for  approval  or  not. 

§ 90.  The  individual  members  of  the  committee  are  at  the  head  of  the  sections  of 
the  Burschenschaft. 

Apportionment  of  the  Offices. 

§ 91.  The  members  of  the  committee  shall  choose,  from  their  own  number,  by  a 
major  vote,  a speaker  and  a secretary,  the  latter  for  a half-year,  and  the  former,  who 
is  not  re-eligible  at  the  end  of  his  term,  for  one  month. 

§ 92.  The  speaker  is  to  maintain  quiet  and  order  in  the  meetings  of  the  commit- 
tee, and  to  conduct  their  deliberations. 

§ 93.  The  secretary  is  to  have  charge,  in  their  meetings,  of  the  business- book. 

§ 94.  In  the  absence  of  the  speaker,  his  last  predecessor,  or  a substitute  chosen 
for  the  occasion,  shall  supply  his  place. 

§ 95.  The  committee  shall  usually  appoint  to  the  headship  of  twenty  sections  of 
the  Burschenschaft,  the  remaining  nineteen  members  of  the  committee  and  the  first 
candidate.  The  sections  are  to  be  chosen  for  these  by  lot. 

§ 96.  The  candidates  have  advisory  votes  in  the  meetings  of  the  committee.  If 
members  are  absent,  they  take  their  places,  and  have  deciding  votes. 

Meetings  of  the  Committee^  and  their  Business. 

§ 97.  The  meetings  of  the  committee  are  public.  The  audience  must  here,  also, 
be  silent,  until  the  speaker,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  business,  shall  give  permission 
to  some  one. 

§ 98.  The  committee  shall  meet  weekly,  at  some  fixed  time  (if  possible  at  the 
Burschen-house),  to  dispose  of  current  business.  In  urgent  cases,  special  meetings 
may  be  called,  which  shall  be  notified  by  public  handbills,  and  to  which  the  speaker 
shall  summon  the  members. 

§ 99.  Every  committee-man  absent  from  a meeting,  without  a sufficient  excuse, 
which  shall  be  previously  given  to  the  speaker,  either  in  words  or  in  writing,  and 
of  which  the  committee  shall  judge,  shall  pay  a fine  of  one  reichsthaler  to  the  treas- 
ury. Any  one  a quarter  of  an  hour  late  shall  pay  eight  groschen ; and  if  half  an 
hour,  sixteen  groschen. 

§ 100.  After  a quarter  of  an  hour,  the  speaker  shall  commence  the  business,  and 
shall  conduct  it. 

§ 101.  During  the  meeting,  the  speaker  must  have  the  constitution  before  him. 

§ 102.  In  voting,  the  speaker  shall  give  the  first  vote,  and  shall  then  call  upon  the 
secretary  and  the  rest  of  the  members  in  order.  He,  only,  has  the  right  to  interrupt 
the  voting,  and  call  attention  to  the  question  under  discussion. 

§ 103.  At  the  end  of  the  business,  the  speaker  is  to  read  over  the  proceedings. 


174 


THE  GERMANS  UNIVERSITIES. 


§ 104.  Decisions  sliall  be  by  a major  vote. 

§ 105.  In  matters  relating  to  the  individual  sections,  the  secretary  shall  give  to 
the  manager  of  the  section  eopies  of  the  proceedings  of  the  board  and  the  commit- 
tee, and  of  all  other  documents  relative  to  them. 

§ 106.  At  meetings  of  the  committee,  the  secretary  is  to  collect  the  results  of  votes 
in  the  sections,  and  to  enter  them  in  a book  kept  for  the  purpose,  in  order  to  hand 
them  over  to  the  managing  board. 

Thf,  whole  BurscTienschaft  as  a Votivg  Body. 

§ 107.  The  whole  Burschenschaft  decides  upon  cases  to  which  the  authority  in- 
trusted to  the  managing  board  does  not  extend.  It  possesses,  also,  exclusively,  the 
law-making  and  ultimate  judicial  power;  and  appoints  its  own  officers,  by  electing 
them. 

§ lOS  a.  New  laws,  and  alterations  and  repeals  of  old  ones,  are  examined  and 
discussed  by  it,  and  decided  upon  by  voting.  Such  decision  is,  however,  only  valid 
wiien  two  thirds  of  the  number  of  votes  are  in  its  favor,  such  two  thirds  to  be  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  of  voters.  For  instance,  if  there  are  300  members 
entitled  to  vote,  if  all  these  vote,  200  are  necessary  to  adopt  the  law;  but,  if  a less 
number  vote,  then  two  thirds  of  their  votes  are  requisite  to  adopt  the  law;  but  a 
majority  of  all  the  voters,  that  is,  in  this  case  not  less  than  151,  is  necessary. 

§ 108  b.  In  other  cases,  where  no  law  is  to  be  determined  upon,  the  Burschen- 
schaft decides  by  a majority  of  those  actually  voting;  but  two  thirds  of  all  the  voters 
must  vote  in  all  cases  except  those  in  which  a majority  of  all  capable  of  voting  is 
concerned. 

§ 109.  In  every  case  where  the  managing  board  and  the  committee  differ,  the  de- 
cision is  left  to  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 110.  Any  member  may  appeal  to  the  Burschenschaft  against  any  decision  of  the 
managing  board  which  he  thinks  unjust,  even  if  approved  by  the  committee.  But 
he  must  previously  lay  the  reasons  of  his  opinion  before  the  board  and  committee, 
in  writing ; and  can  not  bring  the  matter  before  the  Burschenschaft  until  such 
reasons  are  rejected.  All  complaints  for  violation  of  duty  by  the  managing  board 
or  committee,  either  by  one  of  them  against  the  other,  or  by  individual  members, 
are  also  to  be  brought  before  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 111.  The  managing  board  must  lay  all  important  letters  before  the  Burschen- 
schaft before  sending  them.  If  one  voice  is  given  against  them,  upon  inquiry,  the 
Burschenschaft  must  decide  on  sending  them  by  a vote. 

§ 112.  All  other  cases,  not  including  the  introduction  of  a new  law  nor  the  repeal 
of  an  old  one,  whose  decision  does  not  belong  to  the  managing  board,  or  which  the 
latter,  thougli  authorized  to  act  on  them,  considers  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  de- 
cided by  the  Burschenschaft,  must  also  be  brought  before  that  body  and  decided  by  it. 

§ 113.  All  special  taxes  must  be  consented  to  by  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 114.  The  Burschenschaft  must  also  authorize  the  institution  of  special  fes- 
tivities. 

§ 115.  Election  of  managing  board  and  committee,  as  well  as  of  all  importatit  offi- 
cers appointed  temporarily,  must  be  made  by  the  Burschenschaft.  Those  not  pres- 
ent lose  their  votes;  and  for  such  elections  no  fixed  number  of  voters  can  be  set. 
Tlie  accounts  of  such  special  officers  are  also  to  be  submitted  to  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 116.  The  Burschenschaft  may  act  either  through  assemblies  of  its  separate  sec- 
tions, or  through  general  assemblies. 

Sections  of  the  B ui'schenschaft. 

§ 117.  The  whole  Burschenschaft  is  to  be  divided  into  twenty-one  sections,  which 
are  to  consult  and  vo*te  upon  propositions  to  be  laid  before  the  whole  body  for  de- 
cision. It  should  here  be  remarked,  that  in  such  decision,  it  is  not  the  votes  of 
the  .sections,  but  those  of  the  individual  members  which  are  eounted. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


175 


S 118.  Tiie  ninnaging  board  constitutes  one  of  tliese  sections,  and  the  other  twenty 
are  to  bo  formed  from  the  other  members  of  the  Biirschenscliaft,  as  follows : 

§119.  At  the  beginiiing  of  each  half-year,  four  managers,  to  be  designated  by 
the  board,  shall  divide  the  members  into  four  groups,  according  to  their  standing; 
of  Candidates,  Old  Burschen,  Young  Burschen,  Fo.\es.  Each  of  these  four  groups 
they  are  to  divide,  by  lot,  into  twenty  sections;  so  that  an  equal  number  of  each 
standing  shall  be  in  each. 

§ 120.  If  new  members’ are  admitted  into  the  Burschenschaft  during  the  year, 
they  shall  be,  in  like  manner,  apportioned  to  the  sections  by  the  secretary  of  the 
committee. 

§ 121.  Each  of  these  twenty  sections  shall,  by  lot,  select  a committee-man  as 
manager,  who  shall  preside  over  its  meetings,  and  maintain  order  and  quiet  therein. 

§ 122.  Each  section  shall  select,  from  among  its  own  number,  a secretary,  who 
shall  have  charge  of  the  business-book  at  meetings,  shall  record  votes,  read  over  the 
proceedings  at  the  close  of  each  meeting,  and  subscribe  them,  after  the  speaker. 

§ 123.  In  the  absence  of  the  speaker,  the  secretary  shall  take  his  place,  the  papers 
to  be  delivered  to  him  by  the  former. 

§ 124.  The  speaker  must  have  the  constitution  before  him  during  the  sessions,  in 
order  to  refer  to  them  in  doubtful  cases,  and  especially  in  order  to  assist  individuals 
in  the  knowledge  of  it. 

§ 125.  The  meetings  of  the  sections  shall  be  held  as  often  as  is  necessary.  The 
manager  shall  call  together  the  members  of  it  by  public  handbills. 

§ 126.  Any  one  absent  without  having  presented  to  the  manager  a sufficient  ex- 
cuse, to  be  judged  of  by  him,  shall  pay  a fine  of  eight  groschen ; and  any  one  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  or  more  late,  shall  pay  four  groschen. 

§ 127.  No  meeting  shall  be  valid  where  there  are  not  present  two  thirds  of  the 
members  of  the  section. 

§ 123.  At  the  first  meeting  of  the  section,  the  portion  of  the  constitution  relative 
to  it  must  be  read. 

Meetings  of  the  whole  Burschenschaft. 

§ 129.  The  meetings  of  the  Burschenschaft  are  for  the  following  purposes: 

1.  To  inform  it,  through  its  representatives,  of  whatever  occurrences  are  of  im- 
portance to  it. 

2.  To  submit  motions  to  it,  respecting  laws  or  other  matters. 

3.  To  bring  complaints  for  violations  of  duty  by  the  managing  board  or  com- 
mittee. 

4.  To  make  appointments  and  offer  complaints. 

5.  To  hold  consultations. 

6.  To  vote  upon  proper  matters. 

7.  To  elect  officers. 

8.  To  choose  new  members. 

§ 130.  The  secretaries  of  the  managing  board  and  committee  must  read,  in  these 
meetings,  the  proceedings  of  those  bodies,  and  the  papers  connected  with  them. 

§ 131.  The  first  meeting  in  the  half-year  must  be  held  within  a fortnight  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  lectures.  The  choice  of  officers  must  be  made  at  this  and  a sub- 
sequent meeting.  At  the  first  regular  meeting  after  this,  the  sections  relating  to 
meetings  and  to  taxes  must  be  read. 

§ 132.  A meeting  must  be  held,  usually,  every  fourteen  days,  and  special  ones  in 
urgent  cases. 

§ 133.  Tlie  call  to  these  meetings  is  to  be  by  a public  notice  on  the  bulletin-board. 
Every  member  must,  therefore,  examine  the  bulletin-board*  daily,  for  notices  re- 
specting the  Burschenschaft.  These  notices  must,  however,  be  put  up  before 

9 A.M. 


176 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


§ 134.  Any  one  not  attending  at  the  time  indicated  by  the  call  must  pay  a fine  of 
eight  groschen.  Excuses  must  be  laid  before  the  speaker  of  the  section,  who  is  to 
judge  of  their  sufficiency. 

§ 135.  In  meetings,  the  members  sit  by  sections,  which  are  to  be  numbered  by  the 
manager,  who  will  mark  delinquents.  The  managing  board  will  sit  in  sight  of  the 
assembly,  and  the  committee  one  side  of  it. 

§ 136.  Every  one  will  sit  in  the  meeting  with  uncovered  head.  Smoking,  and 
bringing  in  of  dogs  are  strictly  forbidden;  as  are,  also,  all  conversation,  and  expres- 
sions of  approbation  or  displeasure. 

§ 137.  For  the  sake  of  good  order,  it  is  necessary  that  all  should  remain  at  tVie 
meeting  until  the  close  of  it.  Only  urgent  excuses,  to  be  given  to  the  speaker,  can 
form  an  exception. 

§ 133.  At  the  end  of  a quarter  of  an  hour,  after  the  speaker  has  called  to  order, 
the  meeting  shall  be  opened  with  a song. 

§ 139.  Quiet  and  order  must  be  observed  in  the  meetings.  The  speaker,  and  the 
managers  with  him,  are  to  maintain  the  same. 

§ 140.  The  speaker  is  to  direct  the  order  of  business.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
meeting,  he  is  to  announce  the  purpose  of  it. 

§ 141.  Every  one  is  entitled  to  express  his  sentiments  in  the  meeting,  being  only 
holden  to  do  so  in  a manner  respectful  to  the  assembly. 

§ 142.  Any  one  desiring  to  speak  must  stand  before  the  meeting,  and  turn  to- 
ward it ; and  when  he  has  spoken,  return  to  his  place. 

§ 143.  No  one  may  interrupt  another,  and  the  speaker  must  reprove  any  one 
doing  so. 

§ 144.  It  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the  speaker  to  end  the  discussion  of  a subject 
when  he  considers  enough  has  been  said  upon  it.  But  he  can  not  forbid  any  one 
complained  of  from  setting  forth  his  grounds  of  justification,  even  if  he  considers 
it  inexpedient,  and  that  the  subject  has  been  sufficiently  discussed. 

§ 145.  The  speaker  shall  close  the  meeting  after  inquiring  twice  whether  any  one 
desires  to  speak. 

§ 146.  The  time  of  the  meeting  shall  not  be  unreasonably  prolonged.  Two,  or  at 
most,  three  hours  shall  be  the  rule.  Urgent  cases  may  justify  exceptions. 

§ 147.  All  persons  being  bound  to  observe  a proper  respect  for  the  meeting,  all 
insults  between  individuals  are  forbidden.  Any  person  insulted  shall  bring  the 
offense  to  the  notice  of  the  speaker,  who  shall  inquire  of  the  offender  whether  he 
intended  an  insult ; and,  if  such  was  the  case,  he  shall  cause  him  to  retract  it,  and 
shall  administer  to  him  a public  reprimand.  The  same  rule  shall  be  observed  in 
case  of  personalities  in  the  meetings  of  the  managing  board  or  of  the  committee,  or 
between  the  manager,  as  such,  and  the  audience.  And  the  same  rules  hold  good 
in  the  sections. 


Course  of  Business. 

§ 148.  The  proceedings  in  all  matters  relating  to  the  Burschenschaft  shall  be  as 
rapid  as  possible,  as  only  in  that  manner  can  active  life  be  maintained  in  the  Soci- 
ety. The  following  rules,  as  to  details,  shall  be  observed : 

§ 149.  All  matters  in  which  the  committee  must  concur  with  the  managing  board 
shall  be  laid  before  the  former  in  the  business-book  of  the  latter.  If  the  committee 
concurs,  the  decision  takes  effect,  unless  an  appeal  is  lodged  to  the  Burschenschaft 
within  three  days  after  its  announcement. 

§ 150.  If  the  committee  does  not  concur,  the  matter  is  referred  back  to  the  board 
in  the  business-book  of  the  committee.  The  board  can  then  either  accept  the 
amendment  of  the  committee,  when  the  decision  takes  effect,  or  can  adhere  to  its 
decision  as  first  made,  in  which  case  the  matter  will  be  submitted  to  the  next  as- 
sembly of  the  whole  Burschenschaft. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


1V7 


§ 151.  In  decisions  to  be  made  by  the  whole  Burschenschaft,  the  following  shall 
be  the  mode  of  proceeding : 

§ 152  a.  First,  in  motions  for  new  laws  or  the  repeal  of  old  ones.  These  may  be 
made  either  by  individuals  or  by  the  managing  board.  In  the  former  case,  the 
motion  must  be  laid  before  the  managing  board  in  writing.  The  board  shall  pass 
it,  together  with  its  own  opinion,  over  to  the  committee,  which  shall  also  express 
an  opinion  upon  it.  At  the  next  meeting  of  the  Burschenschaft  the  speaker  shall 
give  notice  of  the  decision.  The  secretary  of  the  committee  shall  also,  in  this  meet- 
ing, cause  the  section  managers  to  enter,  in  their  section-record,  the  motion,  with 
the  opinions  of  the  board  and  the  committee. 

§ 152  b.  No  motion  respecting  a law  can  be  laid  before  the  whole  Society,  which 
is  not  put  into  a clear  and  legal  form  for  voting  on. 

§ 153.  The  managers  of  the  sections  shall  now  lay  the  motion  before  their  sec- 
tions for  consultation.  These  consultations,  being  a preparation  for  the  general 
consultation,  must  be  completed  between  the  meeting  of  the  Burschenschaft  at 
which  the  subject  was  introduced  and  the  next  one.  The  motion  will  then  be 
brought  before  the  latter. 

§ 154.  The  motion  shall  be  voted  upon  in  the  sections.  This  voting  must  be 
finished  before  the  next  meeting  of  the  committee,  the  time  of  which  is  to  be  an- 
nounced by  the  speaker  of  the  committee,  in  the  proper  general  meeting.  At  such 
meeting  of  the  committee,  the  secretary,  to  whom  all  the  section  managers  must 
hand  in  their  business-books,  shall  enter  the  result  of  the  vote  in  a book  kept  for 
that  purpose,  which  he  shall  pass  over  to  the  managing  board.  The  secretary  of 
the  managing  board  shall  then  enter  the  new  law,  or  the  repeal  or  alteration  of  the 
old,  in  the  constitution,  and  to  lay  it  before  the  next  general  meeting,  from  which 
time  it  goes  into  effect. 

§ 155.  All  matters  coming  before  the  Burschenschaft  on  appeal,  whether  by  dis- 
agreement of  the  committee  and  managing  board,  or  on  the  part  of  individuals, 
shall,  in  like  manner,  be  announced  in  the  general  meeting  and  voted  on  in  the 
sections.  In  these  cases  the  voting  may  be  without  discussion  ; but  otherwise  the 
same  proceedings  are  had  as  in  the  case  of  new  laws.  The  result  of  the  vote  is  an- 
nounced, at  the  next  general  meeting,  by  the  managing  board.  What  is  decided  by 
the  Burschenschaft  takes  effect  from  its  announcement  by  the  managing  board. 

§ 156.  The  same  proceedings  are  to  be  had  in  all  matters  which,  although  not  re- 
specting laws,  still  come  before  the  Burschenschaft  for  decision  through  the  man- 
aging board. 

§ 157.  If  one  voice  is  given,  at  the  call  of  the  speaker,  against  the  sending  of  letters 
laid  before  the  Burschenschaft,  the  question  shall  be  discussed,  and  decided  by  vote. 

§ 158.  A decision,  by  vote,  in  the  general  meeting,  may  be  had  upon  all  subjects 
not  admitting  of  delay. 

§ 159.  Elections  shall  be  conducted  as  follows  : 

§ 160.  In  the  first  meeting  of  the  half-year,  the  speaker  of  the  past  half-year,  or 
another  of  the  managers,  shall  announce  that  a new  election  is  to  be  held,  and  shall 
remind  the  members  of  the  duty  of  choosing  according  to  their  best  knowledge  and 
convictions.  Ballots,  printed  for  the  purpose,  shall  then  be  distributed  to  the 
voters,  upon  which  they  shall  write,  with  a clear  description,  the  names  of  their 
candidates,  without  subscribing  their  own  names:  that  is,  twelve  for  the  managing 
board  and  twenty-eight  for  the  committee. 

§ 161.  On  a day  immediately  following,  the  Burschenschaft  shall  convene  again. 
The  letters  of  the  alphabet  shall  then  be  distributed  to  fifty  members,  one  letter  to 
two.  The  speaker,  to  whom  shall  be  joined  a committee-man,  for  assistance,  shall 
read  the  votes.  The  fifty  members  shall,  upon  their  word  of  honor,  observe  strictly, 
how  often  the  names  beginning  with  their  letters  occur.  The  votes  shall  then  be 
counted,  and  the  result  announced.  The  three  out  of  those  chosen  for  the  manag- 

12 


178 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


ing  board  who  shall  have  the  fewest  votes  shall  be  the  candidates  ; and  in  like  man- 
ner the  seven  of  those  chosen  for  the  committee.  Votes  to  choose  those  members 
of  the  managing  board  who  are  actually  chosen  to  the  committee,  shall  be  counted 
for  them  for  the  latter  place. 

To  avoid  irregularities,  any  one  may  have  the  ballots  preserved  for  reference  to 
the  time  of  the  announcement,  at  the  next  meeting  of  the  Burschenschaft,  and  may 
inform  of  any  such  irregularities. 

§ 162.  In  case  of  an  equal  number  of  votes  for  several  candidates,  the  lot  shall  de- 
cide among  them ; and  the  same  in  all  other  elections. 

§ 163.  The  same  mode  of  election  sliall  be  followed  in  filling  vacancies  in  the 
board  and  the  committee,  and  at  special  elections. 

§ 164.  In  all  cases  where  delay  may  be  injurious  to  the  Burschenschaft,  the 
managing  board,  alone,  shall  make  the  decision ; but  is  answerable  to  the  Bursch- 
enschaft for  it. 

§ 165.  During  vacations,  there  shall  be  formed,  from  any  managers  and  commit- 
tee-men remaining,  a body,  to  consist  of  at  least  five  members,  and  which,  if  mana- 
gers and  committee-men  can  not  be  found,  shall  complete  its  number  from  any 
members  of  the  Burschenschaft  rejnaining  in  Jena.  In  important  cases,  this  body 
may  call  meetings  of  such  members  of  the  Burschenschaft  as  remain  in  Jena.  But 
any  decision  by  such  meeting  is  provisory  only,  and  becomes  binding  only  by  vote 
of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 166.  In  all  matters  for  the  decision  of  which  those  not  members  of  the  Bursch- 
enschaft are  to  be  called  on  to  act  together  with  it,  the  business  shall  be  introduced 
by  the  Burschenschaft  before  those  not  members  take  part  in  it.  The  meetings  of 
Burschen  are  to  be  conducted  under  the  same  forms  as  those  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 167.  When  any  deeision  has  been  lawfully  made,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  managing 
board  to  enforce  the  fullest  and  most  punctual  obedience  to  it. 

Entrance  into  and  Departure  from  the  Burschenschaft. 

Acceptance  and  Entrance. 

§ 168.  Every  student  at  this  place  may  present  himself  for  admission  into  the 
Burschenschaft. 

§ 169.  The  candidate  must  possess  the  following  qualifications  : 

a.  He  must  be  a German  : that  is,  he  must  speak  German,  and  acknowledge  him- 
self a German  by  nation. 

b.  He  must  be  a Christian. 

c.  He  must  be  honorable : that  is,  there  must  be  no  disgrace  attaching  to  him, 
either  as  a citizen  or  as  a Bursch. 

d.  He  must  belong  to  no  association  whose  laws  or  purpose  conflict  with  those  of 
the  Burschenschaft. 

e.  He  must  have  been  a Bursch  for  at  least  a quarter  of  a year. 

§ 170.  Burschen  wishing  to  enter  the  Burschenschaft  are  to  apply  to  the  secretary 
of  the  managing  board,  who  shall  record  their  surname  and  given  name,  place  of 
birth,  university  where  and  time  during  which  they  studied. 

§ 171.  The  secretary  shall  read  the  names  of  such  candidates  at  the  meeting  of 
the  Burschenschaft,  and  shall  post  them  up  at  the  Burschen-house.  These  steps 
are  to  enable  any  persons  having  objections  to  such  candidates  as  are  deficient  in 
any  of  the  above  requisites,  to  state  them  to  the  managing  board. 

§ 172  a.  If  no  such  objection  is  made  within  fourteen  days,  the  constitution  shall 
be  read  to  the  candidates,  by  the  secretary  ; and  if,  upon  inquiry,  they  continue  in 
their  desire  to  enter  the  Burschenschaft  (silence  to  be  taken  as  an  affirmative),  they 
shall  be  admitted  at  the  next  meeting  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 172  b.  If  any  objection  is  alleged  to  the  admission  of  a new  member,  and  any 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


1V9 


disgraceful  matter  alleged,  the  Burschenschaft  shall  decide,  by  vote,  upon  his  ad- 
mission. 

§ 173.  The  proceedings  at  admission  shall  be  as  follows : 

After  an  address  by  the  speaker,  to  the  candidates,  who  shall  be  seated  before  the 
assembly,  the  secretary  shall  read  to  them,  slowly  and  distinctly,  the  form  of  ad- 
mission; and  if  they  shall  answer  “Yes”  to  the  questions  therein,  they  shall  give 
their  word  of  honor  to  the  speaker  to  observe  the  conditions  of  the  same. 

§ 174.  The  form  of  admission  is  as  follows  : 

“You  stand  before  this  honorable  assembly  to  take  the  joyful  vow  which  shall 
admit  you  into  our  midst.  I,  as  secretary,  ask  you,  N.  N.,  in  the  name  of  the  Jena 
Burschenschaft,  solemnly  and  publicly  : 

“ Do  you  recognize  the  sentiment  and  spirit  which  belong  to  the  provisions  of 
our  constitution  ? Do  you  recognize  the  sentiment  and  spirit  which  animate  our 
fundamental  principles,  and  give  them  power  and  form  ? Do  you  acknowledge 
yourself  a German  by  nationality  ; and  do  you  acknowledge  that,  without  a German 
life — without  a profound  sympathy  in  the  weal  and  woe  of  our  fatherland— our 
Burschenschaft  can  not  exist  for  its  purposes  ? Do  you  declare  that,  in  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  the  Jena  Bursehenschaft  you  find  your  own  principles ; that 
you  will,  within  and  without  that  society,  with  ypur  body  and  life,  defend  the  prin- 
ciples and  life  of  the  Burschenschaft ; and  that  as  with  the  Burschenschaft,  so  with 
the  German  people,  you  will  stand  or  fall  ? Then  give  your  word  of  honor  to  the 
speaker.” 

§ 175.  By  giving  their  word  of  honor,  the  candidates  become  members  of  the 
Burschenschaft,  and  are,  from  that  time  forward,  to  be  treated  as  sueh ; and  are  at 
once  to  be  apportioned,  by  the  secretary  of  the  committee,  to  the  sections. 

Dismission  from  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 176.  A member  of  the  Burschenschaft  ceases  to  be  such: 

a.  By  being  dismissed  by  the  Burschenschaft. 

b.  By  himself  seeking  a dismission. 

c.  By  ceasing  to  be  a student. 

§ 177.  A member  desirous  to  leave  the  Burschenschaft  must  make  written  appli- 
cation, with  his  reasons,  to  the  managing  board. 

§ 178.  The  request  having  been  granted  by  the  managing  board  and  the  commit- 
tee, and  having  been  signified  to  him,  lie  ceases  to  be  a member. 

§ 179.  Any  one  a member  of  the  Burschenschaft  at  leaving  the  university,  re- 
mains an  honorary  member  of  it,  unless  himself  renouncing  membership,  or  after- 
ward excluded  for  di.shonorable  conduct. 

§ 180  a.  Honorary  members  have  all  the  privileges  of  actual  members,  so  far  as 
they  can  be  enjoyed  by  one  not  a student : namely,  the  right  of  taking  part  in  the 
meetings  of  the  Burschenschaft,  and  of  casting  deliberative  votes  ; of  participating 
in  all  the  festivities  of  the  Burschenschaft,  &c. ; also,  the  riglit  of  hospitality,  and 
other  aid  from  the  Burschenschaft,  so  far  as  they  can  give  it.  He  must,  however, 
also  undertake  all  the  responsibilities  which  the  enjoyment  of  those  rights  implies. 

§ 180  b.  All  those  leaving  Jena  as  members  of  the  Burschenschaft  shall  be 
solemnly  dismissed  at  the  last  meeting  of  the  Burschenschaft.  The  details  of  the 
occasion  shall  be  arranged  by  the  managing  board. 

Kelations  of  Individual  Members  to  the  Burschenschaft  and  to  each  other. 

Kiohts  and  Duties. 

Relation  to  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 181.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  member  to  watch  over  the  honor  and  reputation  of 
the  Burschenschaft  as  over  Ids  own  honor ; and  everywhere,  as  much  as  in  him 
lies,  to  promote  its  unity  and  prosperity. 


180 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


§ 182,  Full  and  punctual  obedience  to  all  the  laws  is  a fundamental  principle  of 
the  Burschenschaft;  for  that  body  can  only  exist  as  a whole,  and  accomplish  its 
purposes,  by  strict  order. 

§ 183,  Every  member  unconditionally  recognizes  the  decisions  of  the  Burschen- 
schaft as  binding  laws,  whether  they  were  opposed  by  debate  and  vote  or  not. 

§ 184,  Every  one  must  quietly  submit  to  whatever  punishment  may  be  inflicted 
upon  him  according  to  law. 

§ 185.  Every  member  must,  so  far  as  time  and  circumstances  permit  him,  assist 
in  every  thing  directed  by  the  Burschenschaft  as  a whole. 

§ 186.  Every  member  is  bound  to  assume  every  office  to  which  he  is  elected,  and 
all  its  rights  and  duties.  If  there  are  reasons  not  permitting  him  to  perform  the 
duties  of  the  office,  he  must  lay  the  evidence  thereof  before  the  managing  board 
for  examination ; but  during  the  examination  he  must  perform  the  duties  of  the 
place,  since  his  election  renders  this  necessary. 

§ 187.  Every  member  must  obey  the  officers  of  the  Burschenschaft  so  long  as 
they  do  not  exceed  their  authority. 

§ 188.  Especially  strict  obedience  is  due  to  the  decisions  of  the  managing  board 
and  of  the  committee,  unless  an  appeal  is  to  be  legally  brought  to  the  Burschen- 
schaft. ^ 

§ 189.  If  any  officer  has  exceeded  his  authority,  and  thereby  done  injustice  to 
any  one,  information  must  be  given  to  the  managing  board. 

§ 190.  Every  member  is  bound  to  inform  the  managing  board  of  any  gross  viola- 
tion of  the  constitution  or  code  of  customs  ; and  no  performance  of  this  duty  can 
subject  him  to  the  charge  of  tale-telling. 

§ 191.  All  members  are  bound  not  to  mention  publicly,  that  is,  in  the  presence  of 
Philister,  any  matters  whose  publicity  might  be  dangerous  to  the  Burschenschaft ; 
for,  though  that  body  is  by  no  means  a secret  society,  it  can  not  proceed  entirely 
without  some  operations  not  public. 

§ 192.  Every  member  has,  in  all  circumstances,  the  fullest  right  to  the  most 
powerful  and  active  assistance  from  the  Burschenschaft  which  it  can  aftord. 

Relations  of  the  Members  to  each  other. 

§ 193.  The  relations  of  the  members  to  each  other  are  altogether  equal;  and  no 
appearance  of  gradation  of  rank  can,  at  any  time,  be  allowed. 

§ 194.  All  difference  of  birth  is  put  entirely  out  of  the  account ; and  every  mem- 
ber is  holden  to  consider  the  rest  as  his  brothers,  seeking  a common  object  with 
him. 

§ 195.  In  order  to  mark  the  closeness  of  their  bond  of  unity  and  brotherhood,  all 
the  members  shall  use,  to  each  other,  the  pronoun  “ thou.” 

§ 196.  For  this  reason  every  member  is  bound,  in  duels,  to  obtain  a second  and  a 
witness  from  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 197.  The  only  difference  to  be  recognized  among  members  of  the  Burschen- 
schaft is  that  which  greater  or  less  experience  naturally  occasions.  Accordingly, 
the  members  do  not  possess  deciding  votes  in  the  Burschenschaft  until  the  second 
half-year  of  their  life  as  students. 

§ 198.  No  member  can  be  chosen  manager  until  the  third  half-year  of  his  student- 
life,  nor  committee-man  until  the  second. 

§ 199.  But  these  distinctions  shall  not  occasion  any  younger  member  to  be  reck- 
oned inferior  to  an  older ; for  it  is  only  individual  excellence,  not  years’  standing, 
which  can  be  alleged  in  favor  of  members. 

Violation  of  Laws. — Punishments. 

§ 200.  The  Burschcns-chaft  shall  punish  in  its  capacity  as : 

1.  Upholder  of  the  code  of  customs  ; inasmuch  as  it  visits  with  a penalty  every 


THE  GEIIMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


181 


infraction  of  the  code,  and  declares  tlic  loss  of  honor  or  “disgrace”  {verritf)^  pro- 
nounced by  the  code,  to  be  incurred  by  students  guilty  of  dishonorable  practices. 

§ 201.  2.  An  association  ; in  which  capacity  it  must  protect  itself  against  violations 
of  its  laws  by  ineinbers,  and  must,  for  that  purpose  exercise  its  judicial  authority 
over  them. 

§ 202.  Punishments  for  violations  of  the  laws  of  the  Burschenschaft  are  either 
fines  or  lo.ss  of  honor. 

§ 203.  Fines  are  inflicted  for  iinpunctuality  at  meetings  and  at  the  fencing-room. 
Details  are  given  in  their  appropriate  places.  ' 

§ 204  a.  All  fines  must  be  paid  before  the  first  of  the  following  month.  Any  one 
then  unable  to  pay  must  fix  a term  of  payment,  upon  his  word  of  honor,  which 
must  not  be  more  than  four  weeks. 

§ 204  b.  Every  manager  of  a section,  or  of  the  fencing-room,  is  bound  to  collect 
all  fines  due,  and  is  holden  for  them  if  he  neglects  to  do  so ; and  he  must  hand  them 
over,  monthly,  to  the  treasurer. 

§ 205.  Punishments  by  loss  of  honor  are  as  follows  : 

1.  Admonition,  by  the  speaker,  for  neglect  of  duty. 

2.  Eeproof  and  censure  in  proportion  to  the  fault. 

a.  Before  the  managing  board,  privately. 

b.  Before  the  same,  publicly. 

c.  Before  the  meeting  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 206.  The  speaker  shall  administer  all  reproofs,  after  they  are  approved  by  the 
managing  board ; and  in  the  terms  which  he  uses  to  characterize  the  fault  he  must  use 
no  insulting  expressions  ; for  a judicial  ofl^cer  can  not  be  supposed  to  intend  insult. 

§ 207.  3.  Expulsion  from  the  Burschenschaft  may  take  place  when  the  conduct  of 
a member  has  rendered  him  unworthy  to  remain  such : that  is, 

a.  When  a member  has  incurred  the  penalty  of  disgrace ; 

b.  Or  when  he  has  committed  a transgression  for  which  disgrace  is  not  the 
proper  punishment. 

§ 208.  4.  Disgrace  is  incurred  by  any  member  asserting  any  thing  disrespectful 
to  the  Burschenschaft;  either  by  insulting  the  whole  Society,  or  the  managing 
board  and  committee,  or  by  opposing  himself  to  the  decisions  of  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 209.  All  these  punishments  are  either 

1.  Prescribed  by  law  for  fixed  eases  of  misconduct;  in  which  case  the  managing 
board  inflicts  them  as  prescribed  ; and  in  eases  where  it  does  not  recognize  an  ex- 
culpation as  sufficient,  an  appeal,  as  hereinbefore  provided,  may  be  brought  to  the 
Burschenschaft. 

§ 210.  Or, 

2.  No  fixed  cases  are  prescribed  for  their  infliction.  In  such  case  the  managing 
board,  with  the  approval  of  the  committee,  inflicts  admonition  or  reproof;  against 
which  an  appeal  lies  to  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 211.  The  whole  Burschenschaft  must  decide,  by  major  vote,  upon  the  expulsion 
of  any  member,  at  the  instance  of  the  managing  board,  in  cases  where  the  laws  do 
not  expressly  prescribe  that  penalty. 

F iNANCES. — Treasury. 

§ 212.  The  managing  board  has  control  of  the  flnances. 

§ 213.  The  sources  of  income  of  the  treasury  are  three: 

a.  Half-yearly  taxes. 

b.  Special  assessments. 

c.  Fines  accruing. 

§ 214.  The  following  are  the  regulations  for  levying  taxes  : 

§ 215.  Every  member  must  pay  one  and  a half  per  cent,  of  his  income,  whose 
amount  he  must  state,  on  his  word  of  honor,  at  his  entrance  into  the  Burschen- 


182 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


pchaft ; but  those  having  an  annual  income  of  less  than  a hundred  thalers  are  free 
from  all  regular  taxes.  But  all  free  tables  and  stipends  must  be  included  in  the 
stated  amount  of  yearly  income. 

§ 216.  For  the  sake  of  good  order,  the  fixed  taxes  must  be  paid  half-yearly,  in  ad- 
vance ; and  the  last  day  of  May  for  the  summer  term,  and  the  last  of  December  for 
the  winter  terra,  are  fixed  as  the  terms  at  or  before  which  every  member  must  pay. 
But  as  it  may  happen  that  members  may  be  unable  to  pay  at  that  time,  the  treasurer 
may  fix  a further  term,  not  to  e.xceed  six  weeks  after  the  above,  at  which  such 
members  must  give  their  word  of  honor  to  pay. 

§ 217.  Any  one  not  paying  at  the  fixed  time,  and  not  appointing  any  term  of  ex- 
tension, shall  be  expelled  from  the  Burschenschaft. 

§ 218.  At  payment,  every  member  Shall  receive  a voucher  from  the  treasurer. 

§ 219.  In  order  that  no  blameworthy  carelessness  may  subject  any  member  to  the 
penalty  of  disgrace  for  a breach  of  his  word  of  honor,  this  law  relating  to  taxes  shall 
be  read  in  the  first  regular  Burschen  meeting  of  each  half-year,  and  the  speaker 
shall,  at  such  time,  remind  the  assembly  of  the  obligations  of  the  word  of  honor. 

§ 220.  Special  taxes,  when  necessary,  shall  be  laid  by  the  managing  board,  and 
assented  to  by  the  Burschenschaft.  These  taxes  must  be  paid  by  every  member, 
even  by  those  having  less  than  a hundred  thalers  income.  Such  taxes,  when  small 
shall  fall  equally  upon  all  members ; but,  if  of  importance,  shall  be  apportioned  ac- 
cording to  income.  The  latest  term  allowed  for  their  payment  shall  be  fixed,  on 
the  word  of  honor,  at  fourteen  days  after  consent  by  the  Burschenschaft ; but  for 
taxes  falling  heavily  on  individuals,  they  may  be  permitted  a further  respite. 

Fencing  and  other  Exercises. 

Fencing-room, 

§ 221.  The  Burschenschaft  shall  have  a fencing-room  for  its  own  use. 

§ 222.  Every  member  of  the  Burschenschaft  is  bound  to  attend  at  the  room  four 
times  a week,  on  fixed  days,  and  at  fixed  hours.  Exceptions  can  only  be  made  in 
fiivor  of  those  in  their  last  half-year,  or  those  whose  circumstances  make  it  impos- 
sible, of  which  proof  must  be  laid  before  the  managing  board. 

§ 223.  Every  member  has  the  right  to  require  fencing  practice ; and  every  one 
who  can  fence  is  bound  to  do  so. 

§ 224.  Every  member  must  keep  his  fencing  apparatus  in  good  order,  that  there 
may  be  no  intermission  in  the  practicing. 

§ 225.  Any  one  injuring  the  fencing  apparatus  of  another,  is  bound  to  have  it,  at 
once,  put  in  good  order  again,  and  the  possessor  is  not  thereby  to  lie  under  the  ac- 
cusation even  of  the  shadow  of  selfishness. 

§ 226.  All  instruction  from  any  third  party  is  forbidden ; and  only  the  master 
shall  instruct  the  scholars. 

§ 227.  At  the  designated  hours,  managers  shall  have  charge  of  the  fencing-room, 
shall  keep  it  in  order,  make  out  lists  of  delinquents,  and  collect  fines. 

§ 228.  Further  details  shall  be  left  to  the  managing  board,  who  shall  determine 
them  half-yearly,  in  the  fencing  regulations. 

Gymnastics. 

§ 229.  The  gymnasium  is  under  the  protection  of  the  Burschenschaft.  All  fur- 
ther details  and  arrangements  shall  be  made  by  those  exercising,  with  reference  to 
the  exercises. 

§ 230.  A manager  shall  always  sit  in  the  council  for  gymnastics. 

§ 231.  The  regulations  for  exercising  shall  be  laid,  by  the  gymnastic  council,  be- 
fore the  managing  board  and  committee  for  approval.  If  this  is  withheld,  they  must 
be  changed,  unless  the  gymnastic  council  choose  to  proceed  entirely  without  con- 
nection with  the  Burschenschaft.  The  maintenance  of  the  regulations  approved  by 
that  body,  is  guaranteed  by  it. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


183 


§ 232.  In  winter,  tlic  swinging  exercises  shall  be  practiced  in  the  fencing-rooms, 
at  hours  when  they  will  not  interfere  with  the  fencing, 

Burschen-house. 

§ 233.  As  a common  Burschen-house  is  a principal  means  of  closer  union,  har- 
mony, and  social  intercourse,  it  is  incumbent  upon  every  member  to  frequent  it  as 
much  as  possible. 

§ 234.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  managing  hoard  to  provide  such  a one,  and  to  fit  it 
up  properly  for  the  accommodation  of  the  students. 

§ 235.  All  festivities  relative  to  the  Burschenschaft  shall  be  held  in  the  Burschen- 
house,  if  there  is  room  sufficient. 

§ 236.  All  public  meetings  of  the  managing  board,  committee,  and  Burschen- 
Bchaft  shall  be,  if  possible,  held  at  the  Burschen-house. 

§ 237.  Above  all  things,  a retiring-room  must  be  provided  at  the  Burschen-house, 
and  kept  in  good  order. 

§ 238.  That  the  Burschen-house  may,  at  all  times,  be  in  good  reputation,  every 
member  pledges  himself,  upon  his  word  of  honor,  to  the  regular  payment  of  the 
landlord. 

Public  Festivities. 

§ 239.  Public  festivities  by  students  are  either: 

a.  By  the  Burschenschaft,  and  therefore  general ; or, 

b.  By  individuals ; in  which  case  the  details  of  arrangements,  as  far  as  not  re- 
pugnant to  the  Burschenschaft,  are  entirely  left  to  the  undertakers. 

§ 240.  The  Burschenschaft  shall  arrange  commerces,  festive  processions,  funer- 
als, &c. 

§ 241.  Regular  commerces  shall  be,  a Fox  commerce,  at  the  beginning  of  each 
half-year ; a commerce  at  the  change  in  the  protectorate,  and  a farewell  commerce 
at  the  end  of  the  half-year.  The  manager  of  the  Burschen-house  may,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  board,  arrange  as  many  smaller  commerces  as  he  chooses. 

§ 242.  Further  details  relative  to  the  commerces  shall  be  contained  in  the  com- 
merce regulations,  which  the  manager  shall  give  out  half-yearly. 

§ 243.  Great  and  general  festivals  shall  be  celebrated  as  follows : 

On  the  18th  of  June,  in  memory  of  the  founding  of  our  Burschenschaft  and  of 
the  battle  of  Belle  Alliance;  also  as  a memorial  festival  of  all  the  fraternity  of 
Burschenschaften  ; and  the  18th  of  October,  by  this  Burschenschaft,  unless  cele- 
brated by  the  general  meeting  of  all  the  Burschenschafts,  in  memory  of  the  battle  of 
Leipzig,  and  of  the  first  union  of  all  the  German  Burschen  in  the  General  German 
Burschenschaft. 

§ 244.  The  Burschenschaft  must  order  other  special  festivities. 

§ 245.  The  details  of  such  festivals  shall  be  left  to  the  managing  board,  with  con- 
sent of  the  committee,  as  shall  the  designation  of  the  officers  of  them.  Managers 
and  committeemen  have  a prior  right  to  be  appointed  such  officers. 

§ 246.  Every  member  is  bound  to  take  part  in  all  the  festivities  of  the  Burschen- 
schaft, as  far  as  possible,  and  to  observe  the  regulations  made  for  order  on  such 
occasions. 

VI.  Answers  of  the  German  Universities  to  the  Jena  Burschenschaft. 

Berlin,  August  25,  1817. 

Greetino  : — 

Dear  Brothers: — We  will  willingly  contribute,  according  to  our  ability,  to  the 
festival  of  October  18.  Many  of  our  number  have  already  departed  ; but  we  shall 
send  some  deputies  to  the  Wartburg,  and  shall  inform  all  the  students  here,  in 
order  that  any  one  who  desires  it  may  be  present.  A song  will  be  sent  as  soon  as 
possible.  And  so  adieu. 


184 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Erlangen,  August  23, 1817. 

Greeting  : — 

Dear  Friends : — On  the  19th  of  August  we  received  your  most  welcome  invitation 
to  the  Wartburg.  In  regard  to  this  festival  of  October  18th,  we  are  profoundly  de- 
lighted that  the  wish  which  we  entertained,  even  before  it  occurred  to  you,  is  al- 
ready fulfilled.  We  think  it  altogether  good  and  judicious  to  have  chosen  the  18th 
of  October  instead  of  the  31st,  for  the  time  when  the  German  Burschen  from  most 
of  the  German  Universities  are  to  learn  to  know  and  love  each  other  ; and  the  order 
of  exercises,  also,  seems  to  us  judiciously  arranged,  as  not  only  providing  for  our 
own  enjoyment,  as  Burschen,  but  as  not  neglecting  the  worship  of  God,  whose  bless- 
ing is  the  first  requisite  to  all  that  is  good.  Your  friendly  invitation  is  right  wel- 
come to  us,  and  several  of  us  will  have  the  greatest  pleasure  in  accepting  it ; we 
only  hope  most  earnestly  that  a similar  one  has  been  sent  to  all  the  Burschen  of  our 
country,  in  order  that  perhaps  a larger  number  from  among  us  may  clearly  demon- 
strate and  comprehend  the  great  and  glorious  movements  now  in  progress  on  Ger- 
man land,  and  among  German  Burschen ; of  which  we  can  certainly  afford  no 
sufficient  representation. 

If  any  one  shall  be  found  among  us  able  to  furnish  a song  for  the  festival,  we  will 
send  it  to  you  as  early  as  possible. 

In  pleasure  at  the  coming  gathering. 

Giessen,  September  3,  1817. 

Friends  and  Brothers  : — Your  friendly  invitation  to  the  celebration  of  the  jubilee 
of  the  Keformation  was  welcome  to  us  ; and  we  count  much  upon  this  united  festi- 
val to  promote  the  uniting  together  of  the  various  German  Universities. 

According  to  the  plan  proposed,  all  of  our  number  who  will  take  part  in  the  fes- 
tival, will  be  in  Eisenach  on  the  17th  of  October. 

We  all  find  the  arrangements  for  the  festival  appropriate  and  good  ; and  certainly 
no  one  can  fail  to  be  impressed  with  its  liberal  and  rnagnanimous  spirit.  But  you 
will,  without  doubt,  agree  with  us,  that  at  this  celebration  in  remembrance  of  so 
noble  a deed  of  a free  spirit,  any  powerfully  spoken  word  for  our  fatherland  and 
union  in  it,  must  do  good.  To  this  end  we  are  of  opinion  that  no  one  who  feels 
himself  impelled  thereto,  should  be  prevented,  either  by  previous  arrangements  or 
any  other  means,  from  delivering  his  views  in  a public  address.  There  will  be  suf- 
ficient time,  after  the  close  of  the  festivities  to  which  you  have  invited  us,  which 
can  not  be  better  occupied. 

Whether  any  song  will  be  received  from  us,  we  can  not  inform  you  in  advance, 
as  it  depends  on  certain  individuals,  who  will  care  for  the  seasonable  sending  of  it 
to  you. 

Gottingen,  August  22,  1817. 

In  relation  to  the  friendly  invitation  to  a general  festival  of  Burschen,  on  the  18th 
of  October,  at  the  Wartburg,  we  are  very  much  pleased  with  it ; and  believe  it  will 
be  universally  recognized  as  very  expedient  for  the  Burschen  of  the  various  German 
Universities,  an  opportunity  being  given,  to  become  acquainted  with  each  other. 
For  this  purpose  we  shall  send  a number  of  representatives,  and  as  many  other 
Burschen  will  be  present  as  shall  be  able.  To  that  end  we  shall  seek  to  make  this, 
our  resolution,  known,  as  far  as  possible,  to  the  remaining  Burschen. 

Heidelberg,  September  6,  1817. 
Greeting,  and  a German  grasp  of  the  hand  : — 

Dear  Friends  and  Brothers : — We  have  been  so  much  occupied  with  various  mat- 
ters as  to  be  unable  to  return  an  earlier  answer  to  your  welcome  letter.  Do  not, 
therefore,  be  vexed  at  this  somewhat  late  answer,  as  it  was  rendered  necessary  by 
external  circumstances  ; and  receive  the  assurance  of  our  truest  love  and  solicitude 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


185 


for  your  welfare.  May  heaven  bless  our  united  endeavors  to  form  one  people,  filled 
with  paternal  and  brotherly  virtues,  and  whose  love  and  harmony  may  make  up  for 
mutual  w'eaknesses  and  fiiults.  We  reciprocate  your  German  goodness  of  heart 
with  like  feelings,  and  hope  that  by  means  of  those  who  shall  follow  our  example, 
this  divine  union  will  be  destroyed  by  no  dissension. 

The  invitation  to  Eisenach,  for  October  18th,  has  exceedingly  pleased  us.  This 
appropriate  and  lofty  festival,  the  birthday  of  faith  and  of  freedom,  will  be  the  day 
of  the  foundation  of  love  for  us.  It  is  unfortunate  that  so  many  of  our  much-be- 
loved brethren  have  departed  in  various  directions ; some  home,  and  some  to  other 
universities.  This  will  deprive  us  of  many  ornaments,  and  you  of  the  pleasure  of 
knowing  them.  But,  of  those  who  remain,  a part  will  come  without  fail;  who  are 
delighted,  in  advance,  with  this  glorious  festival,  and  with  the  personal  brotherhood 
of  those  of  congenial  minds. 

In  case  any  songs  should  be  composed  by  us,  we  will  forward  them  to  you. 

Leipzig,  August  30,  1817. 

Ebiendly  Greeting: — 

Dear  Brothers : — You  here  receive  the  required  answer  to  your  friendly  letter  of 
the  11th  of  this  month,  in  which  you  advise  us  of  your  intention  to  celebrate,  in  a 
festive  manner,  the  jubilee  of  the  Eeformation,  in  connection  with  the  festival  of 
the  battle  of  Leipzig,  on  the  18th  of  October,  at  the  Wartburg,  near  Eisenach,  and 
invite  us,  in  a friendly  manner,  to  this  celebration.  The  worthy  celebration  of  a 
time  in  many  respects  so  memorable  and  inspiring  to  every  German,  and  the  pro- 
posed festive  assembly  therefor,  of  so  many  German  Burschen,  has  our  entire  ap- 
probation,_  and  we  thankfully  accept  your  invitation.  Only,  we  are  grieved  that  we 
can  not  answer  it  as  numerously  as  we  should  have  wished,  because  the  18th  of 
October  comes  in  our  vacation,  when  nearly  all  of  our  students  have  left  Leipzig, 
most  of  them  having  gone  home,  perhaps  to  the  furthest  province  of  Saxony.  We 
have,  therefore,  in  a general  assembly  of  22d  August,  determined,  “ to  send  a depu- 
tation of  from  four  to  six  Burschen  to  Eisenaeh  on  the  18th  of  October  of  this  year, 
in  the  name  of  the  Leipzig  Burschen,  to  take  part  in  the  gathering  of  the  Burschen 
of  all  the  German  Universities,  who  are  to  assemble  there  to  celebrate  the  jubilee 
of  the  Eeformation  and  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Leipzig.” 

Our  deputies,  and  the  other  Leipzig  students  who  are  to  take  part  in  the  celebra- 
tion will,  agreeably  to  your  wish,  be  in  Eisenach  on  the  17th  of  October.  We  will 
also  provide  that  a song  appropriate  to  the  day  shall  be  composed  and  sent  in  good 
season. 

Hoping  that  we  have  thus  satisfied  your  wishes,  we  bid  you  farewell. 

Marburg,  September  2,  1817. 

To  ALL  OUR  Brothers  and  Friends  at  Jena,  a friendly  greeting  : — 

Even  before  we  received  your  invitation,  several  of  our  Burschen  had  determined 
to  celebrate  the  18th  of  October,  the  day  of  so  many  new  institutions,  at  the  memo- 
rable W artburg.  For  this  reason  we  have,  with  the  mure  pleasure,  accepted  your 
invitation,  and  have  determined,  in  any  case,  to  send  some  deputies  (whom,  how- 
ever, the  favorable  opinion  of  such  a Burschen  festival  will  cause  to  be  attended  by 
several  companions),  to  this  gathering  of  the  German  Burschen.  We  hope  that  the 
spirit  of  German  patriotism  and  freedom  will  prevail,  and,  treading  down  all  party 
spirit,  will  insure  us  a prosperous  issue. 

We  wish  you  all  good  fortune. 


Eostock,  September  2,  1817. 

ScHMOLLis,  Gentlemen  : — 

We  have  received  your  friendly  letter  of  August  11th,  and  hasten  to  send  you 
our  answer. 


186 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


VI.  “ Dr.  Bahrdt  with  the  Iron  Forehead  ; or,  the  German  Union  against 

ZiMMERMANN.” 

(From  the  Universal  German  Library,  vol.  112,  part  1,  p.  213,  <fec.) 

“ Of  the  work  Itself  we  shall  say  nothing.  All  Germany  is  agreed  that  it  was  a 
shameful  blemish  upon  German  literature,  and  surpassed  every  thing  that  could 
be  imagined  for  contemptibleness  and  malignant  defamation.  The  most  completely 
shameful  and  entirely  unpardonable  invention  of  all,  was  placing  the  name  of  Herr 
Von  Knigge  upon  the  title-page  of  this  lampoon  as  its  author.  Any  one  capable  of  per- 
mitting himself  this  base  contrivance  must  have  destroyed  all  his  own  appreciation  of 
lionesty.  Not  only  to  print  the  most  outrageous  calumnies,  the  most  vulgar  insults, 
but  to  publish  the  name  of  an  innocent  man  as  author  ! This  was  going  very  far !” 

“The  work  ^’•Bahrdt  with  the  Ivon  Forehead^'*'^  excited,  everyw'here,  the  greatest 
displeasure.  So  much  susceptibility  to  honor  and  honesty  was  left  in  Germany, 
that  such  a vulgar  attack  upon  respectable  people,  must,  of  necessity,  be  every- 
where abhorred.  This  composition  was,  moreover,  of  such  an  atrocious  nature 
that  curiosity  was  excited  as  to  where  it  could  have  originated.  Still,  the  author 
would,  perhaps,  not  have  become  known,  and  this  vile  production  would  have  sunk 
still  sooner  into  the  profound  oblivion  where  all  such  contemptible  and  vulgar  writ- 
ings soon  sink,  had  not  a remarkable  judicial  investigation  (by  the  Hanoverian  Chan- 
cery of  Justice),  been  set  on  foot  to  discover  the  author.* 

“This  commission,  little  by  little,  found  out  that  the  lampoon  was  printed  at 
Graiz,  in  Voigtland.  This,  of  course,  led  to  tracing  the  person  from  whom  the 
publislier  received  the  manuscript.  At  this  point  Von  Kotzebue,  to  conceal  himself, 
had  recourse  to  a means  of  protection  which  no  man  could  have  permitted  himself 
to  use,  unless  he  had  already  issued  so  shameful  a lampoon  upon  so  many  reputable 
persons.  That  is,  he  undertook  to  help  himself  out  with  a threefold  false  testimony. 
Counselor  Schultz,  of  Mietau,  having  been  in  Weimar  at  the  same  time  with  Von 
Kotzebue,  at  the  request  of  the  latter,  engaged  the  engraving  of  the  vignette,  which 
was,  in  itself,  good  enough,  with  the  copperplate  engraver  Lips,  and  caused  his  sec- 
retary to  transcribe  the  MS.  He  gives  his  word  that  he  received  it,  and  returned  it, 
together  with  the  copy,  unread  ; a statement  which  the  circumstances  render  proba- 
ble. A traveler  accidentally  saw  a copy  of  the  engraving  in  the  possession  of  Herr 
Lips,  and  this  gentleman,  who  was  wholly  innocent  in  the  matter,  and  who  knew 
nothing  of  the  purpose  of  the  vignette,  mentioned,  incidentally,  by  whom  it  had 
been  put  into  his.  hands.  This  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Kotzebue,  who  feared  a 
judicial  summons  to  Mietau,  which  he  afterward  did,  in  fact,  receive.  He  therefore 
wrote  in  great  trouble,  to  Herr  Councilor  Schultz,  requesting  him,  if  he  should  be 
called  .upon  to  testify,  not  to  tell  the  truth,  but  to  state  that  he  had  received  his 
commission  from  Herr  Gauger,  a bookseller  in  Dorpat.  He  added  the  assurance 
that  he  would  furnish  him  an  ante-dated  letter  from  this  Herr  Gauger,  in  wdiich  the 
affair  should  be  put  into  his  hands  accordingly,  and  this  letter  he  was  to  lay  before 
the  court  as  testimony.  This,  therefore,  constituted  a double  false  witness.  But 
not  content  with  this,  he  prevailed  upon  a man  in  Reval  (by  means  best  known  to 
himself),  by  the  name  of  Schlegel,  to  state  that  he  was  the  author  of  '•''Bahrdt  with 
the  Iron  Forehead^''''  and  to  authenticate  this  falsehood  to  be  the  truth  by  declaring  it 
before  an  imperial  notary  public.  This  false  explanation  is  printed  in  No.  14  of  the 
work,  and  lias  appended  the  act  of  the  imperial  notary  before  whom  Schlegel  de- 
clared this  falsehood  true.” 


♦ This  was  caused  by  the  Hanoverian  Klockenbring,  who  had  been  vilely  attacked  in  the 
work.  This  writer,  “ who  had  been  a deserving  servant  to  the  Hanoverian  government,  and  a 
useful  author,  was  so  much  affected  by  the  attack  as  to  fall  into  a dangerous  mental  condition. 
‘ Woe  to  the  author,’  says  the  writer  in  the  Universal  German  Library,  ‘who  has  upon  his 
conscience  such  consequences  from  his  writings.’  ” 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


187 


“ But  the  affair  did  not  take  the  turn  which  Von  Kotzehue  intended.  In  spite  of 
tlie  notarial  instrument  no  one  was  deceived,  for  a moment,  into  thinking  Schle.iiel 
the  author  of  the  pasquinade.  It  was,  indeed,  stated  in  tlie  Jena  Gazette  of  Litera- 
ture (Schlegel  had  studied  at  Jena),  that  he  was  not  capable  of  producing  tlie  work. 
Councilor  Schultz  had  also  already  indignantly  refused  the  request  that  he  would 
bear  false  witness.  To  prove  his  intention,  he  sent  the  original  letter,  in  which 
Von  Kotzebue  had  asked  him  to  be  guilty  of  this  crime,  to  a friend,  and  related,  in 
a letter  to  him,  the  true  course  of  the  affair  from  the  beginning.  lie  requested  this 
friend  to  permit  any  person  to  whom  these  letters  could  be  interesting,  to  read  them. 

“But  Kotzebue  found  that  all  these  base  expedients  would  not  avail  him,  and  he 
finally  decide<l,  on  the  24th  of  December,  1791,  to  declare,  publicly,  in  the  newspa- 
pers, that  he  was  the  author  of  the  scandalous  production.” 

VII.  SuBSTAXCE  OF  THE  TuBINOEN  “STATUTES  FOR  THE  FORMATION  OF  A StUDENTS’ 

Committee.”* 

“ These  statutes  recognize  order,  quiet,  and  good  morals,  as  properly  required  of 
the  students,  especially  by  means  of  voluntary  eo-operation  on  their  own  part,  and 
in  particular  on  the  part  of  such  of  their  number  as  have  the  confidence  of  all.  The 
substantial  part  of  them  is  as  follows  : 

“The  committee  consists  of  fifteen  members,  chosen  freely  from  the  whole  body 
of  students.  Its  duties  are,  to  communicate  the  wishes  of  the  students  to  the  aca- 
demical authorities,  and  to  consult  with  them  as  to  the  practicability  and  mode  of 
accomplishing  them.  In  case  of  any  injury  to  any  student,  as  such,  they  are  to  ap- 
ply to  the  authorities  for  assistance.  If  the  disciplinary  authorities  have  occasion 
to  give  warnings  to  the  students,  it  reports  them  to  the  committee,  that  it  also  may 
give  a warning.  In  case  of  severer  punishments,  also,  the  fact  is  to  be  communi- 
cated to  the  committee,  that  they  may  state  any  grounds  of  mitigation.  A later  or- 
dinance, of  December  21,  provides  that,  on  occasions  of  investigations,  where  pun- 
ishment is  to  be  inflicted,  the  committee  of  students  is  to  be  advised,  not  of  the 
first  information  received,  but  of  the  result  of  the  investigation  ; that  it  may  allege 
any  matters  in  mitigation. 

“ The  committee  is  also  entitled  to  lay  before  the  university  authorities  any  pro- 
posals from  the  acceptance  of  which  it  may  anticipate  improved  results  from  the 
university  course.  It  is  under  the  protection  of  the  university  authorities  in  the 
performance  of  its  duties,  and  any  injuries  to  a member  of  it  are  to  be  punished 
with  double  severity. 

“ Every  member  of  the  committee  binds  himself  to  set  a good  e.xample  of  obedi- 
ence of  the  laws,  and  to  labor  to  promote  the  improvement  of  his  associates  in  morals 
and  honor.  The  committee  is  bound  to  assist  in  repairing  breaches  of  the  public 
peace;  and  in  the  absence  of  the  authorities,  to  uphold,  to  the  best  of  its  ability,  the 
means  used  to  restore  order.  It  is  to  use  its  power  to  compose  enmities  between 
students,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  to  oppose  every  attempt  of  one  student  to  insult 
another,  or  unlawfully  to  vindicate  himself.  Every  member  is  also  bound  to  warn 
his  fellow-students  against  any  association  of  a secret  character,  or  avoiding  pub- 
licity, and  to  use  his  influence  to  prevent  any  of  them  from  joining  with  any  such 
association.  If  any  evident  disturbers  of  peace  among  the  students  make  their  ap- 
pearance, or  persons  whose  actions  render  them  unworthy  the  name  of  students,  the 
committee  is  bound,  after  trying  the  virtue  of  admonitions,  to  inform  the  academical 
authorities  of  them.” 


* Klupfel,  p.  318. 


188 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


VIII.  Extract  from  an  Address  by  Wolfgang  IIeyder,  Professor  at  Jena,  deliv- 
ered IN  the  YEAR  1607. 

Such  a vicious  student  prays  not  at  all  to  God,  and  in  accordance  with  such  reck- 
lessness, when  reproved  by  any  one,  even  mildly,  says,  “ The  hogs,  although 
they  neither  fear  God  nor  call  upon  him,  yet  grow  fat  on  their  food  in  the  sty.” 

He  goes  unwillingly  past  a church,  not  to  mention  his  entering  it.  He  is  as  rare 
a bird  in  the  church  as  a black  swan  in  the  African  forests.  Of  preachers  he  says, 
“ They  are  passionate,  morose,  eccentric  fellows,  whose  great  enjoyment  consists  in 
attacking,  reproving,  and  abusing  others  ; damning  them  in  the  pulpit,  and  sending 
them  to  hell.  They  are  always  harping  on  the  same  string;  singing  the  same  old 
song  that  everybody  has  heard  a thousand  times  and  more.” 

He  neither  has  at  hand  the  Holy  Scriptures,  in  which  the  Son  of  God  has  com- 
manded us  to  search,  nor  does  he  think  it  necessary  to  read  in  them,  unless  when 
he  has  been  in  some  quarrel,  and  been  so  pounded  that  he  can  scarcely  breathe, 
and  begins  to  despair  of  his  life.  Then  he  borrows  a Bible  from  his  neighbor,  and 
tries  a few  verses,  just  as  they  occur  to  his  stupid  head,  but  with  discomfort,  for  he 
gapes  with  idleness,  and  scratches  his  head  with  the  difficulty  of  reading.  But  as 
soon  as  the  barber  tells  his  client  to  be  of  good  hope,  the  sick  man  throws  away  that 
old  book,  and  at  once  resumes  his  former  course. 

The  base  desires  which  find  nourishment  in  such  a life,  completely  destroy  all 
susceptibility  to  honor,  all  love  of  virtue,  and  all  pleasure  in  study;  and,  indeed, 
extirpate  their  very  seeds.  He  thinks  not  of  wisdom,  nor  of  ability,  nor  of  honor- 
able studies,  nor  of  the  welfare  of  church  or  state  ; but  he  is  absorbed  with  con- 
temptible tricks,  sloth,  idleness,  drinking,  harlotry,  fighting,  wounds,  murder. 

If  you  happen  to  enter  his  room,  I ask  you  what  will  you  find  for  furniture  ; what 
W’ill  you  find  ? In  the  first  place,  no  books — for  what  has  such  a hot,  or  frantic 
soldierly  fellow  to  do  with  cold  and  spiritless  studying? — or  perhaps  a few  carelessly 
thrown  away  under  seats  or  in  corners,  defiled  with  dust,  eaten  by  moths,  almost 
destroyed  by  mice. 

If  you  look  up  and  down,  you  will  see  hanging  on  the  wall  a few  swords  and  dag- 
gers, of  which  most  would  not  bring  three  heller  when  the  time  comes  to  pay  the 
Eector’s  bills.  And  there  are  are  a few  guns,  which  he  has  from  time  to  time  not 
been  ashamed  to  steal  from  the  suburbs,  between  some  shingled  house  and  the 
barn  full  of  grain.  You  will  see  armor,  or  steel  gloves,  with  which  our  giant 
appears,  not  unarmed,  at  the  fighting-ground;  and  doublets,  wadded  and  well- 
filled  in  with  cotton,  tow,  hair,  or  whalebone,  so  that  if  a quarrel  happens  they  will 
stand  a sword-thrust. 

You  will  see  a few  bowls  and  many  glasses  awaiting  new  guests.  You  will  see 
cards,  draught-board,  dice,  and  other  means  of  destroying  money  and  youth. 

He  attends  the  public  course  either  not  at  all,  or  very  late  ; and  hears  no  lectures, 
unless  he  gets  caught  in  the  audience,  like  a hound  in  a bath. 

The  laay  marmot  either  sleeps  until  noon,  or  sits  at  a vulgar  drinking  debauch, 
preparing  himself  for  the  skirmishing  of  the  night,  so  that  men  may  see  how  boldly 
and  actively  he  will  act. 

When  both  streets  and  chambers  are  still,  and  both  men  have  gone  to  rest  and 
the  birds  have  left  olf  singing  in  the  boughs,  and  the  beasts  are  sleeping  in  their 
dens,  then  he  starts  up,  with  great  bangs  on  posts  and  doors,  and  breaks  forth 
from  where  he  had  been  abiding,  armed  and  surrounded  by  his  followers.  Then 
you  have  to  hear  such  a frantic  horror  and  tragedy ; such  a roaring,  groaning, 
hallooing,  shrieking,  raging,  knocking,  and  throwing  of  stones,  and  many  more  such 
actions,  as,  if  one  of  the  one-eyed  giants  had  done  them,  would  have  brought  all 
Sicily  together,  and  have  banished  the  rioter  to  eternal  misery. 


TFIE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


189 


AVhere  one  lives  wlioin  he  thinks  his  enemy,  God  preserve  us  ! how  many  devil’s 
and  fool’s  actions  does  he  perform  before  his  door  ! how  does  he  kick  the  door  with 
his  feet ! how  does  he  throw  stones  at  the  window  I 

He  must  needs  assault  the  most  blameless  people,  against  whom  not  Momus  him- 
self could  allege  any  thing,  with  such  lies,  slanders,  abuses,  and  shameful  stories, 
that,  although  they  are  all  false  and  pure  inventions,  something  will  always  bo 
believed,  and  suspicious  minds  will  be  kept  uneasy. 

When  he  meets  either  other  students  going  home,  or  peaceful  citizens,  he  falls 
upon  them  like  a murderer  or  open  highwayman,  Avith  bare  and  drawn  sword,  and 
while  the  swearer  utters  an  unimaginable  number  of  oaths,  he  cuts  and  thrusts  at 
them,  strikes  them,  wounds  them,  knocks  them  down,  stamps  on  them,  strangles 
them,  snorts,  rages,  and  behaves  exactly  like  a devil  sent  out  of  hell  in  human 
shape;  and  sometime's  he  injures  his  adversary,  and  sometimes  carries  off  his 
booty  with  wrath  and  fury.  Or,  if  the  time  and  place  will  not  endure  this,  and 
others  Avill  not  suffer  him  to  shed  swdftly  men’s  blood,  and  wreak  his  anger  upon 
them,  the  ambitious  bully  requires  him  with  whom  he  desires  to  fight  to  appear  at 
a future  day,  and  requires  it  with  frightful  cursings  and  maledictions.  The  hour  is 
fixed,  and  the  conditions  stipulated,  exactly  as  if  he  were  about  to  take  the  field, 
and  lay  out  an  encampment  for  an  army. 

And  if  the  summoned  party  is  not  prompt  in  attendance,  he  must  pass  for  the 
greatest  rascal  of  all  the  rascals  that  ever  lived  or  will  live;  and  probably  these 
announcements  are  made  ; “ If  you  are  an  honorable  fellow,  meet  me  early  to-mor- 
row morning;  if  you  are  of  honorable  birth,  fight  me;  if  you  are  better  than  a 
gallows-thief,  set  to  with  me.” 

When  the  battle  is  ended,  the  university  officer  comes  up  and  summons  ourcen- 
taurian  brawler  and  man-eater  before  the  Rector.  When  he  appears  before  him, 
our  cut-and-thruster  firstly  begins  stoutly  to  deny  every  thing  he  did,  and  for 
which  he  is  accused  and  summoned,  with  a hardy  impudence  truly  wonderful. 
But  when  he  is  convicted,  he  seeks  other  devices  to  escape  ; and  swears  that  may 
the  devil  fetch  him  if  he  had  not  drank  so  much  that  be  had  quite  lost  his  senses, 
and  could  neither  hear  nor  see  ; and  that  he  has  forgotten  all  the  things  he  did  or 
said,  and  can  only  very  indistinctly  remember  any  thing  at  all  about  them. 

But  all  the  wdiile  that  he  wdll  not  know  any  thing  of  the  matter,  he  has  every  cir- 
cumstance of  it  in  his  mind,  and  can  plead  whatever  may  best  serve  to  excuse  his 
share  in  the  transaction,  as  skillfully  as  if  Simonides  had  given  him  a most  masterly 
training  in  the  art  of  memory.  When  the  decision  is  declared,  and  our  young 
leader  must  either  pack  off  out  of  the  place,  like  a tormenting  devil  whose  very 
shadow  harms  good  people,  or  must  crawl  into  prison,  then  you  will  see  what  an 
impassioned  advocate  he  is  about  his  honor.  His  heroicals  surpass  all  the  Stoics 
and  the  philosophers,  the  Aristideses,  Rutiliuses,  and  Catos,  and  he  harangues  about 
his  honor  with  the  most  brazen  impudence. 

He  requests  that  his  punishment  may  be  remitted  ; he  has  just  come  out  for  the 
first  time,  after  being  sick;  his  family  will  be  branded  with  a disgrace  which  can 
never  be  wiped  out.  In  his  country  those  who  have  been  imprisoned  are  reckoned 
infamous  ; he  must  have  some  communication  with  his  friends  before  undergoing 
his  penalty;  and,  moreover,  there  is  so  much  cold  and  stench  in  the  prison  that  he 
cannot  be  placed  there  without  losing  his  health,  w’hichno  money  will  buy  him  back. 

But  when  he  absolutely  must  go  in,  who  can  tell  how  horribly  he  rages  about  it, 
and  how  pitifully  our  soaker  laments ! He  says  he  was  always  a pious  fellow,  but  a 
little  trifle  uneasy  after  drinking.  The  Rector’s  official  term  will  come  to  an  end  soon, 
and  when  he  gets  out  he  shall  have  some  new  windows,  and  an  everlasting  hatred. 

They  contract  mighty  debts  for  board  and  lodging,  which  they  are  never  able  to 
pay.  But  when  pay-day  comes,  and  they  are  called  on  for  the  debt,  and  have  to 
write  home,  they  deceive  their  parents  or  guardians  about  it. 


190 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Tl)ey  write,  first  of  all,  for  their  board-money,  but  with  large  additions.  it 

they  put  down,  but  with  great  reluctance  and  economy,  of  course,  what  they  have 
squandered  on  feast-days,  birth  days,  and  entertainments.  After  these  come  the 
falsest  things  : “ Our  landlord  married  a wife,  at  New  Year’s,  and  we  had  to  give  her, 
beyond  all  measure,  a Hungarian  ducat  for  a gift  for  good  fortune  ; seven  grosclien, 
to  each  child  (there  are  live),  and  an  orts-thale.r  to  each  of  the  servant-girls.  And 
in  like  manner  it  was  necessary  to  spend  money  on  each  fair-day,  of  wliich  tliere 
are  two  a year  here.  And  I studied  myself  into  a fever  by  sitting  up  late  nights, 
and  had  to  lie  abed  with  it  si.v  wiiole  weeks.  This  cost  me  eight  thalers  to  the 
apothecary,  four  to  the  doctor,  three  to  the  barber,  and  the  sixth  of  one  to  the  boy 
who  brought  the  medicine  and  gave  it  to  me. 

“ I have  attended  various  extra  lectures,  with  great  benefit,  and  paid  the  instructor 
wlio  read  them,  and  who  values  his  knowledge  highly,  six  gvlden^  wliich  be  refused 
at  first,  and  wanted  one  more.  I have  bought  the  best  and  handsomest  books,  for 
I could  get  along  as  well  without  them  as  I could  fly  without  wings.  And  I owe 
the  bookseller  twelve  ducats,  which  I must  pay  as  soon  as  possible.  I have  some 
clothes,  to  be  sure,  but  my  boy  has  just  run  away,  and  stole  both  my  cloaks,  my 
hat,  and  my  purse,  with  what  money  I had  left,  so  that  I must  have  some  more 
clothes,  which  are  not  to  be  had  for  nothing.”  With  such  impositions  as  these  they 
fool  their  parents  and  guardians,  and  also  make  the  insulting  charge  of  avarice 
against  men  to  whom  they  have  never  paid  so  much  as  a pear-stem. 

Wherever  our  young  gentleman  goes,  he  gives  out  that  he  is  anxious  to  marry. 
He  represents  himself  as  an  only  son,  and  having  very  wealthy  parents.  If  his  suit 
prospers,  he  is  going  to  take  his  bride  to  the  Fortunate  Islands. 

lie  borrows  money  of  his  acquaintance,  and  gets  goods  on  credit  at  the  shops, 
and  with  these  he  befools  and  entices  the  poor  girl,  who  most  gladly  believes  what 
she  wishes,  and  sometimes  grants  favors  which  she  ought  not.  But  very  soon  after 
that,  when  his  desire  is  satisfied,  he  pretends  an  occasion  to  be  angry,  and  transfers 
his  love  to  some  one  else. 

His  clothes,  though  not  of  costly  material,  are  of  a foolish  and  ridiculous  pattern, 
lie  is  first  to  take  up  a new  fashion,  and  first  to  throw  it  away  again,  when  it  is  a 
little  out  of  date. 

With  hair  like  a crow’s  head,  and  his  dog’s  face  scarred  up,  he  is  far  worse  than 
Virgil’s  vagabond,  Achaemenides. 

There  is  no  noble  aspiration  in  him,  nor  any  good  habit.  He  wallows  in  the  filth 
of  his  wickedness.  Ilis  course  of  villanies  hardens  him  until  he  loses  all  sense  of 
shame,  and  he  pursues  his  evil  ways  with  no  reminder  from  his  conscience. 

He  holds  all  laws  and  restraints  of  authority  not  worth  a snap,  and  is  forsworn 
and  reckless  to  God — scarcely  believing  that  He  exists  and  governs  the  world  by 
His  wisdom. 

After  thus  passing  his  university  course  in  neglect  of  study,  debauchery,  and 
folly,  he  is  summoned  home,  though  unwilling;  unless,  as  commonly  happens,  he 
is  for  his  heroic  virtues  cut  off  like  a pestilential  member,  and  rejected  from  the 
number  of  students.  He  leaves,  almost  always,  yellow,  lean,  sunken-eyed,  lame, 
toothless,  marked  all  over  with  scars  and  bruises.  Such  are  the  rewards  of  his 
honorable  and  angelic  life. 

AVhen  he  gets  to  his  native  place,  he  is  in  no  great  hurry  to  see  the  fiices  of  his 
parents  and  friends.  He  turns  from  a lion  to  a hare;  and  in  his  anguish  hides  in 
dark  corners,  seeks  intercessors  in  his  mother,  sisters,  brothers-in-law,  and  rela- 
tives, and  by  means  of  their  prayers  and  entreaties,  obtains  leave,  with  great  difii 
culty,  to  crawl,  with  what  of  himself  he  has  not  gorged  and  guzzled  away  at  the 
university,  into  his  father’s  house,  and  to  snore  and  lie  hid  there.  It  is  months 
before  he  has  courage  to  appear  on  the  public  streets;  the  reason,  because  he  will 
be  spit  upon  and  jeered  at  by  every  soul  he  meets.  After  this  he  will  find  himself 
obliged  to  follow  a dilferent  course  of  life. 


TilE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


191 


IX.  Synonyms  of  Beanus. 

Scliottgen  says:  Tlie  Pennals,  or  young  students,  have  many  other  names, 
which  1 must  give  in  order,  in  several  classes.  Some  they  receive  on  account  of 
their  youth,  and  as  new  students,  as  for  example  : 

1.  Quasbnndogeniti — wliich  excellent  expression,  used  by  the  Holy  Ghost  itself, 
men  have  shamefully  abused. 

2.  Xeovisti — perhaps  from  neopJiytus,  a tyro,  but  with  a coarse  terminal  change. 

8.  Croivhills—i\s>  if,  like  young  crows,  or  other  birds,  they  were  yet  yellow  about 

the  bill. 

4.  Jlousecocks. 

5.  Heifer-calccs. 

6.  Sucklings — as  having  only  just  left  home,  where  they  had  been  nursing  infants. 

7.  Bacchants— 0.  name,  as  is  well  known,  applied  to  all  not  regularly  deposed. 

8.  /nnoce?ites—{is  not  having  got  far  out  into  the  world.  By  an  abuse  of  theo- 
logical terms,  it  was  also  said  that  they  were  in  statu-  innocentice. 

9.  Half-'papen — a name  given  them  at  Kostock,  meaning  half-students.  All  stu- 
dents were  anciently  termed  papen.,  but  at  present  this  term  has  become  one  of 
abuse,  which  the  vulgar  are  accustomed  to  apply  to  students. 

10.  Beani — applied  to  those  not  deposed. 

11.  .SAorers— because  they  pretend  to  be  students  too  soon,  and  try  not  to  serve 
out  all  their  Pennal  year. 

12.  Tapeworms — for  it  was  pretended  that  they  were  full  of  all  manner  of  unclean- 
ness inside,  and  so  they  were  given,  or,  rather,  forced  to  take  all  sorts  of  things. 

13.  Imperfecti — because  they  are  not  declared  free  from  their  obligations  ; as 
opposed  to  the  Absoluti. 

14.  House-pennals  ; house-goblins  ; family-foxes  {stammfeix*) — these  names  are 
given  to  such  as  are  afraid  of  Pennalism,  and  stay  long  at  home  before  going  to 
the  university. 

X.  Meyfart’s  Aretinus.I 

Meyfiirt  (p.  126)  relates  how  the  student  Aretinus,  after  leaving  the  gymnasium, 
went  to  the  university. 

“He  hastens  to  Athens,  arrives  there,  and  almost  before  he  has  set  his  foot 
within  the  gate,  there  meets  him  that  man-stealer,  that  gallows-bird,  and  destined 
to  be  broken  on  the  wheel  Kunz  Sawrussel,^  a monstrous  abortion,  who  ought  to 
be  driven  from  the  earth  and  from  the  neighborhood  of  reasoning  creatures. 

“ This  beast,  I say,  recognized  Aretinus,  as  he  had  formerly  attended  the  prepar- 
atory schools  with  him ; and  quickly  he  overclouds  his  wolfish  visage  with  gloomy 
wrinkles,  pricks  up  his  ass’s  ears  like  Egyptian  grave-stones,  stretches  his  heavy 
chops  as  many  ells  wide  as  an  elephant,  begins  to  stare  out  of  his  eyes  like  a lion 
and  to  make  tiger-claws  of  his  hands,  mutters  a few  words  between  his  dog’s  teeth, 
curses  angrily.  He  does  not  insult  nor  approach  the  young  man,  however,  but 
runs  after  some  of  his  like,  and  finds,  by  great  misfortune,  a filthy  vagabond  and 
lewd  talker,  the  vilest  of  all  two  or  four  footed  beasts,  the  most  cursed  and  stink- 
ing boar  of  the  mud.  He  finds  him  in  a public  drinking-house,  having  crammed 
his  foul  paunch,  and  not  only  wet  himself  with  beer  but  bathed  himself  in  it ; and 


* In  the  letter  quoted  at  p.  46.  of  Duke  Albrecht  of  Saxony  to  the  University  of  Jena,  in  1624, 
Feux  is  used  as  a synonym  of  Pennal.  Is  Feux  our  present  Fox?  Compare  an  article  enti- 
tled ‘'How  comes  Reineke  Fuchs  into  the  universities?”  in  the  Academical  Monthly,  for 
August  and  September,  1853,  especially  p.  407. 

t On  Pennalism  and  Deposition,  see  “The  Academical  Life  of  the  Seventeenth  Century,”  by 
Dr.  A.  Tholuck,  pp.  200  and  279.  $ Sawriisael,  i.  e.,  Hog-snout. 


192 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


stirred  himself  up,  not  to  foolishness,  hut  to  rag’ing  and  raving  madness.  Tliis  fel- 
low Sawriissel  informs  that  a young  gentleman  has  arrived,  and  those  of  the  place 
must  consider  what  is  to  be  done.  Sawriissel  has  scarcely  addressed  himself  to 
this  traitorous  abyss  (who  ought  to  be  decorated  with  a rope),  when  behold,  all 
the  caves  of  hell  open,  and  the  devils  incarnate  pour  forth  from  their  throats  noth- 
ing but  fearful  blasphemies  against  God,  terrific  revilings  of  Ilis  name,  shameful 
curses  upon  the  holy  sacraments,  so  that  I doubt  whether  even  Rabshakeh  the 
Assyrian  had  attained  to  more  than  a shadow  of  their  recklessness. 

“ They  hold  a consultation,  and  the  resolution  is  adopted  that  the  young  gentle- 
man (those  who  enact  it  being  very  old  gentlemen,  not  having  the  yellow  off  their 
bills  yet,  or  their  spittle  wiped  off)  must  be  bravely  stirred  up,  abused,  and  sub- 
jected to  tribulation.  What  further  happens  ? The  time  comes  when  these  beasts 
lie  down  to  rest,  and  the  watchman  has  proclaimed  the  tenth  hour  of  the  night. 
But  now  these  fellows  get  up — Sawriissel,  Vollfrass,  Schling-Kuhe,  Gassen  Eulc, 
Geil-Spatz,*— and  put  their  swords  at  their  sides,  in  order  to  be  able  to  enforce 
their  designs,  and  get  themselves  to  Aretinus’  lodging.  There  they  neigh  like 
horses,  roar  like  lions,  bleat  like  calves,  bellow  like  cows,  grunt  like  hogs,  baa  like 
sheep,  hop  about  like  magpies,  woodpeckers,  and  apes;  a w^orse  crew  than  the  des- 
ert goblins  of  the  wastes  of  Babylonia,  of  which  the  prophet  speaks;  more  freakish 
than  the  Zihim  and  Ohim,  stranger  than  ostriches,  more  poisonous  than  dragons. 

“ Meanwhile  tiiese  mud-birds  asperse  the  name  of  Aretinus,  break  in  his  win- 
dows, and  spit  out  thousands  of  shameful  lies  about  liis  honored  parents. 

“After  this  they  enter  Aretinus’  room,  uninvited  and  unwelcomed,  sit  down, 
snort  and  bluster  like  executioners  who  come  into  the  torture-chamber  and  see  the 
prisoners,  ask  for  nothing,  order  every  thing,  and  make  Aretinus  have  beer  and 
wine  brought  in,  and  whatever  else  they  fancy. 

“ They  send  off  also  for  a juartyr-master  and  torturer,  who  comes  to  the  feast,  and 
our  pious  Aretinus  has  to  let  himself  be  struck,  insulted  (scolded  is  too  mild  a 
term),  pounded,  punched,  thrown  about,  and  abused. 

“ He  is  made  to  crawl  under  the  seats,  make  a fool  of  himself,  snuff  the  candle, 
carry  round  the  liquor,  pour  out,  rinse  the  glasses,  and  do  more  than  a slave’s  ser- 
vices. Neither  is  he  safe  at  the  lecture-room,  church,  choir,  or  even  at  the  altar, 
when  he  would  receive  the  beloved  pledge  of  Jesus.  For  this  devil’s  brood,  to 
keep  him  faithful  to  his  new  obligations,  stand  close  at  his  side,  wink,  beckon,  laugh, 
and  point  with  the  finger  at  the  good  Aretinus,  until  the  sacred  services  are  over.” 

XI.  Emperor  Leopold’s  Charter  to  the  University  of  Halle,  Dated 
October  19,  1693.t 

We,  Leopold,  by  the  grace  of  God  elected  Emperor  of  the  Romans,  always  Au- 
gustas, and  of  Germany,  Hungary,  Bohemia,  Dalmatia,  Croatia,  Sclavonia,  &c.. 
King,  Archduke  of  Austria,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  Brabant,  Styria,  Carinthia,  Car- 
niola,  &c..  Margrave  of  Moravia,  Duke  of  Luxemburg,  and  of  Upper  and  Lower 
Silesia,  Wirtemberg  .and  Teeka,  Prince  of  Sweden,  Count  of  Hapsburg,  Tyrol,  La 
Ferette,  Kyburg,  and  Gortz,  Landgrave  of  Alsace,  Marquis  of  the  Holy  Roman  Em- 
pire, of  Burgau,  and  of  Upper  and  Lower  Lusatia,  Lord  of  the  Marches  of  Sclavonia, 
Portus  Naonis,  Salines,  &c.,  do  grant  and  make  known  to  all  persons,  by  the  tenor  of 
these  presents.  Since  we  were  elevated,  by  the  favor  and  permission  of  the  all-pow- 
erful God,  to  the  high  office  of  the  imperial  majesty,  we  have  considered  that  the 
obligations  of  our  office  do  in  an  especial  manner  require  us  carefully  to  follow  the  ex- 
ample of  our  ancestors,  the  Roman  emperors  and  kings  (who,  among  the  other  cares 
of  their  supreme  power,  have  thought  it  especially  worthy  of  their  dignity  to  estab- 
lish, found,  and  strengthen  the  various  academies,  gymnasia,  and  universities  in  the 


* Ilog-snout,  glutton,  cow-eater,  street-owl,  last-sparrow. 


t Koch,  i.  453. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


193 


Holy  Eoman  Empire);  that  the  study  of  the  liberal  arts  and  scienees,  which  are  appro- 
priate and  necessary  for  the  government  and  preservation  of  the  commonwealth,  may 
be  cherished  and  incited  by  proper  honors  and  rewards,  and  may  by  our  means 
be  happily  promoted.  Whereas,  therefore,  the  Most  Serene  Frederic,  Margrave  of 
Brandenburg,  Duke  of  Magdeburg,  Stettin,  Pomerania,  and  of  the  Cassubii,  Burg- 
grave  of  Nuremburg,  Prince  of  Halberstadt,  Minda,  and  Carmina,  Count  in  Hohen- 
zollern,  Arch-Chancellor  of  the  Holy  Eoman  Empire,  Prince  Elector,  and  our  own 
most  beloved  relative,  has  humbly  made  known  to  us,  that  having  long  considered 
in  what  manner  he  could  confer  upon  his  faithful  subjects  some  singular  benefit 
whose  fruits  should  not  be  of  one  age  only,  nor  should  redound  to  the  benefit  of 
cotemporaries  alone,  but  might  endure,  and  accrue  to  posterity,  he  had  judged 
nothing  so  likely  to  conduce  to  the  solid,  happiness  of  both  governors  and  gov- 
erned, as  to  have  opinions  so  directed  that  youth,  especially  those  approaching 
maturity,  after  having  prosperously  completed  their  preparatory  studies  in  the 
lower  schools,  shall  be  carried  through  a higher  course  of  study,  imbued  with  the 
best  learning  of  every  kind,  and  formed,  as  it  were  beneath  the  eyes  and  in  the 
sight  of  their  parents,  in  such  a training  as,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  may  make 
them  useful  to  the  republic.  And  whereas,  among  the  means  of  attaining  this 
felicity,  the  first  place  is  due  to  those  higher  schools,  which  are,  as  it  were,  indis- 
pensable institutions  for  the  receiving  of  youth  from  the  introductory  ones  to  more 
learned  studies,  shaping  them  by  a superior  course  of  discipline,  and  at  last  taking 
them,  as  if  from  a full  treasury,  thoroughly  fitted  for  undertaking  the  employments 
of  the  republic.  And  whereas  the  aforesaid  Most  Serene  Prince  Elector  hath 
desired  of  us,  since  he,  almost  alone,  of  all  the  princes  of  Lower  Saxony,  is  not  pos- 
sessed of  such  a most  useful  seminary,  we  should  in  our  kindness  deign  to  grant 
him,  as  far  as  in  us  lieth,  authority  to  establish  such  a high  gymnasium  or  academy, 
in  his  city  of  Halle,  in  the  territory  of  the  dukedom  of  Magdeburg,  and  subject  to 
the  Holy  Eoman  Empire,  which  in  point  of  privileges  and  immunities,  shall  be 
upon  an  equal  footing  with  the  other  privileged  universities  of  Germany,  Italy,  and 
France  (saving  nevertheless  our  authority,  and  saving  also  the  supreme  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  said  Prince  Elector,  our  petitioner,  and  of  his  successors),  in  which 
academy  to  be  erected,  the  professors  of  each  several  faculty  may  have  power,  after 
a previous  rigorous  examination,  to  grant  the  titles  of  Doctor,  Licentiate,  Master, 
and  Bachelor,  to  those  worthy  of  and  entitled  to  them;  who,  having  been  thus 
promoted,  may  use,  enjoy,  possess,  and  have  the  pleasure  of  {gaudere),  each  and 
every  the  favors  and  privileges  had  by  those  of  the  same  degrees  in  other  uni- 
versities ; and  moreover,  in  which  academy  to  be  erected,  the  doctors  and  scholars, 
with  the  consent  of  the  said  Prince  Elector  and  his  successors,  may  enact  their 
own  statutes,  make  ordinances,  and  create  and  appoint  a Pro-Eeetor  and  Pro- 
Chancellor  (the  dignity  of  Eeetor  and  Chancellor  remaining  with  the  Prince 
Elector  as  founder,  and  with  his  successors),  and  other  university  otficers  ; and 
moreover,  that  the  person  holding  the  rectorate  of  the  same  university  shall  pos- 
sess the  dignity  of  count  palatine,  and  that  the  conferring  of  arms  and  insignia 
upon  the  several  faculties  to  be  established  in  the  university  may  be  as  a favor  per- 
mitted to  him,  the  Prince  Elector,  our  petitioner.  We,  from  the  singular  and 
benignant  affection  which  we  entertain  toward  the  Most  Serene  Prince  Elector  of 
Brandenburg,  have  thought  proper  to  grant  (and  do  by  these  presents  graciously 
grant),  in  reply  to  his  petition,  in  manner  following,  for  his  pleasure,  and  do 
graciously  concede  to  him,  authority  to  erect  in  the  aforesaid  city,  subject  to  us  and 
to  the  Holy  Eoman  Empire,  a higher  gymasium  or  academy  and  university  of  all 
such  laws,  arts,  and  sciences,  as  are  accustomed  to  be  publicly  set  forth  and  taught 
in  any  gymnasium,  university,  or  academy  throughout  all  our  dominions  and  those 
of  the  Holy  Eoman  Empire,  in  such  manner  as  we  give  and  grant  the  aforesaid 
power  and  privilege  in  these  presents,  with  deliberation,  from  mature  consultation 

13 


194 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


thereon  had,  and  of  onr  certain  knowledge  ; that  is  to  say,  so  that  the  said  gymna- 
sium, or  academy,  and  university  may  be  founded  and  erected  by  the  said  Most 
Serene  Prince  Elector  at  Halle  (without  any  prejudice,  however,  to  neighboring 
universities) ; and  when  it  shall  have  been  erected,  with  all  the  professors,  doctors, 
and  students  contained  in  it,  and  shall  contain  a body  of  youth  cultivating  the 
study  of  letters  in  it,  and  such  other  persons  as  pertain  to  it,  it  shall  possess  equal 
rights  and  dignities,  and  all  immunities,  privileges,  liberties,  honors,  and  franchises 
as  are  used,  enjoyed,  possessed,  and  delighted  in  by  the  other  universities  of  Ger- 
many and  their  members.  And  we  desire,  and  by  the  same  our  imperial  authority 
do  decree,  that  professors  and  fit  persons  may  be  appointed  by  the  said  Prince  or 
by  his  delegates,  to  profess  {projiteri)  in  the  said  university,  and  to  hold  public 
lectures,  disputations,  and  recitations  {repetitiones)^  to  propose  arguments  for  public 
discussion,  to  interpret,  comment,  and  explain,  and  to  do  all  scholastic  acts,  in  the 
mode,  manner,  and  order  which  is  accustomed  in  otlier  universities.  And  if  the 
course  of  study  shall  have  been  successfully  pursued,  and  shall  be  carried  on  fur- 
ther, and  if  a proper  honor  or  grade  of  dignity  shall  be  decided  upon  in  acknowl- 
edgment of  talent  or  good  conduct,  and  such  as  may  merit  at  any  time  the  worthy 
reward  of  their  labor,  shall  seek  the  same  ; we  enact  and  ordain  that  a tribunal  of  pro- 
fessors and  doctors  shall  be  formed,  and  that  any  who  shall  be  judged  worthy  to 
receive  the  prize  for  their  contest  (the  most  fit  and  excellent  being  selected),  shall 
first  submit  to  the  observances  to  be  conducted  by  such  doctors  and  professors, 
according  to  the  usual  custom  of  other  universities,  and  to  a rigorous  and  diligent 
preparatory  examination  (the  honesty  of  which  we  charge  upon  Ihe  consciences  of 
the  professors),  and  that  those  submitting  themselves  for  examination,  and  causing 
themselves  to  be  presented  to  the  university  aiithorities  by  respectable  and  hon- 
orable persons,  according  to  custom  and  to  the  statutes,  may  then  be  admitted  to 
the  examination  itself,  and,  the  blessing  of  the  Holy  Spirit  having  been  invoked, 
may  be  examined;  and  if  found  and  judged  fit  and  sufficient,  may  be  created 
bachelors,  or  masters,  or  licentiates,  or  doctors,  according  to  the  science  and  learn- 
ing of  each;  and  may  receive  t’-^e  dignity  thereof,  and  be  invested  with  the  same 
by  the  imposition  of  the  hat,  the  giving  of  the  ring  and  the  kiss,  and  may  receive 
and  have  conferred  upon  them  the  usual  ornaments  and  insignia  of  the  said  digni- 
ties ; and  that  bachelors,  masters,  licentiates,  or  doctors  created  and  to  be  created 
in  the  said  university  ought  to  and  may,  in  all  places  and  territories  of  the  Holy 
Koman  Empire,  and  in  all  other  countries  and  places,  freely  do  alF  acts  of  profes- 
sors, reading,  teaching,  interpreting,  and  commenting,  which  other  professors, 
bachelors,  masters,  licentiates,  and  doctors  created  in  other  privileged  universities 
may  and  ought  to  do  by  right  or  custom. 

Moreover,  we  receive  the  same  university,  to  be  erected  as  above  by  the  aforesaid 
Most  Serene  Prince  Elector  in  his  duchy  of  Magdeburg,  into  the  peculiar  protec- 
tion, safeguard,  and  patronage  of  ourselves  and  our  successors,  Eoman  emperors 
and  kings ; and  we  ordain  and  decree  by  these  presents,  that  scholars  who  shall  re- 
ceive any  dignity  or  degree  in  the  said  university  may  rejoice  in  and  possess,  and 
can  and  ought  to  use,  enjoy,  rejoice  in,  and  possess,  all  and  singular  the  grants, 
honors,  dignities,  pre-eminences,  immunities,  privileges,  franchises,  concessions, 
favors,  indulgences,  and  all  other  things  whatever,  which  the  universities  of 
Heidelberg,  Tubingen,  Cologne,  Ingolstadt,  Eriburg,  Eostock,  Julia  Helmstudt, 
Strasburg,  and  other  privileged  universities,  and  doctors,  licentiates,  masters, 
bachelors,  and  scholars  in  any  one  of  the  aforesaid  faculties  who  are  created  to  or 
honored  with  any  dignity  or  degree,  rejoice  in,  use,  enjoy,  and  possess,  in  any  man- 
ner whatever,  by  custom  or  by  law.  Any  privileges,  indulgences,  prerogatives, 
grants,  statutes,  ordinances,  exemptions,  or  other  things  w'hatever  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding;  all  and  singular  of  which,  of  our  certain  knowledge,  deliberate 
purpose,  and  proper  motion  we  repeal,  and  ordain  to  be  repealed  by  this  our  char- 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


195 


ter ; provided,  nevertlieleas,  that  neither  professors  nor  students  shall  therein  teach  or 
write,  or  permit  to  be  taught,  written,  maintained  in  public  lectures  or  disputations,  or 
secretly  or  openly  spread  abroad,  either  by  writing  or  books,  P7iy  thing  scand^ilous  or 
contrary  to  good  morals,  or  adverse  to  the  Constitution!}  of  th.e  Holy  Koman  Empire. 

And  we  moreover  do  '■  ;'’»rlon  ’/  concede  and  bc^;’o\7  upon  tha  doctors  and 
scholars,  for  the  time  bc'  j,  of  the  university  to  he  erected,  aC  or  the  manner  of 
other  universities,  but  with  the  previous  consent  had  of  the  aforesaid  Frederic, 
Prince  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  and  hb  auccessors,  the  faculty  and  power  of  enact- 
ing statutes,  making  or.hnances,  and  of  creating  and  appointing  a Pro-Eector  and 
Pro-Chancellor  (vro  having  chosen  that  it  should  rest  in  the  free  v/ill  and  good 
pleasure  of  the  Prince  Elector  as  founder,  and  of  his  successor  ',  to  reserve  to 
themselves  the  dignity  of  Kector  and  Chancellor,  or  if,  and  as  often  as  they  shall 
choose,  to  grant  to  the  university  the  free  right,  usual  in  other  universities,  of 
electing  a Eector  and  Chancellor),  and  such  other  officers  as  their  pleasure  or 
necessity  may  require.  And  that  the  aforesaid  Most  Serene  Prince  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg and  his  successors  may  further  experience  our  gracious  sentiments  to- 
ward this  erection  and  foundation,  we  have,  of  the  motion,  knowledge,  and  authority 
aforesaid,  conferred,  given,  and  bestowed,  and  do  by  the  tenor  of  these  presents 
graciously  confer,  give  and  bestow,  upon  the  Pro-Eector  to  be  appointed  or  elected 
in  the  manner  already  prescribed,  or  who  shall,  in  succession,  at  whatever  time  be 
filling  the  office  of  Eector  in  the  same  university,  the  dignity  of  Count  of  the 
Sacred  Lateran  Palace,  and  of  our  Caesarean  Court  and  of  the  Imperial  Consistory, 
and  do  graciously  aggregate  him  to  and  inscribe  him  with  the  number  and  com- 
pany of  the  other  counts  palatine. 

Decreeing  and  ordering  by  this  imperial  edict,  that  from  this  time  forward  suc- 
cessively, as  long  as  and  while  he  shall  fill  the  office  of  said  Pro-Eector,  he  may  and 
shall  use,  enjoy,  and  rejoice  in  the  privileges,  grants,  rights,  immunities,  honors,  ex- 
emptions, customs,  and  liberties  below  written,  in  manner  as  the  other  Counts  of  the 
Holy  Lateran  Palace  have  hitherto  used  and  possessed  the  same,  or  do  in  any  way 
use  and  possess  them,  by  custom  or  by  right.  And  first,  that  he  may,  throughout 
the  whole  Eoman  Empire,  and  in  all  countries  and  places,  create  and  make  notaries 
public,  or  scribes  and  ordinary  judges,  and  to  give  and  grant  such  office  of  notary, 
or  scribe  and  ordinary  judge,  to  all  persons  worthy,  skillful,  and  fit  for  the  place, 
and  to  invest  any  of  them,  by  pen  and  pencase,  as  the  custom  is  ; provided,  how- 
ever, that  from  such  notaries  public  or  scribes  and  ordinary  judges  created  by  him. 
and  from  each  of  them,  in  the  place  and  in  the  name  of  ourselves  and  of  the  Holy 
Empire,  and  as  a pledge  of  fidelity  to  the  Eoman  Empire,  he  shall  take  their  corporal 
and  proper  oath,  in  this  manner  ; That  they  will  be  faithful  to  us  and  to  the  Holy 
Eoman  Empire,  and  to  all  our  successors,  Eoman  emperors  and  kings,  legiti- 
mately succeeding,  and  will  not  enter  into  any  design  contemplating  danger  to  us, 
but  will  faithfully  defend  and  promote  our  good  and  our  safety,  and  to  the  extent 
of  their  power  prevent  and  avert  our  damage.  That,  moreover,  they  will  fairly, 
correctly,  faithfully,  and  without  any  pretense,  contrivance,  falsehood,  or  fraud, 
write,  read,  draft,  and  dictate  all  instruments,  public  and  private,  last  wills,  codi- 
cils, testaments,  all  acts  of  judges,  and  all  and  singular  such  other  things  as  it 
may  be  required  from  them,  and  any  one  of  them,  by  obligation  of  the  said  offices, 
to  draft  or  write,  not  regarding  hatred,  money,  rewards,  or  other  feelings  or  favors. 
And  that  they  will  faithfully,  according  to  the  custom  of  their  locality,  read,  draft, 
and  write  all  writings  which  they  may  be  required  to  draw  for  public  purposes, 
upon  clean  parchment,  not  upon  erased  documents  or  paper.  That  they  will  pro- 
mote, to  the  best  of  their  ability,  the  causes  of  their  guests  {hospitalium),  and  of 
those  in  distress  ; and  bridges  and  public  roads : that  they  will  faithfully  retain  in 
secrecy  the  testimony  and  words  of  wit:. esses  until  they  shall  have  been  regularly 
published ; and  shall  well,  fairly,  and  hone.stly  do  all  and  singular  such  things  as 


196 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


shall  in  any  way  whatever  pertain  to  the  said  offices,  either  by  custom  or  law.  And 
that  such  notaries  public  or  scribes  and  ordinary  judges  to  be  created  by  him  may, 
throughout  the  whole  Roman  Empire,  and  in  all  other  places  whatever,  draw, 
write,  and  publish  contracts,  acts  of  judges,  instruments  and  last  wills  ; supply 
attestations  {decreta)^  and  authorizations  in  all  contracts  requiring  any  such  thing, 
and  do,  publish,  and  exer-cise  all  other  things  which  pertain  and  are  known  to 
belong  to  the  office  of  public  notary  or  scribe  and  ordinary  judge.  Decreeing 
that  all  instruments  and  writings  made  by  such  scribes,  notaries  public,  or  ordi- 
nary judges  shall  have  full  faith  in  court  and  elsewhere;  all  constitutions,  statutes, 
and  other  things  making  to  the  contrary,  notwithstanding.  In  like  manner,  by 
our  said  imperial  authority,  we  grant  to  the  aforesaid  Pro^Rector,  or  person  who 
shall  be  filling  the  office  of  Rector,  that  he  may  have  power  and  authority  to  make, 
create,  and  invest  as  poets  laureate,  persons  fit  therefor  and  excelling  in  the  poeti- 
cal faculty,  by  the  imposition  of  the  laurel  and  the  giving  of  a ring ; which  poets 
laureate  so  created  and  invested  by  the  same,  may  have  power  and  authority  in  all 
cities,  communities,  universities,  colleges,  and  schools,  of  all  places  and  countries 
of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  and  everywhere,  freely  and  without  any  impediment 
or  contradiction,  to  read,  instruct  {repetere)^  write,  dispute,  interpret,  and  comment 
in  the  science  of  the  said  poetical  art,  and  to  do  and  exercise  all  other  poetical  acts 
which  other  poets  and  persons  adorned  with  the  poetical  laurel  have  been  accus- 
tomed to  do  and  exercise,  and  to  use,  enjoy,  possess,  and  rejoice  in  all  and  singu- 
lar the  ornaments,  insignia,  privileges,  prerogatives,  exemptions,  liberties,  conces- 
sions, honors,  pre-eminences,  favors,  and  indulgences,  which  other  poets  laureate, 
appointed  in  whatever  places  and  academies,  rejoice  in,  enjoy,  and  use,  either  by 
custom  or  law.  And,  moreover,  we  grant  and  bestow  upon  the  aforesaid  Pro-Rec- 
tor full  power  to  legitimate  natural  children,  bastards,  children  of  prostitutes  and 
concubines,  and  incestuous  children  in  marriage  or  without  it ; and  all  others,  al- 
though infimts,  and  wdiether  present  or  absent,  begotten  or  to  be  begotten  from 
illicit  or  damnable  intercourse,  whether  masculine  or  feminine,  by  whatever  name 
called,  whether  other  legitimate  children  exist  or  not,  and  without  their  consent 
having  been  sought  for  {iis  etiam  aliter  non  requisHis)^  and  whether  their  parents 
be  living  or  dead  (the  children  of  illustrious  princes,  counts,  and  barons  being 
nevertheless  excepted),  to  restore  to  them  and  any  one  of  them,  all  and  singular, 
legitimate  rights,  entirely  to  take  away  all  stain  from  tlieir  birth,  by  restoring  and 
habilitating  them  in  all  and  singular  their  rights  of  succession  and  inheritance  of 
paternal  and  maternal  possessions,  even  from  intestate  relatives  by  both  fixther  and 
mother,  and  in  all  legitimate  honors,  dignities,  and  private  agreements,  either  by 
contract  or  by  last  will,  or  in  any  other  manner  whatever,  -whether  in  court  or 
without,  precisely  as  if  they  had  been  begotten  in  legitimate  matrimony,  all  objec- 
tions from  illegitimate  birth  being  completely  quieted.  And  that  such  legitima- 
tion of  them  so  made  by  him  as  above,  shall  be  had  and  held  to  be  done  with 
entire  right  and  lawfulness,  not  otherwise  than  if  it  had  taken  place  witli  all  the 
legal  forma,  the  defect  of  which  W'e  will  and  intend  to  be  specially  supplied  by  im- 
perial authority  (so  nevertheless,  that  such  legitimations  shall  not  prejudice  legiti- 
mate and  natural  heirs  and  children) ; so  that  those  so  legitimated,  after  having 
been  legitimated,  shall  be,  and  shall  be  held  to  be,  and  may  be  named,  and  can  and 
ought  to  be  named,  in  all  places,  as  if  legitimate  and  legitimately  born  of  the  house, 
family,  and  descent  of  their  parents,  and  have  power  and  authority  to  bear  and 
carry  the  arms  and  insignia  of  such  parents  ; and,  moreover,  that  they  be  made 
noble,  if  their  parents  were  noble,  certain  laws  notwithstanding,  which  provide 
that  natural  children,  bastards,  children  of  prostitutes  and  concubines,  and  inces- 
tuous children,  whether  in  marriage  or  without  it,  and  all  others  begotten  or  to  be 
begotten  of  illegal  or  damnable  intercourse,  cannot  and  ought  not  to  be  legitimated 
while  natural  legitimate  children  are  living,  or  -vxdthout  the  wish  and  consent  ol 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


197 


the  natural  and  legitimate  children,  or  paternal  relatives,  or  of  the  lords  of  the  flef ; 
and  especially  the  Novels,  IIoio  natural  children  may  he  enfranchised^'’’  passim 
and  Liber  Feudorum,  “ If  there  he  a controversy  between  the  lord  and  paternal  rela~ 
t 'lonsahont  a fief  f and  Code,  Wilo,  Juhemus^  6,  “ Of  the  emancipation  of  children  fX 
and  other  similar  provisions,  which  laws,  and  each  of  them,  we  ordain  to  be  ex- 
pressly and  intentionally  repealed ; and  notwithstanding  the  provisions  of  con- 
tracts aforesaid,  and  of  the  last  wills  of  deceased  persons,  and  other  laws,  and  their 
enactments  and  customs,  although  they  are  such  as  require  to  be  recited  or  of 
which  special  mention  ought  here  to  be  made  ; which,  in  abrogation  of,  and  intend- 
ing to  abrogate  them,  in  this  present  case  at  least,  we  do  of  our  certain  knowledge 
and  the  plenitude  of  our  imperial  power,  totally  repeal  and  will  to  be  repealed. 

And,  moreover,  we  give  and  grant  to  the  aforesaid  Pro-Kector,  or  person  filling 
the  office  of  the  Rectorate,  power  and  authority  to  appoint  guardians  and  curators, 
and  to  remove  the  same,  for  legitimate  subsisting  causes  ; to  restore  infamous  per- 
sons, whether  by  law  or  fact,  to  good  fame,  and  to  purify  them  from  every  sign  of 
infamy,  whether  inflicted  or  to  be  inflicted,  so  that  thereafter  they  shall  be  held 
fit  and  proper  persons  for  all  and  every  transaction,  and  may  be  promoted  to  digni- 
ties ; also  to  adopt  children,  young  or  adult,  and  to  make,  constitute,  and  ordain 
tliem  such  ; also  to  emancipate  children,  legitimate  and  to  be  legitimated,  and 
adoptive;  and  to  consent  to  the  adoption  and  emancipation  of  all  and  singular, 
both  of  infants  and  adults  ; and  to  declare  those  supplicating  it  to  be  of  full  age, 
and  to  give  their  authorization  and  decree  to  that  effect ; also  to  manumit  ser- 
vants, and  in  like  manner  to  give  their  authorization  and  decree  for  any  manumis- 
sion, either  with  or  without  the  use  of  the  official  rod ; and  to  alienations  by  minors, 
and  transactions  by  those  not  enfranchised  ; and  to  restore  to  their 

rights  minors,  churches,  and  communities  injured,  the  other  party  having  first  been 
.‘summoned  for  that  purpose,  and  to  grant  to  them  or  either  of  them  full  restitu- 
tion, the  legal  order  of  proceeding  being  always  preserved. 

Lastly,  we  grant  and  bestow  upon  the  aforementioned  Most  Serene  Prince  Elec- 
tor of  Brandenburg  free  authority  and  power  of  conferring  peculiar  arms  and  insig- 
nia upon  each  of  the  faculties  to  be  established  in  said  university,  which  they  shall 
have  power  and  authority  to  use  whenever  necessary,  or  at  their  pleasure,  in  pub- 
lic writings,  edicts,  ordinances,  and  other  acts,  in  place  of  a seal ; saving,  neverthe- 
less, as  to  all  the  foregoing,  our  Csesarean  authority,  the  supreme  jurisdiction  and 
all  the  authority  of  the  founder  himself  and  his  successors,  and  the  rights  of  all 
other  persons  whatever. 

Let  no  man,  therefore,  of  whatever  state,  rank,  order,  dignity,  or  pre-eminence, 
infringe  upon  the  grants  and  powers  of  our  concession,  erection,  confirmation,  in- 
dulgence, protection,  countship  palatine,  and  other  our  privileges  above  inserted, 
or  with  rash  daring  make  opposition  to  them,  or  violate  them  in  any  manner.  And 
if  any  one  shall  presume  to  attempt  to  do  so,  be  it  known  to  him  that  he  will  incur, 
without  power  or  remission,  both  the  heaviest  indignation  of  ourselves  and  of  the 
Holy  Empire,  and  a fine  of  fifty  marks  of  pure  gold  for  each  offense : of  which  we 
decree  that  one-half  shall  go  to  the  imperial  fisc — that  is,  to  our  treasury — and  the 
remainder  to  the  aforesaid  Most  Serene  Prince  Elector  of  Brandenburg  and  to  his 
successors.  In  testimony  whereof  these  letters  are  subscribed  with  our  hand  and 
attested  by  the  attachment  of  our  Caesarean  seal.  Given  at  our  City  of  Vienna,  on 
the  nineteenth  day  of  October,  in  the  year  one  thousand  six  hundred  and  ninety- 
three,  and  of  our  reign  over  the  Roman  Empire  the  thirty-sixth,  over  Hungary  the 
thirty-ninth,  over  Bohemia  the  thirty-eighth.  Leopold. 


♦Novels,  passim;  see  Corpus  Juris  Civilis,  ed.  by  Kriegel  and  others,  3 vols.  royal 
6vo.,  Leipsic,  1856,  vol.  iii.  p.  897,  et  seq. 

t Lib.  Feud.,  11,  26,  § 11 ; ib.,  vol.  iii.  p.  860.  $ Cod.,  viii.  49,  5;  ib.,  vol.  ii.  p.  559.  ' 

No.  16— [Vol.  VI.,  No.  1.]— 5 


APPENDIX  XIV.  THE  UNIVERSITIES  IN  GERMANY,  IN  THE  SUMMER  OF  1E53. 


’p8;B|naiJ)Kui 
)OU  pUB  P9)B| 
-naujBai  |B}ojr, 


.-i..r-(..^.. 


•sojniOB)  pu0:)}B 
‘•aiijBui 
•p31BinOIJlB^\[ 


• mn  •(?». 


■ M -*<  lO  « (K  « 


i-H  (?»  CO  i-H 
CO  CS  O CO  O M *■ 
• r-l  00  CD  TJ. 


t^0J3>O'^C0O5Oi-l<Nf'Tj<r^C*5aCOiO00M-^»C35 

<?»OCOOO'-(— C*S;5}0!?<CC'»'COSX 

M'^CO(>«CNCOt^'<9<0<r-lrtl'-^Xr«5C'IO-<t'Ot^r- 


•usiajoj  JO 
Jaquinu  apq^ 


:gj  : 


-joi-'i^ioxn-c-j^^rscocog^^p-j  •«r-ioio:^x 


« 3 S 

s “2  s 


c ifocjrtXcomM-^x  •i-it^t^iocO's<'^'^o»i^  • •o^iocnucjx 
cx  '-I'.o  • • • •■-ht><i-  . . .ioc<  • • .oii-ix  • -r-i  .(n-q-ci'-i 


flC  I *0  j>  O 30  CO  C<  X >0  • O X ® O -<  X W O lO  • • •>1<  05  X lO  CO  CO 

“ •louoxxccicoo)  •xiO'^icoiocot'Ocot'  • •csi-iost^oi'- 

• i 'C* .CH  • .(N  • -X--  • 


12;  ! 


• lO f'5  »0  ^ - ‘ ‘ 

• lo  • * 


C O ^ 5 T-H 


H • 1-^  • • • 

. .-i  • i--  • .CO  • • 4 


•Ot>.  . • • .lO 


: : : 


00  ci  < 


.GIOOTfiO  .C^iCOl^ 


:?l  :■ 


. ^ CO  . -1 

• O ■*l<  • lO 

■ . — I 


I 00CO'^O5O5Tj'C^lOSMiOl>O5l'' 


•sasioiaxg 
puB  saSanSiiBq 
JO  sjaqauaj:, 


• X • X ■<i’  lO  '=r  ' 


CO  lO  f-  ri  O CO  fO  'J'  O'  ■ 


I • CO  O lO 

: : 4 : 


Sj0qaB3j^  tti  o X ■ 

0JBAUJ  I < 


•siossajojj 
juBisissy  puB 
iCjBiOUOJJ 


2«CO(N052»:-^»2COr-lfOt-OWfOCO 
^CO  I— IC.5'~>'— I o<  o»co  I— I 

n 


•sjossajoj j I f.5_u^-oiooi-(co— ieoxoo*(N^>-Hxo»o»'^'^rt2;^ 

XjBUipiOBJJXg  I Trcr-lr-t.-lrH  ^ COMrH  c< 


fO  fO  »0  CO 


'Siossaj  .~io^cor^C5coco-HC~.  co»rtiiO'^Tfiot^O'»f0500ot^'-ii^cooi 

-OJJ  XjBUjpJO  |©♦‘O-HT}<f0C^0l^0■^"-'(^<f0CO<^»r-lr-e0■>J’G^lO'-<— 'COO^COiOfOi 


C3  a>  v c b.  t_  „ — b.  ♦-  V-  V ^ 

cccacQccco&qfc.ooac:5a:E^ 


'x'r  5 , 


W <U 

£ S o S“ 

tots  3 0.5 

M • " 


-5'=  ' ■~C  r.  c 'c  SB-;  XI 

2:5 '5  s!  =:=  J S o:S- 


HI,  TREATISES  ON  ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


IV.  ESSAYS  OX  ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


I Lectures.  Dfalogic  Instruction. 

The  talented  Theremin  wrote  on  the  universities  in  1836.  He  dis- 
cussed, principally,  their  defects  and  faults ; and  believed  that  many, 
if  not  most'of  them,  would  be  remedied  by  one  universal  cure;  namely, 
the  disuse  of  the  received  mode  of  instruction,  and  the  introduction  of 
the  dialogic  form  instead  of  the  monological  one  of  the  usual  lectures. 

This  theory  indicates  a pseudo-genius,  who  would  know  every  thing 
better  than  others,  but  knows  nothing  well. 

The  defects  of  many  lectures  are  plainly  to  be  seen,  and  have  often 
been  attacked.  Professors  have  been  pointed  out  who  have  read  the 
same  manuscript  for  a series  of  years,  or  rather  chanted,  in  a weari- 
some monotone,  from  them  ; and  students  who  stolidly  wrote  down 
the  matter  thus  delivered ; and  it  has  been  asked,  “ What  is  the  use  of 
these  notes  since  the  invention  of  printing?  If  the  professor’s  manu- 
script is  worth  so  much,  let  him  print  it.” 

To  read  the  same  manuscript  year  after  year  would  seem  entirely 
inadmissible;  and,  in  fact,  is,  as  a rule.  But  there  are  exceptions 
which  must  not  be  overlooked;  especially  that  where  a master  of  style 
has  worked  up  his  manuscript  with  artistic  care,  to  a degree  of  excel- 
lence as  high  as  he  can  reach,  and  feels  that  any  alteration  must  be 
not  for  the  better,  but  for  the  worse.  If  such  a speaker  even  adds  no 
remarks  to  the  written  matter,  the  rule  vox  viva  docet  (it  is  the  living- 
voice  that  teaches),  is  still  true  of  his  mere  reading.  His  tone,  his  ac- 
cent, even  his  gestures,  enliven  his  words,  and  each  hearer  feels  that 
the  speaker  is  addressing  him.  If  the  manuscript  were  printed,  read- 
ing in  silence,  to  one’s  self,  could  not  entirely  fill  the  place  of  the  viva 
vox.  This  is  a case  which  has  happened,  though  very  seldom  ; and  it 
occupies  a middle  place  between  oral  teaching  and  writing  books. 

But  it  is  clear,  at  least,  that  the  practice  of  repeatedly  reading  the 
same  manuscript  should  not  be  unqualifiedly  condemned,  especially 
where  the  professor  has  labored  continually,  thoughtfully,  and  fruitfully 
in  his  department ; and  when,  in  consequence,  his  lectures,  though  al- 
ways on  the  same  basis  of  substance,  are  a stem  which  every  spring 
puts  out  new  leaves  and  blossoms. 

The  teacher  who  prepares  his  notes  with  quiet  but  thoughtful  and 
careful  industry,  in  the  silence  of  his  study,  is  altogether  to  be  prefer- 
red to  the  pseudo-genius,  who  dares  to  enter  the  desk  substantially 


202 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


altogetlier  unprepared,  because  he  intends  to  give  himself  up  to  the 
inspiration  of  his  genius.  Such  pretendedly  inspired  improvisatori  do 
not,  it  is  true,  want  for  words,  but  their  words  are  destitute  of  all  sub- 
stance— of  any  actual  truth. 

Of  different  character  was  one  young  man  who  trusted,  with  the  ut- 
most confidence,  to  the  field  of  knowledge  which  lay  quite  at  his  com- 
mand. He  had  often  ridiculed  the  professors’  notes,  and  proposed  to 
have  nothing  but  an  entirely  free  lecture.  Upon  his  first  appearance 
in  the  lecturer’s  desk,  he  spoke,  for  the  first  quarter  of  an  hour,  with 
CO  adder  , rapidity,  and  freedom  ; for  the  second,  his  delivery  was,  in 
spite  of  .iimself,  moderate,  slow,  and  hesitating;  and  when  the  third 
quarter  commenced,  he  was  forced  to  go  into  bankruptcy.  Sayino-, 
with  great  mortification,  “Gentlemen,  my  materials  have  escaped  me,” 
he  closed. 

Even  a most  distinguished  teacher,  who  is  completely  at  home  with 
his  subject,  will  not  enter  the  desk  entirely  unprepared — without  hav- 
ing previously  prepared  his  lecture  with  care.  And  it  is,  of  course, 
much  more  necessary  with  teachers  not  so  accomplished,  young  ones 
especially,  even  if  they  do  not  prepare  their  lecture  as  carefully  as  if 
for  the  press,  at  least  to  write  out  a more  or  less  full  skeleton  arrange- 
ment. They  are,  otherwise,  in  danger  of  embarrassment  or  repetition. 

Lectures  differ  with  regard  to  taking  notes  of  them,  especially  in 
this : that  some  instructors  are  accustomed  to  use  short  distinct  sen- 
tences of  a compendious  nature,  which  they  give  as  themes  to  be  ex- 
panded ; while  others  speak  in  a more  flowing  style,  leaving  the 
hearer  to  seize  and  write  down  whatever  he  can. 

To  discuss  the  latter  practice  first : — It  is  not  an  easy  matter  to 
take  satisfactory  notes  of  such  a lecture.  All  who  are  not  sufficiently 
skilled  in  short-hand  to  take  down  every  word — an  accomplishment 
necessarily  i-are — must  use  no  small  intellectual  exertion  in  an  extem- 
pore condensation  of  what  is  said,  and  the  selection,  on  the  spot,  of  the 
most  important  matter.  Such  note-taking  certainly  can  not  be  charged 
with  being  merely  mechanical  work;  it  is  rather  to  be  feared  that  it 
requires  too  much  from  the  audience.  It  is  only  necessary  to  com- 
pare different  notes  of  one  lecture,  to  see  what  great  differences  there 
are  as  to  capacity  for  doing  this  work.  Many  such  notes  show  such  a 
lack  of  it,  and  so  much  misunderstanding,  as  might  well  drive  the  in- 
structor to  the  practice  of  formal  dictation. 

If  the  instructor  has  carefully  and  advisedly  placed  the  more  im- 
portant portions  of  his  lecture  in  precise  and  clear  statements,  which 
concentrate  in  themselves  many  facts  and  much  thought,  he  must, 
naturally,  desire  that  his  hearers  shall  understand  this,  and  shall,  ac- 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


203 


corcliugly,  take  down  these  propositions  accurately,  in  order  that  they 
may  afterward  be  possessed  of  an  analytic  compend  which  will  serve 
to  recall  the  course  of  the  discussion  to  their  minds,  and  to  enable 
them  to  reproduce  it.  Hearers  who  do  not  take  down  such  statements, 
show  faulty  indifference  and  lack  of  intelligence.* 

To  determine  the  qualities  of  a good  lecture  is  difficult,  because 
different  subjects  require  to  be  taught  in  different  ways,  and  particu- 
larly because  instructors  proceed,  and  must  proceed,  according  to  their 
individual  endowments,  in  the  most  various  modes.  How  different, 
for  instance,  were  the  lectures  of  Werner,  Steffens,  and  F.  A.  Wolf, 
though  each  was  a master  in  his  own  style.  Werner’s  lectures  on 
mineralogy  and  geognosy  were  confined  within  the  limits  of  experience. 
He  spoke  calmly,  intelligibly,  and  instructively;  his  pupil,  Steffens, 
on  the  contrary,  with  winged  enthusiasm.  Empirical  facts  served  the 
latter  only  for  the  building-stones  of  the  architectonic  structure  of  his 
inner  natural  history  of  the  earth.  He  hurried  his  hearers  along  with 
him ; and  without  having  the  exclusive  purpose  of  communicating  to 
them  empirical  facts,  he  awoke  in  them  a desire  for  the  acquirement  of 
them.  Wolf,  again,  taught  in  a manner  still  very  different.  A 
thoroughly  learned,  acute,  and  enthusiastic  scholar  in  the  ancients, 
elements,  seemingly  the  most  repugnant,  were  united  in  him, — learn- 
ing, enthusiastic  love,  keen  criticism ; and  these  traits,  together,  made 
his  lectures,  in  the  highest  degree,  at  once  attractive  and  instructive. 
Thus  might  be  described  many  teachers,  who  each  taught  in  a masterly 
manner,  but  each  in  a style  quite  peculiar  to  himself. 

The  gifts  of  a teacher  are  often  measured  by  his  acceptability  to  the 
students.  Such  a rule  is,  however,  not  correct ; for  a competent  judge 
must  be  able  to  pass  both  upon  the  substance  of  a lecture,  and  its  style 
and  delivery.  But  pupils  who  sit  at  the  feet  of  a teacher  can  not, 
generally,  have  any  well-founded  opinion  as  to  whether  he  is  thorough 
in  his  department,  and  therefore  entitled  to  full  confidence.  And  ac- 
cordingly, it  is  frequently  and  lamentably  the  case,  that  empty,  ignorant 
declaimers  give  most  satisfaction,  while  the  quiet  delivery  of  the  most 
profound  professors  is  found  wearisome.f  This  complaint,  in  particu- 
lar, is  often  made  of  the  latter,  that  they  do  not  stimulate  their  hearers. 
But  is  it  the  sole  fault  of  the  teacher  that  his  discourse  does  not  stimu- 
late ; and  are  not  the  hearers  themselves  often  to  blame,  as  lacking  in 


♦A  compendium  might  fill  the  place  of  this  dictation  ; and  would,  indeed,  gradually  proceed 
from  it.  To  read  from  a compendium  prepared  by  another,  must  usually  be,  to  an  independeni 
instructor,  who  has  other  purposes  than  to  do  a mere  “forwarding  business,”  no  less  irksome 
than  to  wear  another  man’s  coat,  which  does  not  fit. 

t Eloquence  must  contain  something  agreeable,  and  something  real;  but  what  is  agreeable 
must  be  real. — Pascal. 


204 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


intellect  and  I'eceptivlty  F.  A.  Wolf  says,  in  academical  discourses, 
that  he  requii-es  of  the  professor  to  teach  the  truth,  and  this  not  in  the 
manner  of  an  actor,  but  in  a style  adapted  to  his  subject  and  his 
audience.  Then,  addressing  the  students,  he  adds:  “Of  you  it  is  re- 
quii'ed  that  you  have  your  ears  open  to  the  lectures.” j- 

1 will  here  add  a remark  on  the  maxim  “ Vox  viva  docei^  The 
proverb  Docendo  discimus,  “Teaching  teaches  us,”  has  reference  to  the 
reaction  of  his  occupation  upon  the  teacher.  But  this  means  not  only 
that  the  knowledge  of  the  industrious  teacher  increases  by  his  occupa- 
tion, but  lias  a second  and  deeper  meaning. 

For,  if  an  oral  address  makes  a much  more  profound  impression 
upon  an  audience  than  mere  quiet  reading,  he,  on  the  other  hand,  who 
merely  writes  books  for  a public  entirely  unknown  to  him,  fails  entirely 
of  that  inspiriting  influence  which  comes  to  the  speaker  from  a circle 
of  dear  and  attentive  hearers.  How  great  this  is,  is  indicated  by  a re- 
mark of  F.  A.  Wolf,  who  says,  “ I have  long  been  accustomed  to  the 
pleasant  stimulus  which  comes  from  tjie  development,  eye  to  eye, 
of  my  thoughts  before  an  attentive  audience,  and  from  the  vivid  re- 
action which  is  so  easily  felt  from  it  by  the  teacher;  and  this  awakens 
an  inspiriting  voice  within  me,  every  day  and  every  hour,  which  is  as 
quickly  silenced  by  the  seat  before  the  empty  wall  and  the  insensible 
papei-.” 

To  return  from  this  digression — I would  refer  particularly  to  lec- 
tures in  some  real  studies,  in  which  the  teachers  must  require  the  stu- 
dents to  have  not  only  their  ears,  but  their  eyes  open.  How  great  a 
defect  often  exists  in  this  particular,  I have  already  observed  in  the 
chapter  on  instruction  in  natural  science.  Many  are  far  more  attracted 
by  quite  unreal  words,  by  chatter  about  things,  than  by  the  things 
themselves.  Suppose  a picture,  by  Raphael,  to  hang  on  one  wall,  and 
some  declaimer  to  stand  opposite,  who  delivers,  in  poetical  prose,  a high- 
flown  oration  upon  the  picture — would  not  most  of  any  audience  turn 
their  backs  to  the  picture  and  give  their  whole  attention  to  the  de- 
claimer? So  entirely  is  it  the  practice  to  learn  by  words  only,  and  to 
make  no  use  of  the  eyes. 

This  brings  me  back  to  the  beginning  of  my  discussion  : to  the 
comparison  of  the  methods  of  teaching  by  lectures  and  by  dialogue. 


* See  Kaumer’s  Padogogik,  part  ii,  p.  352. 

vohis  exigitur  nt  ad  novas  auditiones  afferatis  auresP  What  he  means  by  aures 
appears  from  another  of  his  addresses,  delivered  at  the  opening  of  his  seminary,  in  1787,  viz. : 
“Had  I entertained  the  personal  views  so  usual  with  many,  I should  have  prepared  my  dis- 
courses ratlier  for  the  ear  than  for  the  understanding.  But  I know  that  my  business  is,  not  to 
procure  a multitude  of  hearers,  but  to  promote  thorough  knowledge.”  I refer,  further,  to  the 
e.xcellent  observations  by  Wolf,  given  in  liauiner’s  Pud.,  part  ii.  p.  351,  et  seq. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


205 


It  is  sufficiently  evident,  when  the  number  of  the  audience  is  great, 
that  the  latter  is  impossible;  that  Savigny  could  not  have  used  it  on 
the  pandects,  with  his  audience  of  three  hundred,  or  Neander,  on 
church  history,  with  the  hundreds  of  his ; aside  from  the  fact  that  it  is 
a method  not  adapted  to  these  studies. 

But  it  is  equally  eertain  that  the  mode  by  lectures  will  not  instruct 
in  empirical  mineralogy,  botany,  zoology,  &c.,  where  distinct  bodily 
vision  is  requisite ; or,  at  least,  where  the  pupil  must  receive  practical 
instruction  at  the  same  time,  as  in  the  case  of  applied  chemistry. 
Many  other  real  studies  are  in  the  same  category,  which  have,  even 
now",  long  been  taught  only  in  private  seminaries  and  courses  of  les- 
sons, as  the  catalogues  show.  Such  are  the  studies  which  such  pri- 
vate seminaries,  for  exegesis,  homiletics,  catechetics,  dogmatic  history, 
and  philosophy,  offer  to  teach.  Students  in  these  escape  from  the  pas- 
sivity which  is  necessary  at  a lecture.  The  teacher  deals  with  them, 
not  as  one  man,  but  directs  himself  to  each  one ; and  every  one,  whether 
orally  or  in  writing,  must  give  active  co-operation,  and  apply  and  learn 
to  use  his  faculties,  under  the  direction  of  the  teacher. 

This  clearly  presents  the  contrast  between  instruction  by  lectures 
and  by  dialogue. 

But  suppose  the  case  that  w-here  a study — as  mineralogy — abso- 
lutely requires  the  dialogic  method,  the  audience  is  so  numerous  as  to 
make  it  quite  impossible  for  the  teacher  to  direct  his  attention  to  each 
individual,  and  to  instruct  him  alone,  what  is  to  be  done?  I know  no 
better  plan  than,  where  possible,  to  subdivide  the  number,  and  instruct 
each  section  separately.  It  is  more  profitable,  w'here  forty  persons 
attend  a course  of  six  lessons,  to  instruct  each  half  of  them  durino' 
three  lessons,  than  to  instruct  them  all  together  during  six.'^ 

But  how  frequently  are  mineralogy  and  other  studies  taught  from 
the  chair  to  hundreds ! It  is,  at  the  same  time,  admitted  that,  without 
examining  the  stones  themselves,  the  completest  descriptions  of  them 
are  altogether  useless,  and  that  those  who  have  not  seen  the  stones 
themselves,  can  not  represent  them  in  their  minds.  This  defect  it  has 
been  sought  to  remedy  by  sufficiently  awkw^ard  means.  One  exhibits 
his  specimens  from  the  desk  only,  even  to  his  most  distant  hearers ; 
although  even  the  nearest  can  get  no  satisfactory  idea  of  them.  Nor 
is  any  fixed  idea  of  them  obtained  by  another  method,  of  passing  the 
specimens  before  the  painfully  staring  eyes  of  the  students,  in  cases,  on 
a table,  like  a shadow  on  the  w'all.  By  these  means  the  pupils  re- 
ceive only  words  ; and  do  not  become  acquainted  with  the  things 


♦See  Kaumer’s  Pad.,  on  instruction  in  natural  science,  part  iii.  p.  15S;  and  part  ii.  p.  442. 


206 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


tliernselves.  They  remain  in  real  ignorance,  unless  they  aftei  ward 
are  able  to  examine  thoroughly  mineralogical  collections. 

In  conclusion,  one  great  advantage  should  be  mentioned  which  the 
dialogic  method  has  over  that  by  lectures,  namely:  that  it  enables  the 
teacher  to  obtain  a personal  acquaintance  with  the  students,  and  thus 
to  put  himself  on  friendly  terms  with  them.  It  is  an  uncomfortable 
thing  to  lecture,  year  after  year,  to  an  audience  of  strangers,  even  if 
Wolf  is  right  in  saying  even  the  silent  students  before  us  have  a re- 
active influence  on  their  teacher.*  One  often  wishes  to  say  to  the 
silent  hearers,  “Speak,  that  I may  see  you.” 

II.  Examinations. 

F.  A.  Wolf,  in  an  academical  address,  opposed  the  Greek  mode  of 
teaching,  by  dialogue,  and  advocated  the  method  by  lectures.  In 
order  that  the  students  might,  to  some  extent,  enjoy  the  advantages  of 
the  ancient  method,  there  sliould  be,  he  said,  examinations  and  dispu- 
tations ; and  he  added,  “ Do  not  be  afraid  of  these  terms ; such  exer- 
cises will  be  of  great  service  to  you.” 

Where  Wolf,  sixty  years  ago,  told  the  students  not  to  be  afraid,  it 
would  now  almost  be  necessary  to  say  it  to  the  professors,  if  they  were 
about  to  advocate  Wolfs  views  on  examinations,  in  order  that  they 
might  not  be  discouraged  by  the  numerous  opponents  of  all  examina- 
tions whatever. 

We  will  adhere,  in  what  relates  to  academical  laws,  to  the  principle 
that  no  law  which  is  made  with  reference  to  the  bad  shall  stand  in  the 
way  of  the  good. 

Many  claim  that  this  is  the  case  with  all  examinations  established 
by  law ; and  that  they  should,  therefore,  all  be  discontinued. 

But  should  this  be  so  in  all  cases?  Are  there  not  occasions  when 
examinations  are  quite  indispensable?  We  reply,  yes:  there  are  such 
cases.  Examinations  of  stipendiaries  may  be  an  example.  The  founders 
of  charities  for  the  support  of  such  persons  usually  require  strictly  that 
their  funds  shall  be  given  only  to  students,  industrious,  and  of  unblem- 
ished character.  The  professors  are  to  decide  whether  they  are  of 
unblemished  character,  and  industrious.  But  how  can  they  judge  of 
the  diligence  of  their  hearers,  especially  when  the  latter  are  numerous; 
and  when,  besides,  as  is  frequently  the  case,  they  are  so  near-sighted 
that  they  cannot  recognize  the  students,  except  those  who  sit  nearest 
the  desk  ? 


* It  must  be  remembered  here,  that  Wolf,  partly  through  his  seminary,  and  partly  otherwise, 
knew  very  many  of  his  hearers,  and,  therefore,  was  more  influenced  by  their  presence  than 
would  have  been  the  case  with  professors  having  no  such  acquaintance,  or  not  a near  one. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


207 


Merc  corporeal  presence  does  not  decide  the  question.  A certain 
professor  observed  that  one  of  his  pupils  was  invariably  present ; but 
also  observed,  very  plainly,  that  he  always  occupied  himself  in  reading 
one  book,  which  its  uniform  indicated  to  have  come  from  a circulating- 
library. 

A Prussian  ministerial  circular,  of  13th  January,  1835,  requires  that 
instructors,  in  giving  certificates,  should  act  with  the  strictest  care  and 
conscientiousness ; and  recommends  them  to  be  observant  of  their  hear- 
ers, “ in  order  that  they  may  be  enabled  to  say,  with  certainty,  whether 
individuals  have  attended  their  lectures  diligently  or  not.”  And,  it 
adds,  “ it  will  be  well  for  all  those  whom  the  number  of  their  hearers, 
or  their  near-sightedness,  prevents  from  sufficiently  close  observation 
of  all,  to  intrust  to  some  older  and  proper  student  from  among  them, 
the  business  of  a beadle  or  assistant,  for  the  maintenance  of  punctual 
attendance.”'^  So  it  is  not  to  be  the  professors,  but  their  assistants, 
who  are  to  give  the  certificates;  and  what  sort  of  students  would  sub- 
mit to  that  sort  of  management?  Another  circular,  of  29i,:a  June, 
1827,  recommends  to  imitate  one  instructor  who,  “in  order  to  judge 
better  of  the  diligence  of  his  hearers,  sent  round,  at  unexpected  ti^^es 
during  his  lectures,  a list,  which  those  students  present  were  to  sign.”f 
I have  known  this  experiment  to  be  tried ; but  those  present  were  ac- 
customed to  enter  their  absent  friends ; so  that  once,  the  name  of  an 
absent  one  was  inadvertently  entered  twice,  by  two  of  his  friends.  In 
another  list  were  entered  such  names  as  Plato,  Aristotle,  &c. 

Such  modes  of  ascertaining  the  diligence  of  hearers  seeming  inad- 
missible and  unsuitable,  the  question  recurs.  How  shall  the  professors 
arrive  at  a reliable  judgment  upon  that  diligence  ; and  particularly  on 
the  point  supposed,  namely,  their  merits  in  reference  to  stipendiary 
allowances  ? 

The  answer  is, — Unless  they  would  declare  themselves  quite  im- 
proper persons  to  give  certificates  to  stipendiaries,  they  must,  them- 
selves, examine  them.  Only  such  professors  are  excepted  as  use  a 
dialogic  mode  of  teaching;  for  they  have  no  need  of  making  a special 
examination  of  their  bearers,  since  they  examine  them  daily  in  teaching 
them,  and  thus  gain  a thorough  acquaintance  with  them.  The  bene- 
fit, however,  of  subjecting  these  students  to  an  examination,  consists  in 
this : that  their  grade  can  be  certified  to,  not  merely  by  the  instructor 
whose  lectures  they  have  attended,  but  by  all  professors  assistiing  at  the 
examination.^ 


• Koch,  ii.  p.  511.  f p.  201. 

t Accordingly,  the  regulations  of  3d  May,  1835,  for  the  Bonn  Seminary,  for  all  the  natural 
No.  17.— [VoL.  VI.,  No.  2.]— 11 


208 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


That  idle  students,  with  evil  consciences,  should  object  to  the  exam- 
inations for  stipends,  is  natural,  and  does  not  trouble  us.  We  attach 
more  weight  to  the  views  of  their  better  fellows.  These,  as  they  have 
often  informed  me,  are  quite  satisfied  with  the  plan.  They  readily  see 
that,  in  competing  with  ignorant  companions  for  these  stipends,  they 
have  a material  advantage  in  the  examination,  which  enables  them  to 
prove  themselves  worthy  of  preference. 

I wish  it  were  not  to  be  said,  that  “ those  who  decide  in  the  matter 
of  these  stipends  make  little  inquiry  about  academical  testimonials ; 
the  motives  which  decide  their  selection  are  quite  different.”  Although 
this  charge  may  be  true  of  many,  it  certainly  is  not  universally  so.  I, 
myself,  have  known  one  excellent  man,  wdio  had  an  important  influ- 
ence in  deciding  the  appropriation  of  many  stipends  by  cities,  and 
who  was  exceedingly  conscientious  therein.  He  complained  bitterly, 
to  me,  that  so  little  reliance  could  be  placed  on  many  of  the  academi- 
cal testimonials,  in  forming  his  decision."^ 

This  charge  of  disregard  to  such  testimonials  must  be  entirely  with- 
drawn. Others  must  answer  for  their  own  actions  in  reference  to  the 
matter  of  such  stipendiaries,  and  we  professors  for  our  own ; and  we 
must  act  according  to  the  best  of  our  knowledge  and  belief,  without 
regard  to  consequences.  We  are  especially  bound  to  appropriate  such 
support,  as  far  as  we  can,  to  the  better  class  of  students.  It  must, 
naturally,  pain  us  to  see  immoral  and  idle  students  wasting  the  stipends 
which  our  pious  predecessors  intended  for  useful  purposes,  while  the 
most  industrious  ones  are  destitute  of  means  of  support,  and  can,  with 
difficulty,  get  through  their  studies.  But  how  distressing  must  it  be, 
when  we  have  to  accuse  ourselves  of  having  been,  by  careless  and  un- 
conscientiously  given  testimonials,  the  cause  of  such  miserable  in- 
justice ! 

What  has  thus  been  said  of  the  examination  of  stipendiaries,  applies 
to  all  cases  where  conscientious  academical  testimonials  are  required; 


sciences,  say,  that  for  a certificate  for  a member  of  tlie  seminary,  “ no  special  examination  is 
)iecessary,  inasmuch  as  the  attendance,  itself,  at  the  seminary,  is  a constant  examination.” 
(Koch,  ii.  p.  629.) 

* A student  applied  to  me  for  a certificate  with  reference  to  a stipend,  without  having^  been 
previously  examined,  pretending  that  he  had  obtained  such  from  others  without  a previous  ex- 
amination. But  on  being  made  to  stand  an  examination  in  mathematical  geography,  it  ap- 
I)eared  that  he  knew  nothing  at  all  about  Copernicus.  Suppose  I had  given  him.  on  his  assur- 
ance, a good  testimonial,  and  he  had  handed  it  in,  with  his  api)licalion,  to  the  collator,  and  the 
latter  should  question  him  on  the  satne  subject,  what  must  ho  think  of  me,  on  discovering  his 
excessive  ignorance?  Undoubtedly  that  I gave  testimonials  most  unconscientioush',  and  that 
I was  not  to  be  relied  on.  In  giving  every  such  testimonial,  we  should  ask  ourselves  whether 
we  could  certify  to  the  same  after  an  expert  had  examined  the  applicant.  We  may  err,  it  is 
true,  in  our  examination  of  such  students;  but  such  error  is  human,  excusable,  and  no  blemish 
•on  our  official  honor. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


209 


and  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  those  examinations  there  oiigdit  scarcely 
to  be  a doubt  among  honest  men. 

As  to  other  examinations,  where  this  necessity  is  not  so  evident, 
opinions  differ. 

Although,  as  has  been  said,  the  better  class  of  students  are  in  favor 
of  the  stipendiary  examinations,  they  consider  themselves  somewhat 
annoyed  by  other  ones.  Yet  they  allow  that  they  are,  by  means  of 
them,  obliged  to  a useful  review  of  the  lectures.  Young  medieval  stu- 
dents, who  must,  at  their  examination  for  practice,  stand  an  examina- 
tion in  mineralogy,  have  confessed  to  me  that  it  was  only  the  expectation 
of  this  examination  which  kept  them  from  giving  up  the  lectures,  even 
during  the  first  weeks  of  the  course.  In  the  progress  and  at  the  close 
of  it,  however,  they  found  that  in  mineralogy,  as  in  all  studies,  the 
commencement  may  probably  be  difficult,  and  even  wearisome,  to 
beginners  who  have  no  knowledge  of  what  they  are  to  learn."^  Their 
perseverance,  however,  they  said,  was  rewarded,  for  they  ultimately 
became  interested  in  the  study,  finding  great  pleasure,  especially  in  the 
mathematical  beauty  of  the  crystals.  From  that  period  they  pursued 
their  study  without  any  reference  to  the  coming  examination. 

Thus  the  examinations  have  a good  influence,  even  on  the  better 
class  of  students,  who  might  seem  to  have  no  need  whatever  of  such  a 
stimulus ; it  is  admitted  that  the  less  industrious,  and  the  idle,  need 
such  exterior  incitements.  With  regard  to  these,  it  is  only  to  be  in- 
quired whether  the  examinations  actually  cause  industry,  and  whether 
it  is  an  industry  of  the  right  kind. 

Laws,  it  is  true,  can  not  make  men  industrious;  but  this  is  no 
reason  why  we  should  become  anarchists.  If  idle  persons  are  con- 
strained to  labor,  it  may,  in  time,  become  agreeable  to  them ; but  with- 
out constraint  they  will  neglect  it  entirely. 

Still,  objections  are  made  against  all  academical  examinations,  of 
every  kind. 

1.  F.  A.  Wolf  said,  “They  study  ill  who  study  for  examinations; 
well,  who  study  for  themselves,  and  for  life.”  When  our  objectors 
cite  this  remark,  they  should  also  consider  that  Wolf  also  said,  that 
examinations  will  “ be  of  valuable  service”  to  the  students.  The  former 
observation  was  evidently  aimed  at  those  low-minded  students  who, 
without  any  love  of  learning,  busy  themselves  with  it  only  so  far  as  is 
absolutely  necessary  in  order  to  pass  a decent  examination. 

What  well-intentioned  student  would,  in  that  sense,  “study  for  ex- 


* Let  any  one  remember  the  beginning  of  his  studies  in  language;  his  learning  by  rote  of 
mensa  aud  amo.  . 


210 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


aminatioiis  ?”  But  he  might,  however,  be  influenced  in  respect  to  his 
studies,  by  a judiciously  ordered  future  examination,  thus  far  : that,  by 
a proper  selection  and  limitation  of  subjects  for  examination,  they 
would  direct  him  to  an  appropriate  choice  of  studies.  An  expectation 
of  a future  examination  would  also  be  needful  to  lead  him  to  a pre- 
paratory self-examination  as  to  what  he  knows  with  certainty,  and 
wdiat  not ; in  order  that,  by  means  of  the  self-knowledge  thus  acquired, 
he  may  endeavor  to  fill  up  deficiencies  in  his  knowledge,  and  elucidate 
what  is  obscure. 

Capable  examiners  will  also,  in  most  cases,  easily  distinguish  be- 
tween candidates  who  have  labo'-ed  with  genuine  love  of  learning,  and 
have  made  their  studies  actually  their  own,  have  intellectually  assimi- 
lated them,  and  such  as  have  merely  hung  themselves  about  wnth  all 
manner  of  materials;  hav'e  laid  in  matter  in  the  vestibule  of  their 
memory,  to  be  displayed  on  occasion  of  the  examination,  and  afterward 
thrown!  contemptuously  aw^ay. 

Nor  can  we  parUdee  in  the  apprehension  that  an  illiberal  character 
will  be  impressed  on  all  the  students  by  the  examinations.  A nature 
which  is  illiberal  and  vulgar  will  remain  so,  examined  or  not;  and  one 
w'hich  is  liberal  and  noble  can  not  be  demoralized  or  vulgarized  by  all 
the  examinations  in  the  w'orld. 

2.  A second  charge  against  the  examinations,  related  to  the  former, 
seems  to  touch  the  honor  of  the  students.  Examinations,  it  is  said,  are 
for  schools, — for  boys,  who  are  unable  to  control  themselves,  and  require 
the  guidance  and  stimulus  of  teachers.  Students  are  emancipated  from 
such  control;  to  examine  them  is  to  treat  them  like  school-boys.  Such 
a pretense  pertains  especially  to  students  who  are  glad  to  shelter  their 
idleness  under  the  noble  patronage  of  freedom  and  honor. 

It  seems  to  be  forgotten  that  examinations  are  used  before  the  period 
of  student-life,  and  after  it  too  : namely,  the  state  examinations.  Why 
should  examinations  be  dishonorable  to  students,  as  putting  them  in 
the  place  of  boys,  and  be  no  dishonor  to  candidates  for  public  offices  ? 
It  is  also  overlooked,  that  school  examinations  are  shaped,  both  as  to 
form  and  subjects,  according  to  the  character  of  the  school,  and  aca- 
<lemical  ones  according  to  that  of  the  university;  and  also  that  the 
term  examination  includes  two  very  ditferent  ideas.  No  university  ex- 
aminer will  treat  the  students  like  gymnasiasts ; yet  he  may  justly 
require  that  their  attainments  shall  not  be  at,  or  under,  the  level  of 
those  of  the  gymnasium  ; so  that  he  may  have  to  ask  some  questions 
such  as  would  be  prominent,  how'ever,  only  at  a school  examination. 

It  may,  perhaps,  be  imagined,  that  since  I thus  defend  the  examina- 
tions, and  seek  to  refute  so  many  objections  to  them,  I am  blind 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


211 


against  tlie  many  faults  and  evils  connected  with  them.  This  is  far 
from  the  case ; I have,  during  my  professorship  of  more  than  forty 
years,  had  abundant  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with  those 
faults  and  evils.  Let  us  turn  our  attention  to  them. 

1.  While  many  persons  are  lately  opposing  all  examinations  of  any 
kind,  others  can  not  have  enough  of  them  ; and  would,  by  their  means, 
oblige  all  students  to  the  most  industrious  labor.  At  Mainz  the  stu- 
dents are  examined  every  week.  At  this  place,  even,  the  same  stu- 
dents were,  heretofore,  examined  every  half-year,  in  two  examinations 
near  together, — one  for  their  general  progress,  and  one  for  stipendiary 
allowances.  It  is  evident  how  superfluous,  and  even  harmful,  such  a 
practice  must  be. 

2.  It  is  an  evil,  especially  in  the  larger  universities,  that  the  number 
of  candidates  is  very  great,  so  that  the  time  which  can  be  devoted  to 
each  must  be  made  very  brief.  How  can  it  be  possible,  ask  many,  to 
discover  in  ten  minutes  whether  a candidate  is  well  acquainted  with  a 
study  or  not  ? But  this,  though  certainly  an  evil,  is  not  so  great  a 
one  as  it  might,  at  first  sight,  appear. 

Suppose  a candidate  is  to  be  examined  in  three  departments,  and 
that  an  average  of  eight  minutes  is  employed  on  each,  he  will  be  ex- 
amined twenty-four  minutes  in  all.  Any  one  who  observes  the  exami- 
nation attentively,  and  observes  particularly  the  character  of  the 
candidate’s  answers,  and  how  he  deals  with  difficult  questions,  can 
form  an  opinion,  very  soon,  on  his  capacity  and  mode  of  study.  The 
examiner  can,  moreover,  abridge  the  proceeding,  by  selecting  ques- 
tions which,  without  requiring  too  much  from  the  candidate,  shall  yet 
be  real  experimenta  crucis,  and  such  that  scarcely  any  further  ones  need 
be  put  to  one  who  answers  them  clearly  and  correctly.'^ 

But  the  evil  arising  from  a large  number  of  candidates  may  chiefly 
be  remedied  by  this : that  all  who  have  been  instructed  in  the  dia- 
logic method,  in  seminaries  or  otherwise,  being  as  well  understood 
as  if  already  examined,  need  very  little  further  examination,  or  none  at 
all,  as  has  already  been  observed  in  relation  to  stipendiary  ex- 
aminations. 

3.  It  is  charged  that  a large  share  of  the  examiners  lack  the  requi- 
site skill  in  examining.  Some,  it  is  said,  are  not  satisfied  with  any 
answer  which  is  not  given  precisely  according  to  their  own  preconcep- 


* In  an  examination  on  mathematical  geography,  the  most  ignorant  candidate  can  easily  learn 
by  rote  how  many  zones  there  are,  and  what  are  their  limits;  but  an  answer  to  the  question, 
IIow  must  I travel,  so  that  during  a whole  year,  the  sun  shall  pass  my  zenith  every  noon  ? 
could,  with  difficulty,  be  learned  by  rote,  but  would  have  to  be  prepared  on  the  spot,  from 
knowledge  already  acquired. 


212 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


tions;  and  are  unable  to  enter  into  any  statement  made  from  another 
point  of  view,  and  justly  to  judge  of  it.  Others  limit  themselves  to 
some  fixed  question,  and  adhere  pitilessly  to  it,  though  they  may 
see  that  the  candidate  is  not  at  home  on  the  subject ; instead  of  seek- 
ing to  find  out,  by  other  questions,  whether  he  is  not  better  acquainted 
with  a second  or  third  subject,  &c.  Others,  again,  fail  in  this  : that 
they  give  the  candidates  no  opportunity  to  answer  the  questions  which 
they  put  to  them,  but  answer  them  themselves ; thus,  of  course,  not 
being  able  to  have  any  opinion  about  the  candidate,  and  yet  delivering 
one  upon  him ; and  so  on.'^ 

4.  It  is  said  that  the  result  of  the  examinations  is  uncertain,  because 
candidates  are  so  different ; some  of  them  being  entirely  at  their  ease 
during  the  examination,  and  answering  questions  with  entire  presence 
of  mind,  while  the  timid  and  bashful  often  lose  their  presence  of  mind 
so  entirely  as  not  to  be  able  to  reply  to  the  slightest  question ; while, 
notwithstanding,  they  are  often  much  more  capable  than  such  ready 
answerers.  Must  not  this  cause  erroneous  and  unjust  estimates  ? 

Evils  resulting  from  incapacity  of  examiners  and  bashfulness  of 
candidates  will  be  remedied  by  written  examinations.  But  if  the 
examiners  have  even  a moderate  knowledge  of  their  duties,  they  will 
be  able  to  reassure  the  timid,  and  not  to  over-estimate  readiness.  In 
any  event,  a better  estimate  of  the  candidates  can  be  made  by  an  oral 
examination,  as  to  whether  they  are  in  an  error  or  on  the  right  track, 
and  to  ascertain  whether  their  minds  are  in  active  operation,  or  their 
modes  of  thought  are  unwieldy.  But,  if  a written  examination  is  the 
only  one  used,  oral  conversation  with  the  candidates  upon  their  work, 
when  done,  is  still  very  necessary,  for  more  than  one  reason. 

It  is  very  usual  to  give  three  marks  at  examinations:  distinguished, 
good,  and  bad.  These  are  not  sufficient,  and  often  leave  the  examiners 
in  a perplexing  situation.  They  will  give  tlie  first  only  in  the  most 
remarkable  cases  of  excellence,  and  the  last  only  in  the  very  worst 
cases.  Thus,  the  intermediate  mark  is  that  most  frequently  given,  and 
to  candidates  of  very  different  attainments ; some  near  to  one  of  the 
extremes,  and  some  to  the  other.  The  use  of  five  marks  would  remove 
this  unfair  equalization. 


* Meiners,  in  his  work  on  the  German  Universities,  makes  charges  against  the  examinations, 
honorable  neither  to  students,  professors,  nor  himself.  A university  where  vulgarity  prevails  is 
beyond  help. 


ACADEMICAL  SUEJECTS. 


213 


III.  CoMPUT.SORY  liEOTURrS. FrEEDOM  OK  AtTEXD.XNCE. — LyCEUM-?. RELAnONS  OF 

THE  PlIILOSOl'IlICAL  FaCULTY  AND  ITS  LeCTUUES  TO  THE  rilACTlCAL  BRANCHES. 

Compulsory  lectures  liave  been  opposed  from  all  quarters,  and,  in 
general,  with  great  justice.  But  it  must  first  be  determined  what  this 
ominous  term  means. 

There  are  academical  studies  which  the  student  can  sufRciently  master 
by  himself,  from  books ; and  others  for  which  distinct  teachers  and 
means  of  instruction  are  indispensable.  To  the  latter  belong  most  of 
the  practical  natural  sciences,  and  most  departments  of  medical  study. 
The  very  nature  of  these  pursuits  require  such,  without  any  legal  enact- 
ments ; though  the  lectures  on  them  are  still  not  compulsory  ones.  The 
medical  student  must  attend,  lectures  on  anatomy  and  obstetrics ; he  , 
can  not  pursue  them  by  himself.  But,  still  consider  these  not  as  com- 
pulsory lectures,  but  merely  as  in  themselves  necessary. 

While,  in  former  times,  not  only  all  the  subjects  were  prescribed  on 
which  lectures  must  be  attended,  but  also  the  persons  who  were  to 
deliver  them,  and  their  order,  at  present  the  opposite  extreme  prevails  ; 
even  so  far  that  it  is  demanded  that  it  shall  not  even  be  required  of  a 
student  to  live  at  the  university,  or  to  attend  so  much  as  one  lecture. 
The  questions  naturally  arise  here,  Why,  then,  do  the  students  live  at 
the  university  at  all  ? and,  if  this  demand  be  reasonable.  Why  should 
there  be  any  universities  ? 

The  reason  of  establishing  compulsory  lectures,  and  the  order  of 
attending  them,  is  clear.  It  was  because  the  students,  especially  be- 
ginners, were  unacquainted  with  the  right  method  of  studying.  They 
were,  therefore,  assisted,  and  in  the  simplest  way,  by  the  definite 
peremptory  prescription  of  a course  of  study. 

This  conception  was  very  excusable,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  entire 
ignorance  and  indecision  of  so  many  students,  especially  new-comers, 
as  to  the  selection  of  lectures  to  be  attended.  It  was  considered  how 
frequently,  at  leaving  the  university,  students  said,  “ If  we  could  pursue 
our  studies  over  again,  we  would  take  an  altogether  different  course.” 
And  it  was  believed  that  the  fixing  of  a course,  to  be  closely  adhered 
to,  would  save  them  their  hesitation  at  the  beginning  of  their  univer- 
sity life,  and  their  repentance  at  the  end  of  it. 

In  later  times,  the  ancient  strictly  compulsory  rule  was  relaxed,  as 
if  to  make  good  Taubmann’s  definition  of  a student — “ an  animal  which 
will  not  be  forced,  but  persuaded.”  This  was  the  case  in  Bavaria,  and 
in  Prussia.  The  faculties  of  the  Prussian  universities  published  courses 
of  study,  but  with  the  express  remark  that  they  did  not  prescribe,  but 
only  advised  them.  In  the  course  for  medical  students,  at  Berlin,  of 


214 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


August  3,  1827,  it  is  said,  “As  every  student  must  desire,  not  only  to 
have  before  him  a general  view  of  the  lectures  which  he  is  to  attend 
while  a student,  but  also  to  see  them  arranged  in  a suitable  order,  that 
he  may  be  under  no  misapprehensions  in  selecting,  the  medical  faculty 
publishes  the  following  course  for  their  students,  at  subscribing  to  a 
course,  as  paternal  advice  ; and  requests  that  every  one,  in  case  of  any 
doubt  relative  to  the  course,  will  apply  to  his  fellows,  or  to  the  dean, 
or  some  other  member  of  the  faculty;  inasmuch  as  nothing  can  be 
more  desirable  to  them  than  to  afford  all  the  assistance  in  their  power, 
in  order  to  the  best  use  of  the  student’s  exertions.”^  Then  follows  the 
course  of  lectures  for  each  of  the  eight  half-years.  For  example  : 

First  half-year. — Encyclopedia  of  Medicine;  Botany,  with  excur- 
sions ; Osteology ; Physics ; Greek  and  Latin  lectures.  Mathematical 
and  Philosoj^hical  lectures ; as  the  student  may  require.” 

The  course  of  study  (in  Latin)  of  the  theological  faculty  at  Bonn,  of 
3d  June,  1829,  says:  ‘AVherefore,  either  comply  with  this,  our  ad- 
yice,  or,  if  you  have  one  to  propose  better  adapted  to  the  peculiar 
character  of  your  studies”!  . . . 

In  the  course  of  study,  however,  laid  down  by  the  theological  faculty 
at  Halle,  for  their  students,  in  1832,  they  say,  without  more  ado,  that 
the  students  are  in  great  need  of  good  advice.  “ The  study  of  theol- 
ogy,”  they  observe,  “is  always,  as  a long  experience  has  taught  us, 
begun  by  very  many  persons  who  have  no  clear  idea  of  its  extent,  of 
the  connection  of  its  parts,  or  of  the  most  proper  method  of  becoming- 
familiar  with  it.  Indeed,  only  a few  have  an  opportunity,  before  leav- 
ing school,  to  acquire  this  previous  and  so  necessary  knowledge.  Hence 
so  much  uncertainty  and  error  in  choice  of  lectures,  so  many  mistaken 
estimates  of  the  comparative  importance  of  different  matters,  so  much 
lack  of  a regular  plan  of  study,  even  where  there  is  serious  industry ; 
and  hence  the  loud  complaints  so  frequently  heard  at  the  close  of  the 
academical  course,  of  discovering,  when  it  is  too  late,  a mode  in  which 
those  years  might  have  been  much  better  used.” 

But  this  plan  does  not  arbitrarily  determine  that  certain  lectures 
must,  or  must  not,  be  attended  by  students ; it  only  fixes  the  order  in 
which  they  should  be  heard;  it  advises;  is,  in  fact,  a compendious 
system  of  hodegetics. 

Obligatory  attendance  is  the  less  objectionable,  as  theological,  legal, 
and  medical  students  must  pass  a government  examination  at  the  end 


♦ Koch,  ii.  p.  201. 

t Koch,  ii.  p.  204.  See  same,  p.  209,  for  philosophical  course  at  Halle;  p.  216,  for  theological 
course  there;  p.  235,  for  theological  course  of  1837,  at  Bonn;  p.  239,  for  jurisprudence  there; 
p.  245,  for  medicine  there. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


21o 


of  tlieir  studies,  and  present,  at  tins,  certificates  of  tlie  lectures  they 
have  attended.  No  person  can  present  himself  as  self-taught;  and 
even  if  such  a preparation  be  admitted  in  some  studies,  the  examiners 
would,  and  with  propriety,  examine  him  very  strictly  upon  them,  to 
ascertain  what  he  had  accomplished  for  himself. 

The  practical  courses  of  the  three  faculties  might  properly  be  called 
compulsory  courses,  although  they  do  not  so  appear  to  the  students. 
Even  the  less  industrious  of  them  do  not  consider  whether  or  no  they 
will  attend  lectures  on  exegesis  and  dogmatics,  the  pandects,  or  anat- 
om}". Every  one  is  anxious  to  pass,  with  credit,  the  government  ex- 
amination on  these  studies,  and  thus  to  obtain  a recognized  standing, 
and  an  appointment. 

What  is  true  of  the  students  of  theology,  law,  and  medicine,  is  also 
true  as  to  philological  and  mathematical  lectures,  of  those  of  philology 
and  mathematics,  in  the  philosophical  faculty,  who  intend  to  become 
teachers.  But  what  is  the  case  with  such  lectures  of  the  philosophi- 
cal faculty  as  are  not  practical — do  not  refer  directly  to  a future  pro- 
fession ? As  for  medicine,  the  statutes  of  the  medical  faculty  at  Bonn 
say,  § 20,*  “With  the  regular  medical  course  must  be  pursued,  either 
before  it  or  parallel  with  it,  a philosophical  preparatory  coui’se,  to  in- 
clude the  following  studios  of  the  philosophical  faculty : classical  phi- 
lology, logic,  psychology,  mineralogy,  botany,  zoology,  physics,  and 
chemistry.”  On  these  the  medical  student  is  examined,  and  must 
have  a certificate  of  the  examination.!  There  is  a similar  examination  of 
medical  students  (the  so-called  examination  for  admission)  at  Erlangen  ; 
the  subjects  of  it  being  zoology,  botany,  mineralogy,  physics,  chemis- 
try, and  pharmacognosy.  These  studies  seem  to  be  regarded  as  belong- 
ing, not  to  the  general,  but  to  the  professional  education  of  a physician. 

Gymnasium  pupils  are  obliged,  without  making  any  selection,  to 
learn  whatever  is  taught  at  the  gymnasium  ; and  the  students  are  under 
a like  necessity  with  respect  to  professional  studies.  But  what  is  the 
fact  as  to  those  lectures  in  the  philosophical  faculty,  which  have  no 
direct  relation  to  the  theological  and  juridical  professional  studies,  but 
only  to  general  education  ? This  question  is  difficult  to  answer,  because 
different  opinions  prevail  respecting  it  in  different  countries  of  Germany, 
all  of  which  have  again  been  modified,  in  many  ways,  in  the  course  of 
time,  sometimes  very  materially,  as  appears  from  the  example  of  the 
university  of  Erlangen. 

Here,  formerly,  every  student  was  obliged,  during  his  first  year,  to 


* Koch,  ii.  pp.  246,  260. 

t See  Koch,  ii.  pp.  66,  72,  the  ministerial  rescripts  of  January  7,  1826,  and  October  23,  1828. 


216 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS, 


attend  lectures  on  general  history,  physics,  logic,  philosophy,  mathe- 
matics, and  natural  history ; at  the  end  of  which  time  the  unhappy 
fellows  were  examined,  all  at  once,  in  all  these  heterogeneous  subjects; 
and  only  after  passing  their  examination  satisfactorily  were  they 
allowed  to  proceed  to  professional  studies.*  These  six  courses 
were  called,  in  derision,  Fox  lectures;!  they  were  attended,  list- 
ened to,  usually,  with  repugnance  and  carelessness  ; and  much  pleas- 
ure was  felt  when  the  concluding  examination  (Fox  examination)  was 
over. 

It  is  evident  how  discouraging  and  burdensome  this  arrangement 
must  have  been  for  any  professor  who  loved  his  science,  and  the  suc- 
cessful teaching  of  it ; and  it  was  not  less  extremely  unsuitable  to  the 
students,  and  unfavorable  to  all  free  and  right-minded  education.  For 
these  reasons  measures  were  taken  against  the  regulation  ; a proceed- 
ing the  more  necessary,  because  the  philosophical  faculty  was  sharply 
distinguished  from  the  three  other  faculties  by  the  fact  that  the  stu- 
dents were  under  its  tuition  during  their  first  year,  but  heard  no  lec- 
tures from  it  during  their  other  years  at  the  university. 

But,  still  further,  it  was  but  a step  to  the  idea  of  entirely  separating 
the  philosophical  faculty  from  the  university,  and  of  establishing,  in- 
stead of  it,  distinctively  Protestant  institutions  elsewhere,  called  lyce- 
ums.  A lyceum,  for  both  Catholics  and  Protestants,  was  actually 
established,  in  1839,  at  Speyer,  which,  for  a long  time,  caused  annoy- 
ance to  the  university  of  Erlangen.  The  danger  came  still  nearer 
when,  especially  in  1843,  there  was  a serious  plan  for  setting  up  two 
Protestant  lyceums  in  Ansbach  and  Baireuth.  If  this  plan  had  suc- 
ceeded there  would  have  been  an  end  to  the  university,  and  we  should 
have  had  professional  schools  instead  of  it.  Against  this  very  import- 
ant scheme,  I published,  in  1843,  the  following  article 

LYCEUMS. 

Gymnasiums  have  an  important  and  definite  difference  from  univer- 
sities, in  that  they  give  general  education  only  as  a basis  for  profes- 
sional education ; while  the  arrangement  by  faculties  characterizes  the 
universities,  and  is  to  facilitate  the  passage  into  practical  life.  Even 
in  the  highest  gymnasium  classes,  the  future  theologians,  jurists,  and 
physicians,  without  distinction,  recite  the  same  lessons ; while,  in  the 

* Beginners  were  permitted  to  attend  an  introductory  course  during  that  first  year, 

hut  obliged  to  attend  the  six  courses  in  the  philosophical  faculty, 
t With  a reference  to  the  “foxes,”  or  freshmen. — [TVans.] 

“ Gazette  for  Protestantism  and  the  Church"  Zeitschrift  fiir  Protestantismus  und 
Kifche"),  for  1843.  I give  the  article,  with  very  little  alteration,  because  I yet  adhere  to  the 
batne  views. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


217 


first  year  at  tlie  university,  it  was  and  is  the  practice  to  give  lectures 
introductory  to  professional  studies. 

This  distinct  character  of  the  gymnasium  and  university  may  be- 
come confused,  namely : by  adding  to  gymnasium  studies  arranged 
faculty- wise,  by  using  the  first  one  or  two  years  of  the  university  like 
those  spent  in  the  gymnasium,  for  studies  of  a general  character ; or, 
by  the  erection  of  hybrid  institutions,  to  stand  between  the  gymnasium 
and  the  university,  for  the  purpose. 

Of  gymnasiums  with  academical  departments,  there  are  several 
examples.  Thus,  the  Dantzic  gymnasium  has  three  faculties,  which 
are  distinguished  in  the  upper  two  classes.  The  theological  faculty 
taught  dogmatics,  polemics,  and  even  exercises  in  preaching  were 
introduced;  the  jurists  lectured  on  the  institutions,  and  on  federal 
law  ; and  the  medical  faculty  on  anatomy  and  physiology.  It  was  not 
until  lately  that  the  authorities  discontinued  “ the  medley  of  university 
and  preparatory  school.”  In  like  manner,  at  the  Stargard  gymnasium, 
were,  formerly,  read  lectures  on  exegesis,  church  history,  the  institu- 
tions, and  anatomy.  Here,  also,  the  conviction  followed,  that  such  a 
confusion  “ must  be  harmful  to  the  studies  proper  to  the  school.”  A 
result  was,  as  might  have  been  expected,  that  the  “ collegial  students, 
considering  themselves  students,  and  not  boys,  acted  accordingly ; not 
regarding  the  school-hours,  attending  recitations  only  as  they  saw  fit, 
and  occupying  themselves,  during  them,  as  they  chose.”  In  the  year 
1770,  we  are  told,  “this  nuisance  with  an  academical  constitution,” 
Avas  discontinued. 

The  experiment  which  a minister  made,  toward  the  end  of  the  last 
century,  of  introducing  into  the  gymnasium,  for  future  law-students, 
the  Institutes  of  Heineccius  instead  of  Tacitus  and  Virgil,  excited  uni- 
versal displeasure. 

The  gymnasium  recognizes  no  professional  studies,  and  should  recog- 
nize none,  unless  it  designs  prematurely  and  violently  to  impress  upon 
unripe  boys  a useless  professional  education. 

Now  to  discuss  the  second  question  : Whether  it  is  advisable  to 
interfere  with  the  character  of  the  universities,  by  devoting  the  first 
year,  or  two  years  even,  to  general  studies,  excluding  those  of  the 
faculties ; and  by  making  this  period  only  a continuation  of  school 
studies — a mere  preparatory  course  for  professional  studies — so  that 
the  students  shall  entirely  complete  their  general  studies,  in  order 
afterward  to  devote  themselves  as  exclusively  to  their  professional 
studies  ? 

There  are  many  reasons  against  it.  The  graduate  of  a gymnasium 
has  prepared  himself,  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  for  the  final  examina- 


218 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


tion  there.  Having  passed  this  successfully,  he  is  usually  received  at 
the  university,  to  the  same  studies  with  which  he  had  been  occupied 
before.  He  had  spent  years  in  studying  the  classics  at  the  gymnasium, 
and  continues  them  at  the  university ; he  has  taken  pains  to  make 
himself  acquainted  with  the  facts  of  general  history,  and  is  made  to 
do  the  same  again,  and  to  be  examined  on  them  again ; he  has  studied 
pure  mathematics,  and  has  to  study  them  again.  Thus,  he  is  com- 
monly occupied  with  reviewing  what  he  knows ; a species  of  study  in 
which  he  can  have  no  interest. 

It  is,  of  course,  not  intended  that  general  studies  shall  at  once  be 
entirely  discontinued,  but  that  the  school  method  of  teaching  them 
should  be  replaced  by  an  academical  one.  The  latter  can,  usually, 
only  be  introduced  where  the  student  has  been  gradually  ripened  and 
prepared  for  it.  If,  for  instance,  the  student  of  law  has  previously 
studied  the  history  of  law,  or  the  theological  student,  church  history, 
with  how  different  a feeling,  understanding,  and  interest  will  they  then 
return  to  the  study  of  general  history,  in  which  all  the  elements  of 
human  development  present  themselves,  and  appear  as  one  great 
whole,  in  the  most  complicated  and  vivid  interaction.  In  like  manner, 
it  might  be  asked,  whether  the  young  theological  student,  after  his 
long  occupation,  at  the  gymnasium,  with  the  classics,  should  not  make 
a pause  with  them,  while  he  studies  biblical  exegesis,  and  only  after- 
ward apply  himself  again  to  classical  philology,  with  the  view  of 
studying  the  relations  of  the  classical  and  sacred  languages,  and 
worlds. 

It  is  certain  that  several  of  the  studies  of  the  philosophical  faculty 
would  be  pursued  much  more  profitably  in  the  latter  part  of  the  uni- 
versity course  than  in  the  former ; and  in  a method  worthy  of  a uni- 
versity, independent  and  free,  from  pure  love  of  the  science,  instead  of 
merely  for  the  sake  of  answering  questions  on  a lesson.  But  this  lat- 
ter objectionable  practice  prevails  so  much  the  more,  as  the  students, 
during  the  first,  or  so-called  philosophical  years,  are  obliged  to  pursue 
the  most  inconsistent  studies,  of  which  they  must  give  account  in  the 
examination  for  advanced  standing.'*  This  mode  of  study  is  universal 
in  the  lower  grades  of  school  study ; but,  in  the  higher  ones,  the  re- 
quirements are  too  numerous  even  for  the  best  scholars ; they  can  not, 
with  interest  and  pleasure,  study,  all  at  once,  logic,  general  history, 
mathematics,  physics,  natural  history,  and  philology.  And,  if  they 
are  still  compelled  to  hear  lectures  on  them  all,  they  feel  a genuine  re- 


♦ That  is,  the  examination  at  the  end  of  the  first  university  year,  for  a transfer  to  the  profes- 
Bional  studies. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


219 


pngnance  for  these  so-called  compulsory  lectures ; even  the  best  of 
them  despair  of  receiving  any  benefit  from  them,  and  most  of  them 
care  only  to  make  a passable  appearance  at  the  examination,  and  are 
profoundly  glad  when  they  are  past  the  philosophical  year. 

Any  one  who  has  attended  one  of  these  examinations  for  advanced 
standing,  and  who  knows  what  pains  the  examiners  have  to  take  to 
ask  childish,  easy  questions,  and  how  even  these  questions  remain  un- 
answered in  various  ways,  will  never  deceive  himself  into  believing  that 
general  education  is  furthered  by  such  a mode  of  studying.^  Many  may, 
perhaps,  at  once  blame  the  professors,  as  destitute  both  of  zeal  and  of 
skill  for  the  awakening  of  interest  and  love  for  their  department  of 
study.  Even  if  this  might  be  true  of  some  one  or  other  individual,  it 
can  still  be  demonstrated  from  experience,  that  even  the  most  consci- 
entious and  competent  professors  are  in  the  same  unpleasant  situation. 
And  those  acquainted  with  the  facts  can  also  testify,  that  even  the  best- 
disposed  students  perform  these  prescribed  studies,  mostly  with  indiffer- 
ent spiritlessness,  and  are  as  glad  as  the  rest  when  they  have  finished 
their  first  year  at  the  university. 

IIow  entirely  different  would  it  be,  if  the  student  of  theology,  law, 
or  medicine,  besides  his  professional  studies,  should,  in  every  term,  at- 
tend one  or  more  lectures  from  the  professors  of  the  philosophical 
faculty  ; with  what  pleasure  would  he  listen,  and  how  much  would  he 
be  stimulated  and  strengthened  in  his  professional  studies ! The  very 
lectures  which  would  produce  this  quickening  effect  are  disgustful  to 
our  present  students.  The  reasons  have  been  explained.  One  of  the 
greatest  jurists  of  Germany  has  a very  valuable  observation  on  the  sub- 
ject. “Here,”  he  says,  “arises  a question:  Shall  juridical  studies  be 
commenced  as  soon  as  in  the  first  university  term  ? By  all  means.  The 
first  ideas  of  the  profession  to  which  the  student  is  to  devote  himself 
can  not  be  too  early  secured.  Historical,  literary,  mathematical,  and 
philosophical  studies  are  very  far  from  being  excluded  by  this  plan. 
But  one  who  insists  on  becoming  familiar  with  all  these  before  hearing 
lectures  on  the  Institutions,  acts  as  judiciously  as  if  he  should  take,  all 
at  once,  his  dessert  for  a whole  week,  and  should  eat  nothing  else  as 
long  as  that  will  last  him.  Evidently,  he  will  receive  less  pleasure 
than  from  an  alternation  of  food,  besides  that  he  will  often  disorder  his 
stomach.”! 


* There  are  even  men  of  penetrating  intelligence,  who  earnestly  desire  to  advance  the  cause 
of  general  education,  and  to  oppose  a mere  drill  preparatory  to  professional  study,  who  do  de- 
ceive themselves  in  this  way,  and  consider  that  an  opponent  of  the  “ philosophical  year”  is  a 
traitor  to  the  cause  of  general  education.  Quite  the  reverse  I 
t Hugo,  in  the  “ Civil  Law  Magazine"  {Civilistisches  Magazin),  1.  57. 


220 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


It  is  a most  discouraginq:,  and  even  terrible  thing,  for  a professor  in 
the  philosophical  faculty  to  have  his  lectures  considered  compulsory 
ones.  The  consequence  is,  that  all  connections  of  an  elevating  charac- 
ter between  him  and  his  hearers  ceases ; and  there  is  the  greatest 
danger  that,  from  that  time  forward,  all  true  feeling  and  respect  for  his 
department  will  die  out  of  the  hearts  of  the  students,  and  that,  in  the 
same  proportion,  ignorance  will  prevail  there. 

Savigny,^  whose  clear  views,  lofty  character,  and  long  experience 
render  his  opinion,  on  subjects  connected  with  universities,  more  valu- 
able than  that  of  most  persons,  observes  upon  those  lectures  which  the 
students  are  obliged  to  attend.  The  original  reason,  he  says,  was  the 
laudable  one  (in  itself),  of  carrying  the  students,  by  attendance  on  lec- 
tures of  various  kinds,  to  a thorough,  free,  and  complete  stage  of  de- 
velopment. But,  where  this  plan  is  carried  out  compulsorily,  and  in 
opposition  to  the  peculiar  tendencies  of  the  pupils,  nothing  will  result 
except  an  ignoble  false  pretense,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  securing  a 
certificate  which  will  satisfy  the  formal  requisitions.  So  little  can  the 
communication  of  knowledge  succeed  when  enforced  by  any  external 
compulsion.! 

To  proceed  now  to  institutions  in  which  the  characters  of  the  gym- 
nasium and  the  university  are  confounded  in  a hybrid  organization — 
to  the  lyceums. 

If  the  first  university  year  is  devoted  to  philosophical  studies,  the  re- 
sult of  the  arrangement  is  to  divide  the  university  into  two  parts  ; since 
the  philosophical  studies  are  distinct  from  the  professional.  But  still, 
most  of  the  new-comers  attend  introductory  professional  courses,  and 
their  lives  are  those  of  students. 

But  if  the  philosophical  faculty  is  established  in  lyceums  at  a dis- 
tance from  the  universities,  the  separation  becomes  an  entire  one,  and 
the  character  of  a German  university  is  entirely  lost,  whether  as  to 
studies  or  discipline.  Instead  of  the  universities  we  have  special 
schools. 

Savigny  says,  of  the  German  universities,  “Their  common  character 
consists  in  this : that  each  of  them  includes  the  whole  body  of  knowl- 
edge, instead  of  being  limited  to  a single  department,  as  is  often  the 
case  in  the  special  schools  of  other  countries.”  The  superiority  of  this 


* “System  and  Value  of  the  German  Universities,”  by  Savigny,  in  Eanke’s  Historical  and 
Political  Gazette"  {Historisch-politisch  Zeitschrift),  September,  1832,  p.  569,  &c. 

t Sufficient  warnings  cannot  be  given  against  university  arrangements  intended  to  control 
the  bad,  but  which  are  actually  a hindrance,  and  even  injury  to  the  good.  Thus,  for  instance, 
bad  students  are  forced  into  a hypocritical  appearance  of  industry,  a dead  Pharisaical  labor,  and 
at  the  same  time  the  honest,  sincere  industry,  and  profitable  studies  of  the  better  ones  are  made 
useless. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


221 


character,  lie  adds,  lias  been  so  often  and  so  tliorouglily  shown,  that 
he  forbears  to  discuss  it. 

Thus,  the  erection  of  lyceums  breaks  up  the  character  of  our  univer- 
sities. One  even  moderately  acquainted  with  the  organization  and 
influence  of  the  philosophical  faculties,  will  have  no  doubt  of  this.  A 
lyceura  will  be  an  independent  philosophical  faculty,  existing  by  itself ; 
but  such  a faculty  can  only  prosper  when  it  is  conjoined  wdth  the 
other  faculties,  and  gives  them,  and  receives  from  them,  mutual  vigor. 
The  theological,  juridical,  and  medical  faculties,  separate  from  the  phi- 
losophical, would  sink  into  mere  preparatory  schools  for  gaining  a liv- 
ing in  future ; while  the  isolated  philosophical  faculty,  wanting  its- 
relation  to  the  serious  requirements  of  life,  and  of  the  future  profes- 
sion, is  without  substance  or  aim.  On  the  other  hand,  the  closer  and 
more  complete  the  union  of  the  philosophical  with  the  other  faculties, 
so  much  more  efficient  and  s-cientifically  thorough  will  the  spirit  of  the 
university  be. 

The  hybrid  character  of  a lyceum,  which  is  neither  a gymnasium  nor 
a university,  must  have  the  worst  effect  on  its  pupils,  and  impress  a 
similar  hybrid  character  on  them.  They  can  not  be  school-boys,  and 
would  willingly  be  students;  but  are,  in  fact,  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other.  It  is  a question,  also,  how  the  teacher  is  to  manage  them.  It 
is  too  late  for  school  discipline,  and  yet  they  can  not  be  granted  the 
entire  academical  freedom.  But,  though  not  granted,  they  will  take 
it,  and  will  be  the  more  disorderly,  in  all  respects,  because  they  are 
under  no  wholesome  restraint  from  the  older  students. 

In  reference  to  the  foundation  of  lyceums,  there  are  some  considera- 
tions of  importance,  if  they  are  to  be  not  mere  phantasms,  but  are  to 
be  actually  efficient.  Very  important  amounts  of  money  will  be  re- 
quired for  this  purpose.  Let  it  be  considered  how  great  is  the  annual 
amount  required  for  the  professors’  salaries  of  a philosophical  faculty ; 
the  capital  represented  by  their  physical  and  natural  historical  collec- 
tions, their  botanic  garden,  and,  above  all,  by  their  part  of  the  univer- 
sity libi  ary ; which  may  be  estimated  at  two  thirds  of  the  whole 
number  of  books; — add,  also,  the  annual  expense  for  maintaining  and 
increasing  these  collections,  Ac.,  and  the  total  of  the  sum  thus  required 
for  such  a foundation  will  be  astounding.  And  in  this  we  are  con- 
sidering  not  at  all  the  endowments  of  gi’eat  universities,  but  at  what  is 
required  for  the  smaller  ones;  what  is  so  absolutely  indispensable  for 
instruction,  that,  in  their  absence,  the  most  valuable  lectures  will  be 
empty  words,  destitute  of  basis  or  efficiency.  But  if  it  be  designed  to 
diminish  the  expense  of  organizing  a lyceum,  by,  so  to  speak,  impro- 
vising a body  of  teachers,  by  intrusting  the  diflferent  departments  to 


222 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


persons  wlio  may  be  occupying  other  situations  at  the  place  of  the 
new  institution,  this  will  show  that  the  office  of  a professor  in  the  j)hi- 
losophical  faculty  is  altogether  undervalued  and  under-estimated.  One 
seriously  interested  in  his  vocation  as  teacher,  especially  in  the  pi-esent 
busy  and  progressive  age,  will  find  abundant  labor  for  himself;  his 
office  will  demand  the  whole  man  ; and  can  not  possibly  be  filled  as  a 
mere  occupation.  But  one  who  has  the  self-confidence,  beside  his 
other  employment,  as  preacher,  gymnasium  teacher,  or  otherwise,  to 
undertake  that  of  professor  in  a lyceum,  will  only  show  that  he  was 
not  wholly  devoted  to  his  former  occupation — that  his  whole  heart 
was  not  on  it.  But,  if  this  charge  be  undeserved,  he  will  need  to  be 
much  on  his  guard  lest,  by  over-estimating  his  own  powers  and  under- 
estimating his  new  duties,  he  do  all  his  work  by  halves,  and,  according 
to  the  old  proverb,  “ between  two  stools,  fall  to  the  ground and  so 
neither  suffice  for  the  old  office  nor  for  the  new  one. 

Thus,  all  considerations  oppose  the  introduction  of  lyceums,  and 
none  favor  it.  They  break  up  existing  organizations  to  the  founda- 
tion. F.  A.  Wolf  says : “ In  my  opinion,  great  and  universal  changes 
are  not  advisable  at  any  university.  The  useful  results  of  the  ancient 
organizations  we  already  know,  and  continually  enjoy.  In  order  to  a 
better  one,  experiments  must  be  made,  to  form  an  opinion ; and  such 
experiments  might  be  costly  in  many  ways.” 

To  this  warning  of  Wolf’s,  may  be  added  this,  from  Savigny : “So 
many  causes  have  always  tended  to  the  dismemberment  of  Germany, 
that  it  may  very  well  seem  necessary  to  direct  our  attention  to  what- 
ever good  things  are  common  to  the  whole  nation ; both  for  the  sake 
of  rejoicing  in  their  possession,  which  secure  the  continuance  of  our 
national  prosperity,  and  to  direct  us  toward  the  means  of  maintaining 
them.  Among  the  most  important  and  valuable  of  those  common 
possessions  are,  at  this  time,  to  be  reckoned  our  universities.” 

The  common  character  of  these  common  possessions  of  Germany, 
the  universities,  we  have  delineated,  and  have  shown  that  that  charac- 
ter, according  to  Savigny’s  own  views,  would  be  entirely  destroyed  by 
the  introduction  of  lyceums. 

Wherever  this  shall  happen,  the  mutilated  universities  will  no  longer 
be  among  the  good  possessions  common  to  the  German  people,  and  be 
institutions  of  study  for  all  the  German  races.  They  will  excommuni- 
cate themselves ; and,  degraded  into  special  schools,  can  no  longer  be 
reckoned  entitled  to  equal  privileges  with  the  other  German  uni- 
\ ersities. 

With  sacred  carnestnes.^  and  full  of  the  importance  of  the  subject, 
the  judicious  Savigny  writes:  “The  universities  have  come  down  to 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


223 


us,  a noble  inliciitance  from  former  times;  ami  it  is  a point  of  honor 
M’itli  us  to  leave  them  in  a condition  improved,  where  possible,  and 
at  least  not  made  worse,  to  coming  generations.  It  rests  with  us 
whether  they  shall  remain  as  they  are,  or  whether  they  shall  sink  or 
l ise.  The  judgment  of  posterity  will  require  an  account  of  them  at  our 
hands.” 


Relations  between  the  Philosophical  Faculty  and  the  Professional 

Studies. 

Pleasures  were  now  taken  at  Erlangen  against  the  philosophical 
compulsory  lectures.  In  1844,  instead  of  the  one  so-called  philosophi- 
cal (or  Fox)  year,  two  years  were  set  apart,  during  which  the  student, 
beside  the  philosophical  compulsory  lectures,  might  attend  professional 
ones.*  In  1849,  a further  very  important  step  was  taken,  by  remov- 
ing all  compulsory  attendance,  and  providing,  instead,  that  every  student 
must,  during  his  university  course,  attend  eight  philosophical  courses, 
of  at  least  four  lectures  each  ; these  eight  to  be  selected  at  his  pleasure, 
and  no  examination  to  be  held  on  them. 

It  is  evident  that  this  plan  would  much  satisfy  the  wishes  of  the 
better  students ; for  they  could  now  attend  with  interest  such  lectures 
as  were  suited  to  their  scientific  tendencies  and  capacities.  But  it  is 
also  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  some  evils  also  resulted  from  it.  It 
can  not  be  denied  that  idle  students  could  misuse  the  freedom  given 
them  to  indulge  in  mere  idleness.  But  no  one  who  remembers  the 
most  lamentable  results  of  the  previous  examinations  of  such  idle  stu- 
dents upon  the  compulsory  lectures  attended  by  them,  will  desire,  for 
the  sake  of  such  results,  to  circumscribe  the  honorable  freedom  of  the 
industrious.  From  my  own  convictions,  I accordingly  reject  the  com- 
pulsory lectures,  and  from  my  heart  rejoice  in  the  freedom  of  the  better 
sort  of  students  in  making  their  selection.  Still,  I must  repeat  my 
obs:*rvation,  that  they  often  hesitate  about  their  choice,  especially  in 
the  beginning  of  their  studies;  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  they  fre- 
quently wish,  at  the  end  of  them,  that  they  had  attended  many  lec- 
tures whose  value,  and  had  not  attended  many  others  whose  uselessness, 
they  learned  too  late. 

Let  us  consider,  once  more,  the  lectures  of  the  philosophical  faculty. 
The  beginner,  who  hitherto,  at  the  gymnasium,  has  had  no  choice  as 
to  v.’hat  he  shall  study,  and  what  not,  has  now  before  him  the  cata- 
h»gue  of  lectures,  for  a selection  at  his  pleasure.  Most  of  them  select 

* This  new  arrangement  was  announced  to  the  students,  July  20, 1S44,  in  an  excellent  ad- 
dress, by  tny  honored  colleague,  Prof.  Doederlein. 


224 


academical  subjects. 


imder  the  advice  of  older  students;  and  accordingly  often  fall  into  the 
hands  of  those  who  advise  them,  during  the  first  year,  to  refrain  alto- 
gether from  study,  and  rest  after  the  labor  of  the  gymnasium.  The 
better  minded  have  to  decide  whether  they  will  continue  their  studies 
at  the  gymnasium,  or  will  suffer  these  to  rest,  for  a time  at  least,  while 
they  pursue  studies  which  were  not  taught  at  the  school.  So  far  as 
my  experience  goes,  most  of  them  select  the  former  course,  as  if  they 
were  afraid  of  a journey  into  an  unknown  country. 

In  any  case,  most  of  them  are  in  great  need  of  good  advice.  But 
what  instructor  will  show  them  the  way  ? Will  not  the  philologist  rec- 
ommend philological  lectures  especially,  the  historian  historical  ones, 
&c.?  Not  that  this  will  be  from  vulgar  and  egotistical  motives,  but 
only  from  the  natural  and  necessary  preference  of  every  one  for  his 
own  department.  Very  few  professors  have  so  far  mastered  the  differ- 
ent studies  as  to  be  capable  of  lecturing  on  a comprehensive  system  of 
hodegetics.* 

It  has  been  attempted  to  simplify  and  ease  the  selection,  by  having 
each  of  the  three  faculties,  in  the  plan  of  study  which  they  draw  up 
for  their  students,  recommend  to  them  lectures  upon  such  subjects  in 
the  philosophical  faculty  as  are  most  closely  related  to  their  respective 
professional  studies.  The  faculty  of  law,  for  instance,  would  recom- 
mend historical  lectures ; of  medicine,  natural  historical ; of  theology, 
philological. 

However  simple  this  expedient  may  seem,  it  is  still  to  be  feared  that 
these  recommendations  to  the  students  of  each  faculty  will  cause  them 
to  turn  their  backs  upon  all  studies  not  recommended,  as  being  foreign 
to  their  purpose,  which  is  far  from  the  case.  Natural  science,  for  in- 
stance, will  usually  not  be  recommended  to  students  of  theology,  law, 
or  philology.  In  after  life  these  students  will  commonly  have  no  oppor- 
tunity to  become  acquainted  with  these  studies,  nor  could  they  do  so  at 
the  gymnasium.  It  is  only  at  the  university  that  an  opportunity  offers 
to  fill  up  these  omissions  in  their  education,  and  to  acquire  a knowledge 
of  nature.  Here  are  offered  teachers  and  means  of  insti-uction.  Ought 
theological  students,  &c.,  now,  not  to  improve  the  opportunity,  at  least 
to  gain  a glimpse  into  a world  which  has  hitherto  been  strange  to 
them,  and  which  will  usually  remain  so,  if  they  do  not  seize  that  occa- 
sion ? I have  taken  this  example  because  it  occurs  most  readily  to  me, 
as  professor  in  natural  history.f  The  point  will  be  made  still  clearer 


* A very  good  arrangement  to  avoid  this  danger,  prevails,  for  example,  at  Erlangen.  Each 
professor  of  the  philosophical  faculty  draws  up  a summary  of  the  studies  of  his  department,  and 
a short  introduction  to  it,  to  be  studied.  Collections  of  these  are  printed  for  the  students, 
t See  “ IIiHtory  of  Education,"  vol.  iii.  part  1,  p.  168. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


225 


by  the  following,  which  I extract  from  the  introduction  of  my  lectures 
on  natural  history. 

In  the  gymnasium,  I say,  there  is  usually  no  preparation  made  for 
studying  natural  history.  Let  it  now  be  imagined  that  students  should 
come  to  the  university  who  had  not  even  learned  mensa  and  amo. 
As  little  as  these  would  be  capable  of  profiting  by  lectures  on  Tacitus 
and  Roman  literature,  would  those  unacquainted  with  the  first  ele- 
ments of  the  knowledge  of  natural  science  be  prepared  for  the  higher 
courses  on  natural  science. 

Such  should,  as  far  as  possible,  make  up  for  the  omissions  in  their 
studies  at  the  gymnasium,  by  lectures  on  natural  history.  These  will 
afford  them  an  intelligible  glance  into  the  creation ; a general  view  of 
natural  science.  They  will  have  penetrated  into  the  vestibule. 

If  it  be  inquired  of  what  use  is  this  study,  not  merely  to  all  students 
whatever,  but  to  those  destined  for  the  profession  to  which  it  is  re- 
lated, the  answer  would  be,  in  brief,  as  follows : 

A young  student  of  medicine  will  scarcely  question  the  usefulness  of 
the  study  of  nature ; indeed,  his  medical  studies  are,  themselves,  a de- 
partment of  the  knowledge  of  nature.  Why,  then,  should  he  not  de- 
sire to  be  acquainted  with  studies  so  nearly  related  to  his  own  as 
zoology,  which  is  to  introduce  him  to  comparative  anatomy,  so  neces- 
sary to  him,  as  botany  and  mineralogy  ? These  studies  are  important 
to  the  physician,  not  only  in  theory,  but  in  practice;  for  he  must  be 
acquainted  with  the  medicinal  qualities  of  animals,  plants,  and  min- 
erals. And,  moreover,  if  he  has,  by  diligent  study  in  natural  history, 
trained  his  eyes  and  his  understanding  to  a clear  and  thorough  com- 
prehension of  animals,  plants,  and  minerals,  he  has,  at  the  same  time, 
been  preparing  them  to  understand  anatomical  relations ; and,  above 
all,  for  acute  observation  of  the  symptoms  of  the  sick. 

To  students  of  law,  the  study  of  nature  seems  much  less  important, 
professionally,  than  to  physicians.  And  still,  there  is  one  point  of  view 
in  which  it  has  especial  value  for  him.  He  can  become  acquainted,  in 
it,  with  the  just  and  loving  laws  of  God,  which  are  a pattern  for  all 
human  laws.  The  whole  world  is  governed  by  them,  without  change, 
and  always.  The  law  of  the  Lord  is  unchangeable.  Thus  invariable 
does  it  appear  in  astronomy,  which  this  can,  with  mathematical  cer- 
tainty,  “determine  the  places  in  the  heavens,  where  sun,  moon,  and 
planets  have  stood,  stand,  and  shall  stand.”  It  computes  backward 
with  certainty,  that  the  eclipse  of  the  sun  foretold  by  Thales  took  place 
on  the  lYth  of  June  of  the  year  603  before  Christ;  and  Kepler  com- 
puted forward,  in  1627,  that  in  1761  the  transit  of  Venus  over  the  sun 
would  take  place.  Thus  God  rules,  without  any  variation. 

15 


226 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


And  the  earthly  creatures,  as  well  as  the  heavenly,  reveal  the  fixed- 
ness of  God’s  law.  When  the  botanist*  has  desciibed  the  species  lily, 
by  saying  that  its  flower  has  a campaniilate  corolla  in  six  parts,  six 
anthers,  a six-celled,  three-sided  capsule,  &c.,  the  definition  applies  not 
only  to  a German  lily,  but  to  one  from  Mount  Carmel.  And,  in  like 
manner,  the  careful,  faithful  representations  of  lilies  in  ancient  pictures 
have  also  a corolla  with  six  pai'ts,  six  anthers,  &c.  Thus,  the  botanist’s 
description  applies  to  lilies  of  all  countries  and  all  times.  The  stead- 
fastness of  the  law  is  clear.  But  an  ignorant  person,  on  hearing  this, 
would  say:  All  lilies,  then,  are  alike;  and,  according  to  that,  a great 
monotony  must  prevail  throughout  the  creation.  Such  was  the  idea  of 
the  Electress  who  controverted  Leibnitz’s  assertion  that  no  leaf  was  ex- 
actly like  another;  but  all  her  efforts  to  find  two  leaves  entirely  alike 
were  quite  in  vain.  And  just  as  vain  would  it  be  to  endeavor  to  find 
two  lilies  completely  like  each  other,  even  if  they  grew  on  the  same 
stem.  The  law  of  the  Lord  is  without  change ; but  this  unchangea- 
bleness does  not  produce  any  unpleasant  uniformity  among  the  individu- 
als of  which  each  is  a representation  of  the  divine  idea.  The  law  of 
agreeable  variety  and  free  beauty  is  still  more  marked  in  the  case  of 
featliers.  The  animal  creation  exemplifies  it  still  more ; and  most 
clearly  of  all,  the  human  family.  Here  the  law  passes  more  and  more 
out  of  sight,  and  fieedom  and  independence  supply  their  place  to  such 
an  extent,  that  the  supreme  power  of  God  is  too  often  doubted  and  for- 
gotten, in  the  life  both  of  individuals  and  of  the  race. 

Thus  the  laws  and  government  of  God  unite  things  apparently  ir- 
reconcilable— fixed  laws  and  freedom.  Thus  they  are  a model  for 
liuman  laws ; which  should  avoid  tyrannical  constraint  and  anarchical 
arbitrariness ; should  protect  freedom,  yet  secure  and  maintain  stead- 
fast order.  So  lofty  a model  will  be  a light  upon  the  path  of  him  who 
devotes  himself,  with  love  and  earnestness,  to  the  study  of  law. 

For  students  who  intend  to  devote  themselves  to  teaching,  the  study 
of  nature  has  great  value,  for  more  than  one  reason. 

It  has  already  been  observed  how  active  a capacity  and  impulse 
there  is  in  youth  to  examine  and  collect  plants,  minerals,  and  animals. 
In  proportion  as  this  has  been  recognized,  has  the  necessity  been  felt 
of  teaching  natural  history  in  the  schools.  As  actual  departments  of 
training  for  the  sciences,  and  for  life,  the  natural  sciences  require  also 
to  be  made  elements  of  school  education.  We  have  seen  that  this  de- 
mand grew  to  such  a height,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  that  it  became 
necessary  to  found  real  schools,  although,  at  the  same  time,  gymnasium 


♦ See  '^Jlisiory  of  Education^'  vol.  iii.  part  1,  p.  173. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


227 


scliolars  also  received  instruction  in  natural  science.  Every  student 
'svlio  proposes  to  offer  himself  for  a place  as  teacher,  either  in  the  gym- 
nasium or  a real  school,  should  bear  this  in  mind. 

Students  in  philology  should  also  remember  that  a certain  degree  of 
attainment  in  real  knowledge  is  absolutely  necessary  to  any  under- 
standing of  the  ancients,  which  is  to  be  actual,  and  not  merely  verbal. 
Altogether,  apart  from  books  pertaining  directly  to  the  natural  sciences, 
such  as  Aristotle,  Pliny,  &c.,  some  such  knowledge  is  needed  to  un- 
derstand the  classics,  which  are  universally  and  daily  read,  as  Cicero, 
Virgil,  Ovid,  &c.  Quintilian,  indeed,  says,  that  philology  [grammatice) 
can  not  be  thoroughly  understood  without  a knowledge  of  music; 
“ nor  without  a knowledge  of  the  movements  of  the  stars,  can  the  poets 
be  understood  ; for,  not  to  go  further,  they  often  refer  to  the  rising  and 
setting  of  the  constellations  in  defining  time ; nor  can  they  be  under- 
stood without  a knowledge  of  natural  philosophy ; for  in  very  many 
places,  in  almost  all  poems,  are  passages  based  on  a profound  knowl- 
edge of  natural  problems;  as,  for  instance,  Empedocles,  among  the 
Greeks;  and  Varro  and  Lucretius,  among  the  Latins;  who  put  pre- 
cepts of  wisdom  into  verse.”^ 

If  it  is  asked  how  far  a knowledge  of  natural  science  is  to  be  re- 
quired of  theological  students,  the  readiest  answer  is,  that  much  such 
knowledge  is  requisite  for  understanding  the  Bible.f  It  is  well  known 
that  Luther  studied  natural  history  in  connection  with  his  translation 
of  the  Bible. 

In  their  subsequent  vocation,  most  theological  students,  when  pas- 
tors, are  also  school-inspectors.  At  present,  not  only  in  cities,  but  in  villa- 
ges, many  real  studies  are  taught,  especially  relating  to  natural  science. 
The  inspecting  pastor,  therefore,  needs  a competent  acquaintance  with 
this  branch  of  instruction,  in  order  to  judge  whether  the  teacher  in- 
structs properly,  &c.  This  he  can  only  do  by  having  himself  studied 
natural  sciences ; for  which,  as  we  have  seen,  he  finds  scarcely  any 
opportunity  except  at  the  university. 

The  study  of  nature,  pursued  in  the  right  spirit  and  in  the  right 
manner,  will,  moreover,  have  the  strongest  and  most  wholesome  influ- 


* Comoare  the  remarks  of  Erasmus  on  real  studies,  (“  Ilistory  of  Education,"  vol.  i.  p.  166.) 
In  the  third  edition  of  my  Geography  I have  cited  many  passages  from  the  classics  which  re- 
quire information  on  natural  subjects;  see,  for  instance,  p.  10,  remark  6;  p.  20,  remark  120; 
p.  62,  remark  23;  p.  79,  remark  36;  p.  28S,  remark  16,  &c. 

+ Observe  the  number  of  articles  on  natural  science  in  Winer’s  “ Dictionary  of  Natural 
nUtoi'y I may  refer  also  to  Bochart’s  “ Ilierozoikon,"  to  Rosenmuller,  &c.  The  application  of 
geological  hypotheses  to  the  interpretation  of  Genesis  is  of  great  importance;  but  here  only  de- 
monstrated facts  should  be  relied  on,  lest  the  pure  truth  be  defiled  and  made  contemptible  by 
fantastic  human  conceptions — a most  dangerous  misalliance. 


228 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


ence  upon  the  development  of  a Christian  theological  character.  On 
this  subject,  one  of  the  greatest  English  natural  philosophers  says : ^ 
“Another  thing,  then,  that  qualifies  an  experimentarian  for  the  recep- 
tion of  a revealed  religion,  and  so  of  Christianity,  is,  that  an  accus- 
tomance  of  endeavoring  to  give  clear  explications  of  the  phenomena 
of  nature,  and  discover  the  weakness  of  those  solutions,  that  superficial 
wits  are  wont  to  make  and  acquiesce  in,  does  insensibly  work  in  him  a 
great  and  ingenious  modesty  of  mind.  And  on  the  score' of  this  intel- 
lectual, as  well  as  moral  virtue,  not  only  he  will  be  very  inclinable, 
both  to  desire  and  admit  further  information,  about  things  which  he 
perceives  to  be  dark  or  abstruse ; but  he  will  be  very  unapt  to  take, 
for  the  adequate  standard  of  truth,  a thing  so  imperfectly  informed, 
and  narrowly  limited,  as  his  mere  or  abstracted  reason.  . . . And 

though  a vulgar  philosopher,  . . . may  presume  that  he  under- 

stands every  thing,  and  may  be  easily  tempted  to  think  that  he  must 
not  hope,  nor  desire  to  learn  from  less  able  men  than  his  first  teachers ; 
and  that  that  can  not  be  true,  or  be  done,  which  agrees  not  with  his 
philosophy ; yet  a sober  and  experienced  naturalist,  that  knows  what 
diflSculties  remain  yet  unsurmounted  in  the  presumedly  clear  concep- 
tion and  explications  even  of  things  corporeal,  will  not,  by  a lazy  or 
arrogant  presumption,  imagine  that  his  knowledge  about  things  super- 
natural is  already  sufficient And  this  frame  of  mind  is  a 

very  happy  one  for  a student  in  revealed  theology.  . . . An  as- 

siduous conversation  with  the  exquisitely  framed  and  admirably  man- 
aged works  of  God,  brings  a skillful  considerer  of  them  to  discover, 
from  time  to  time,  many  things  to  be  feasible,  or  to  be  true,  which, 
while  he  argued  but  upon  grounds  of  incompetently  informed  reason, 
he  judged  false  or  unpracticable.”| 

To  these  remarks  of  the  excellent  Boyle,  I will  add  a single  obser- 
vation. The  capacity  for  objective,  independent  truth,  such  as  does 
not  depend  on  man',  seems  to  have  been  entirely  lost  by  many  pej-sons 
who  have  occupied  themselves  exclusively  with  purely  verbal  studies. 
There  are  innumerable  persons  who  assert  that  there  exist  only  strictly 
individual  beliefs;  that  some  have  one,  others  another;  and  that  this 
variety  is  an  evidence  of  the  freedom  of  the  modern  method  of  inves- 
tigation. This  unfortunate  belief  has  caused  much  trouble  in  theolo- 


* Boyles  Work/>^  5 vols.  fol,  Lond.,  1744:  vol.  v.  p.  56. 

t I repeat,  that  these  remarks  are  made  of  serious  and  modest  consideration  and  investigation 
of  facts  in  natural  science;  not  of  unreasoning,  fantastic  hypotheses,  with  no  foundation  what- 
ever. These  may  lead  astray  silly  laymen,  and  it  is  only  when  knowledge  is  the  object  that 
men  acquainted  with  the  subject  will  be  followed.  For  this  reason,  visionaries  have  far  more 
pupils— a larger  public,  than  reasonable  men. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


229 


2;y,  lias  opened  the  door  to  all  manner  of  arbitrary  views,  and  has 
loosened  all  those  lovino-  bands  in  which  men  are  joined  by  the  com- 
mon recognition  of  eternal  and  holy  truths.  From  such  a wicked 
arbitrariness  the  eainest  investigator  of  nature  turns  away ; his  obser- 
vations do  not  entice  him  into  error,  because  he  only  admits  that  his 
views  are  true  when  they  have  been  proved  by  their  agreement  with 
the  facts  of  nature.  Before  Kepler  discovered  his  first  astronomical 
law,  that  the  paths  of  the  planets  are  ellipses,  he  had  determined  upon 
another  figure.  As  Tycho’s  observations  did  not  harmonize  with  this, 
he  rejected  it  and  took  the  ellipse,  which  entirely  harmonized  with 
them.  In  a similar  irrefragable  manner  do  truths  appear  to  us  in 
crystallography ; and  to  discover  their  beautiful  laws,  and  candidly  to 
recognize  them  when  discovered,  gives  great  pleasure  and  edification 
to  the  mineralogist. 

It  would  be  exceedingly  beneficial  to  the  young  theologian,  to  be 
constrained  by  a knowledge  of  nature,  to  acknowledge  some  truth 
entirely  independent  of  himself,  and  thus  to  become  humbled.  Under 
such  discipline  he  would  more  nearly  approach  the  “ faith  which  pre- 
cedes knowledge;”  and  would  learn  to  approach  the  study  of  the 
Bible,  not  in  presumptuous  ignorance,  criticising  and.  censuring,  but 
humbly,  with  holy  awe  for  impregnable  truth,  fast  founded,  and  higher 
than  all  reason. 

What  has  been  said  may  justify  the  wish,  that  in  recommending  to 
the  students  lectures  by  the  philosophical  faculty,  the  three  other  fac- 
ulties may  act  with  circumspection,  and  with  reference  to  the  connec- 
tion— sometimes  an  obscure  one — among  different  studies,  and  to  their 
influence  on  the  training  of  the  students. 

IV.  Pkrsoxal  Relations  of  the  Professors  to  Students. 

From  the  foregoing  it  follows,  that  at  present  the  students  are  re- 
garded not  as  entirely  free  and  independent  men,  but  as  youths,  grown 
beyond  school-discipline,  it  is  true,  but  yet  in  process  of  development 
and  progress  toward  manly  self-dependence.  The  necessity  will  be 
recognized,  of  not  leaving  them  to  themselves  during  this  dangerous 
process  of  emancipation ; but  of  guiding  it  by  laws  and  personal 
infiuence. 

In  this  proceeding,  however,  paths  lead  off  on  both  sides,  by  a ten- 
dency to  do  too  much,  and  too  little.  Some  govern  too  much  by 
compulsory  lectures,  incessant  examinations,  and  oversight  of  expen- 
ses ; while  others  think  every  new  student  a quite  free  man,  capable  of 
advising  for  himself,  and  needing  scarcely  the  most  trifling  guidance 
during  his  life  as  a student. 


230 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


It  is  our  wisli,  in  the  academical  legislation,  to  regulate  the  life  and 
studies  of  the  students  as  judiciously  as  possible,  without  injuring  their 
freedom ; the  best  legislation  must,  however,  interfere  with  a certain 
neutrality — with  the  cold  heartlessness  of  the  abstract.  Misunder- 
standings can  only  be  healed  by  paternal  faithfulness  on  the  part  of 
the  teachers  toward  the  students.  The  latter  are  the  congregations, 
of  whom  the  former  have  the  cure  of  souls,  and  for  whom  they  must 
in  future  render  an  account. 

Such  is  the  sentiment  expressed  in  the  statutes  of  the  university  of 
Ilalle."^'  They  also  require  of  the  professors  unity  of  belief.  But  it  is 
not  enough,  they  add,  for  them  to  be  pure  in  their  teachings ; they 
must,  by  an  unblamable  life,  and  serious  and  upright  character,  set  a 
good  example  to  the  students,  and  not  be  a scandal  to  them ; and 
must,  by  word  and  deed,  promote  piety  and  morality  among  them. 

The  statutes  of  the  theological  faculty  of  Halle  go  more  into  details 
under  this  general  statement.  The  professors  of  this  faculty,  they 
enact,  must  maintain  unanimity  among  themselves  ; must,  with  one 
accord,  aid  their  students  as  if  their  own  sons,  with  paternal  counsel 
and  assistance;  and  to  this  end  shall  consult  together  at  the  beginning 
of  every  half-year  upon  what  lectures  shall  be  delivered,  in  order  to 
satisfy  all  the  requirements  of  the  students.  Therefore  it  is  necessary, 
they  proceed,  that  the  professors  shall  gain  an  intimate  knowledge  of 
the  students.  For  this  purpose  they  must,  “ in  every  week,  upon  a 
fixed  day,  devote  an  hour  to  the  useful  employment  of  carefully  exam- 
ining the  progress  of  the  students  in  knowledge  and  in  life ; the  plan 
being  so  adjusted  that  each  student  shall  come  before  them  once  in 
each  quarter  of  a year.  If  the  number  of  students  should  increase  so 
that  one  hour  is  not  sufficient,  then  more  hours  must  be  set  apart  for 
so  indispensable  a plan.” 

New-comers  are  to  be  questioned  upon  what  they  have  studied  at 
school  or  at  other  universities ; and  their  mental  capacity,  their  pur- 
poses, and  their  situation  as  to  means,  in  order  to  the  formation  of  an 
opinion  as  to  what  is  to  be  particularly  recommended  to  each  one. 
Above  all,  love  of  God,  and  humility,  are  to  be  prescribed  to  them.f 

In  another  place  they  say,  that  the  students  shall  often  be  remind- 
ed by  the  professors,  that  in  order  to  practical  theology,  elegant  and 


♦ The  statutes  are  meant  which  were  enacted  in  1694,  at  the  establishment  of  tlie  university. 
(Koch,  i.  p.  466.) 

t Koch,  i.  p.  483,  &c.  They  recommended  to  the  professors  of  theology  to  iay  to  heart  an 
expression  of  St.  Augustine,  and  to  enforce  it  upon  their  students,  viz. : “ That  they  shall  see, 
in  proportion  as  they  die  to  the  present  age ; and  that  by  as  much  as  they  live  for  it,  they  shall 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


231 


hononible  manners  and  abstinence  from  worldly  life  will  by  no  means 
suffice ; but  that  it  requires  self-denial,  which  is  the  fruit  of  true  con- 
version.'*' 

Tlie  first  impulse  toward  the  peculiar  character  of  the  academical 
organization  at  Halle  was  given  by  Spener.  As  early  as  in  1G90,  be- 
fore the  founding  of  the  university  of  Halle,  he  had  advanced  a pro- 
posal, that  “at  every  university  there  should  be  appointed,  at  the 
public  expense,  a learned,  wise,  and  pious  theologian,  who  should  not 
only  examine  the  knowledge  and  capabilities  of  new-comers,  but 
should  especially  give  them  correct  ideas  about  theological  knowledge, 
that  they  may  learn  how  themselves  to  attain  it,  and  how  to  study  it 
in  a proper  order .”f 

It  is  evident  that  this  reference  is  not  to  a merely  scientific  system 
of  hodegetics.  Spener’s  plan  was  to  have  only  one  man ; for  in  that 
controversial  period  he  might  well  despair  of  finding  an  entirely  unan- 
imous theological  faculty  to  fulfill  his  wishes.  How  gratified,  there- 
fore, must  he  have  been,  when  the  theologians  of  the  new  university 
of  Halle,  such  as  Francke,  Breithaupt,  and  Anton,  united  themselves 
with  one  mind  to  carry  them  into  execution.  They  complied  con- 
scieutiously  with  the  statutes  of  their  faculty,  and  even  did  more  than 
the  statutes  required.  They  devoted  some  hours  weekly  to  a meeting 
of  the  faculty  in  the  house  of  their  dean,  examined  new-comers,  and 
caused  each  of  them  to  give  in  a written  account  of  his  previous 
studies;  and  then  they  advised  them  in  what  direction  to  prosecute 
them,  and  what  lectures  to  hear.  All  the  theological  students  were 
obliged,  every  term,  to  advise  with  the  professors,  at  a meeting  of  the 
faculty,  on  the  lectures  they  had  heard  and  were  to  hear.  If  it  was 
found  that  a student  was  dissipated  or  idle,  he  was  brought  before  the 
faculty  and  paternally  admonished ; and  if  this  did  not  suffice,  the 
case  was  reported  to  his  friends. 

It  was  also  required,  that  the  students  should  be  in  confidential 
communication,  not  only  with  the  body  of  the  faculty,  but  also  with 
individual  professors,  on  all  matters  relative  to  their  lives  and  studies. 

By  these  means  the  professors  became  thoroughly  acquainted  with 
the  students;  and  if  the  faculty  were  applied  to  for  testimonials  rela- 
tive to  a stipend,  they  were,  it  is  said,  “ able  to  use,  in  most  of  them, 
very  definite  expressions.” 

Thus  do  the  statutes  and  other  sources  describe  the  religious  care  of 
the  theological  faculty  of  Halle,  in  the  time  of  A.  H.  Francke. 

Of  course,  such  care  in  religious  matters  must  have  been  intended 


♦ Koch,  i.  p.  487. 


t “ Francke' 8 Institutions^"  ii.  p.  63. 


232 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


to  secure  not  only  the  fullest  acquaintance^  with  the  students,  but  also 
a successful  religious  teaching  and  training  of  them.  And  now  I can 
hear  more  than  one  reader  ask,  with  meaning,  whether  I would  see 
this  plan  of  Francke  introduced  among  us  ? The  question  is  asked,  in 
the  conviction  that  its  introduction  would  be,  at  least  in  our  own  times, 
impossible.  To  this  opinion  I must  assent;  and  on  the  point,  I cite 
Francke  himself,  who  complains,  as  early  as  in  1709,  fifteen  years  after 
the  university  of  Halle  was  founded,  that  most  of  the  students  had 
lost  very  much  of  their  zeal  for  good.  He  describes  the  coarse  lives  of 
the  students,  and  observes,  that  the  well-meaning  care  of  the  theologi- 
cal professors  for  the  students  was  so  little  appreciated,  that  they  de- 
cidedly objected  to  it,  as  an  infringement  upon  their  freedom  as  stu- 
dents; and  that  the  good  advice  given  to  them  produced  no  results. 
And  he  adds,  “I  can  not  think  of  this  without  great  sorrow,  and  can 
not  sufficiently  wonder  how  it  is  possible  that  so  little  result  has  come 
from  all  our  lectures  and  advice.”"-'^ 

With  the  best  and  purest  intentions,  a mistake  had  evidently  been 
made,  and  a reaction  was  the  consequence. f Instead  of  the  prevailing 
wild  student-life,  Francke  and  his  theological  colleagues  would  have 
introduced,  at  one  stroke,  a still,  pious,  and  almost  conventual  discipline. 
Devotional  exercises  were  heaped  upon  devotional  exercises.  Pious 
emotions  and  excitements  were  encouraged  in  every  way.  Every  occa- 
sion was  seized  for  praying,  preaching,  exhorting,  and  singing.  It  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  student-life,  based  deeply  on  the  cus- 
tom of  centuries  and  its  accompanying  coarse  vices,  diametrically 
opposed  as  it  was  to  such  a scheme  as  this,  should  have  made  a pow- 
erful opposition  to  Francke’s  efforts  ; so  that  he  prevailed  only  with  a 
quiet  and  meditative  class  of  students.  And  it  must  be  confessed,  that 
he  repelled  not  only  the  dissipated  and  wild  ones,  but  also  the  pure, 
able,  and  talented. 

I may  thus  be  thought  to  retract  the  praise  which  I have  bestowed 
upon  the  honest  efforts  of  Francke  and  his  friends,  and  their  services 
to  the  students.  By  no  means.  The  conscientious  manner  in  which 
they  performed  their  official  duties,  their  true  and  paternal  love  for  the 
students,  render  them  rather  models  for  all  academical  teachers ; while 
their  errors  may,  on  the  other  hand,  admonish  us  to  proceed  with  cir- 
cumspection, modest  wisdom,  and  a Pauline  accommodation ; and  to 
permit  youth  to  be  youth. 

* ParoRnetical  Lectures^  iv.  p.  111. 

t ''•  History  of  Education,"  vol.  ii.  p.  147.  I have  here  referred  to  Luther's  sound  views  on 
education,  an-d  have  shown  that  they  were  decidedly  preferable  to  Francke’s,  in  which  there 
already  prevailed  the  insipid  and  unmanly  creed  of  that  pietism  which  afterward  displayed 
itself  in  so  many  caricatured  phases. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


233 


Let  us  return  to  our  subject,  which  may  be  put  in  the  form  of  the 
following  question : Is  legislation  and  strict  adherence  to  the  laws,  all 
that  the  university  requires  ? I reply,  by  no  means.  At  an  early 
period,  the  eftbrt  was  made  to  control  the  students  by  personal  influ- 
ence. But  woe  to  the  universities  if,  as  was  the  case  with  the  ancient 
bursaries,  goats  are  made  gardeners ; where  hirelings  are  set  over  the 
students,  who  regard  not  their  good,  but  their  own  profit.  It  would 
be  better  for  the  students  to  be  left  entirely  to  themselves  than  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  such  men. 

At  Rinteln,  Marburg,  and  Helmstadt,  new  students  were  required  to 
put  themselves  under  the  charge  of  some  one  instructor.  But  this 
seems  to  have  occasioned  great  abuses,  similar  to  the  previous  ones 
in  the  bursaries.  A vigorous  production'^  of  the  lYth  century,  appar- 
ently emanating  from  Ilelmstiidt,  gives  strange  accounts  of  the  privi- 
leges of  the  so-called  “professor-students,”  that  is,  students  who  boarded 
at  the  tables  of  the  professors  ; and  who,  as  the  author  says,  “had 
therefore  a precedence  in  all  things,  above  the  convictorists”  (those 
who  ate  in  companies  together)  “ and  citizen-students.”  Among  these 
privileges  are  mentioned,  that  they  have  a higher  place  at  church  and 
at  meetings,  even  at  the  Communion ; that  they  are  to  take  fencing- 
lessons  only  of  the  fencing-master;  that  their  disputations  are  printed 
in  folio,  those  of  others  in  quarto;  that  they  may  wear  their  swords 
when  visiting  the  magnificus;f  not  to  mention  some  less  elegant  ones. 
Though  this  author  may  somewhat  exaggerate,  still  his  production  in- 
dicates that  the  sacred  vocation  and  authority  of  the  teacher  were 
most  vilely  abused. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  Meiners  made  a propo- 
sition as  laughable  as  it  was  exceptionable.  This  was,  to  have  board- 
ing establishments  instituted  at  the  universities,  at  which  “board, 
lodging,  and  attendance  should  be  so  excellent,  that  the  young  people 
w'ould  desire  places  at  them  for  these  reasons  only.  Persons  at  these 
should  have  a certain  precedence,  and  should  assert  it.  It  would  be  a 
great  recommendation  if  either  French  or  English  should  be  constant- 
ly spoken  at  these  boarding-houses.  This  would  free  them  from  all 
invidious  appearances.  Parents  would  tell  their  children,  and  the 
boarders  their  acquaintances,  that  that  boarding-house  had  been  select- 
ed only  on  account  of  the  language.”;]; 


♦ Curiom  Inaugural  Disputation  on  the  Law,  PrWleges,  and  Prerogatives  of  the 

Athenian  Professor-students,  over  the  Citizen-students  and  Communists By 

Schlingschlangschlorum."  Athens  here,  as  in  Meyfart,  must  have  meant  an  extinct  German 
university;  while  Saalatben,  Elbathen,  «fec.,  are  designations  for  Jena,  Halle,  and  W^ittenberg. 
t Kector.  % Meiners’  “ Constitution,  Jbc.,  of  the  German  Universities^  Gottingen,  1802. 


234 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


Meiners  printed  this  plan  in  1802,  while  prorector  at  Gottingen.  It 
agrees  well  with  what  he  says  of  “a  young  man’s  success.”  This,  ac- 
cording to  him,  “ depends  not  merely  on  his  capacity,  knowledge,  and 
moral  excellence,  but  always  in  part,  and  sometimes  entirely  or 
chiefly,  upon  his  deportment,  and  how  he  shows  his  bringing  up.”* 

It  is  most  injurious  to  students,  whose  manners  are  good,  to  be 
especially  introduced  into  the  social  circle  of  the  professors.  Such 
students  very  often  are  entirely  superficial,  unstable,  and  afraid  of 
labor ; and  rely  for  success  upon  some  accomplishments  in  music,  and 
dancing,  or  by  a gift  for  uselessly  passing  the  time  away.  Their  in- 
structors should  rather  remind  such  of  the  serious  duties  of  • their 
present  and  future  vocations.  To  prefer  such,  on  account  of  mere 
external  show,  to  simple,  straightforward,  and  able  students,  is  most 
indefensible,  not  only  with  reference  to  those  who  are  thus  undervalued, 
but  still  more  on  account  of  those  thus  preferred,  who  can  not  but  see, 
in  such  treatment,  an  approbation  of  their  idle  employments,  which 
will,  at  last,  leave  them  in  lamentable  ignorance  and  insignificance. 

At  a later  period.  Bavarian  ministerial  ordinances  repeatedly  rec- 
ommended to  the  professors,  especially  deans  of  faculty,  as  much  as 
possible,  to  watch  over  and  direct  the  lives  and  studies  of  the  students. 
The  same  requirement  was  made  by  the  Prussian  ministry,  and  espe- 
cially in  a rescript  of  14th  September,  1824.  This  observes  that  the 
management  of  the  studies  and  of  the  students  is,  no  doubt,  intrusted 
to  the  academical  authorities,  but  that  this  is  far  from  being  sufficient. 
The  students  often  attend  few  lectures,  or  none  at  all ; select  them  in- 
appropriately, in  an  improper  order,  or  attend  negligently.  The  min- 
istry believes  that  these  evils  can  be  cured,  “ by  having  at  each  uni- 
versity a number  of  professors  to  take  more  particular  charge  of  the 
studies  of  individual  students.”  And  it  is  added,  “ this  may  be  done, 
either  by  appointing  for  this  purpose  such  professors  as  were  deans  of 
faculty  when  the  present  students  commenced  their  course,  so  that  at 
the  end  of  their  deanship  they  may  continue  in  this  special  oversight, 
or  by  appointing,  without  reference  to  the  deanship,  or  to  any  other 
academical  or  faculty  oflBce,  professors  specially  fitted  for  the  place,  to 
be  properly  selected.  In  either  case  they  will  have  the  duty  of  guid- 
ing and  overseeing  every  way  the  students  put  under  their  special 
charge,  and  in  particular,  of  watching  that  each  of  them  not  only 
attends  lectures,  but  makes  a suitable  selection  of  them,  and  attends 
them  in  a proper  order  and  regularly.  It  would  be  necessary,  to  this 
end,  that  the  professors  should  fully  know  what  lectures  have  been 


♦ Meiners’  “ Constitution"  &c.,  p.  7. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


235 


already  attended  by  the  students  put  under  their  care ; and  should 
keep  themselves  assured  that  they  are  orderly  and  regular  in  attend- 
ance, that  if  they  should  fail  in  these  particulars,  they  may,  with 
paternal  care,  set  them  right.  And  it  will  likewise  be  necessary  that 
no  academical  stipends  shall  be  granted  without  their  report ; and 
that  those  which  are  given  should  be  given  only  on  the  production  of 
a half-yearly  attestation  to  the  recipients’  studies.”  ^ 

The  good  intentions  of  the  ministry  are  too  apparent  in  this  paper 
to  be  mistaken.  But  no  one,  even  moderately  familiar  with  the  usual 
circumstances  and  condition  of  a university,  will  be  surprised  that — 
by  all  indications  ' at  least — the  plan  of  the  ministry  never  went  into 
execution.  This  may  be  concluded  from  a second  rescript  of  9th 
January,  1830,  in  which  the  professors  of  the  university  at  Konigs- 
berg  are  required  to  assist  the  students  in  their  studies  with  their  ad- 
vice. This  says,  “ It  can  not  be  often  enough  repeated  to  the  pro- 
fessors, that  they  are  bound  to  exercise  unremitting  watchfulness  over 
the  industry,  the  learned  studies,  and  the  morals  of  the  students  ; and 
that  one  advice,  one  admonition,  given  at  the  right  time,  and  in  the 
right  manner,  by  a professor  to  a student,  is  more  useful  than  any 
number  of  police  ordinances.”  f 

If  this  committee  of  professors,  or  ephorate  over  the  students,  had 
existed,  this  latter  requirement  would  either  not  have  been  mentioned 
at  all,  or  would  have  been,  at  least,  expressed  in  another  way. 

Such  an  ephorate  over  the  theological  students  at  Erlangen  was 
established  in  1833.  At  its  head  was  placed  ah  excellent  man,  learned, 
upright,  and  intelligent,  the  late  High  Consistory  Councilor  Ilofling, 
and  under  him  four  tutors  {repetenten)^  one  for  the  students  of  each  of 
the  four  years  of  the  course.  These  latter  were  mostly  eminent  men 
also ; some  of  them  of  celebrity  in  the  learned  world.  It  may  be 
imagined  that  though  this  arrangement  may  have  been  considered  ex- 
ceedingly improper  by  the  idle  students,  yet  that  the  industrious  ones 
would  have  fallen  in  with  it.  This  was  far  from  being  the  case,  these 
latter  also  felt  themselves  under  constraint  by  it,  and  the  idle  contrived 
so  to  evade  the  means  used  for  enforcing  industry,  as  not  to  be  reached 
at  all.  This  is  not  the  place  to  detail  all  the  misadventures  of  this 
ephorate ; suffice  it  to  say,  that  after  continuing  fifteen  years,  it  was 
discontinued.  \ 

Thus  we  see  that  the  most  various  efforts  to  gain  a personal  influ- 


* Koch,  ii.  p.  190.  t Ib.,  ii.  p.  205. 

X A fuller  account  of  this  ephorate  will  be  found  in  the  excellent  biography  of  Hofling,  by  my 
respected  friend  and  colleague,  Prof.  Nagelsbach,  in  vol.  xxvi.  of  the  “ Gazette  of  Protestant- 
wm,”  Appendix  to  the  July  No.,  p.  9. 


236 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


ence  over  the  lives  and  studies  of  the  students,  have  sometimes  been 
thwarted  altogether,  and  sometimes  what  was  gained  was  imperfect  in 
many  ways,  and  of  brief  duration. 

We  ought  not,  moreover,  to  conceal  the  fact,  that  the  students  have 
considered  all  legislation  for  the  oversight  and  regulation  of  their 
studies  by  the  authorities  as  an  attack  upon  their  freedom  as  students, 
and  have  opposed  it  accordingly,  however  well  meant. 

They  will,  on  the  other  hand,  place  confidence  in  professors  who 
advise  them  truly,  faithfully,  and  honestly,  but  not  officially ; I may 
say,  without  their  official  faces  on.  But,  above  all,  the  professor  niust 
have  at  heart  the  good  of  the  students;*  and  must  watch  and  pray 
that  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  the  students  does  not  lead  him 
into  vanity,  and  an  ambition  to  have  many  followeis.  If  this  should 
happen,  he  must  find  his  reward  in  it  only ; and  his  influence  upon 
the  students  can  not  be  good;  and  for  the  reason  that  such  a vain 
teacher  will  not  remain  open  and  true,  but  will  flatter  the  students,  in 
order  to  conciliate  them,  and  fasten  them  to  him. 

But  in  this  way  a vain  teacher  makes  vain  scholars ; who  would 
consider  any  serious  warning  or  admonition  from  any  one  else,  no  mat- 
ter how  true,  well-meant,  and  sincere,  a deep  insult. 

V.  Small  and  Large  Universities.  Scientific  Academies. 

Our  discussions  of  the  various  university  laws,  and  other  experi- 
ments and  efforts  to  control  and  direct  the  lives  and  studies  of  students, 
will  occasion  many  readers  to  imagine  that  one  or  another  remark  is 
applicable  to  small  universities,  but  not  to  large  ones ; at  least,  what 
is  said  of  the  personal  influence  of  the  professors  over  the  students. 
Just  as  there  can  be  no  watchfulness  over  souls,  if  the  preacher’s  con- 
gregation is  immoderately  large,  so  a professor  at  Munich  or  Berlin 
can  not  attempt  any  personal  influence  upon  so  large  a number  of 
students ; or  can  at  most  labor  with  those  few  who  are  especially  recom- 
mended to  him,  or  otherwise  come  into  close  contact  with  him. 

Many  persons,  however,  make  no  account  whatever  of  any  such  in- 
fluence. They  consider  the  universities  as  institutions  for  the  promo- 
tion of  science,  even  to  its  furthest  special  departments;  and  the  lec- 
tures are  only  of  secondary  importance  to  them.  In  this  view,  it  is 
certainly  easy  to  show  that  the  purposes  of  a university  will  be  better 
served  at  a large  one  than  at  a small  one.  They  refer  especially  to  the 
various  important  appurtenances  of  the  larger  universities ; their  rich 

* Steffens  was  the  model  of  a truly  paternal  friend  of  the  students;  exhibiting  to  them  an 
indescribably  pure  goodness  of  heart  and  self  sacrifice,  as  I can  testify  thankfully,  from  my  own 
experience. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


237 


mineralogical  and  zoological  collections,  botanic  gardens,  physical  ap- 
paratus, chemical  laboratories,  large  hospitals,  anatomical  museums,  &c. 
The  smaller  universities  are  contemned,  because,  as  the  proverb  says, 
they  cut  their  coat  according  to  their  cloth,  and,  having  much  smaller 
incomes,  attempt  only  moderate  things.  And  it  is  said  that,  by  reason 
of  these  small  revenues,  they  cannot  procure  the  services  of  men  of  the 
highest  grade;  or,  if  they  do  accept  situations,  they  commonly  remain 
but  a short  time,  the  more  eminent  of  them  being  invited  to  larger 
universities. 

Before  proceeding  to  a more  careful  comparison  of  the  respective 
value  of  large  and  small  universities,  we  must  oppose  the  notions  of 
the  object  of  a university  which. are  advanced  by  these  advocates  of 
large  universities.  Universities  are  by  no  means  founded  exclusively 
for  the  promotion  of  the  sciences  as  such.  That  is  the  object  of  sci- 
entific academies;  while  universities  are  institutions  for  instruction. 
While  the  former  consider  the  present  aids  to  science  only  as  means 
to  be  used  for  further  attainments,  as  a terminus  a quo,  towards  great- 
er attainments,  and  are  solely  devoted  to  the  extension  further  and 
further  of  the  limits  of  the  domain  of  science,  and  to  perfect  more  and 
more  fully,  and  establish  more  deeply  and  firmly,  every  particular  de- 
partment, the  latter,  the  universities,  have  not  all  this  for  their  imme- 
diate and  direct  object;  they  are,  I repeat,  institutions  for  instruction. 
The  immediate  business  of  the  teacher  is,  to  consider  what  has  been 
already  made  clear  and  certain  in  his  department;  and  to  communi- 
cate this  clearly  and  certainly  to  his  pupils.  He  must  not  give  them 
must,  in  which  many  impurities  are  still  mingled,  but  well-worked  and 
pure  wine. 

Science  in  itself  is  the  object  of  the  academician ; the  teaching  of 
science,  of  the  university  teacher.  This  teaching  is  his  official  busi- 
ness ; he  ought  not  to  lose  sight  of  it.  Complaints  are  justly  made  of 
such  gymnasium  teachers  as  lose  sight  of  such  teaching  as  is  adapted 
to  their  pupils,  and  who  deliver  them  lectures  instead,  idly  anticipating 
the  university.  But  university  instructors  are  equally  blameworthy, 
who  lose  sight  of  their  proper  occupation,  and  idly  seek  to  make  them- 
selves academicians,  by  actual  and  purely  scientific  labors;  in  their 
chase  after  celebrity  losing  sight  of  their  office  as  teachers. 

One  who  is  true  to  this  object,  however,  will  feel  bound  always  to 
attain  a more  profound  knowledge  of  his  department,  and  to  compre- 
hend it  more  clearly,  in  order  to  be  able  to  teach  it  more  thoroughly 
and  clearly.  Upon  such  a conscientious  endeavor  a blessing  will  rest; 
and  it  will  usually  more  promote  scientific  knowledge,  than  such  in- 
fatuation after  science  and  unloving  neglect  of  pupils. 


238 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


The  academician  requires  a most  extensive  apparatus  of  books,  nat- 
ural objects,  instruments,  &c. ; the  newest  and  most  abstruse.  Desiring 
to  advance  further  and  further  in  his  science,  he  must  stand  at  the 
summit  of  it,  and  overlook  his  fellow-laborers  in  the  earth  below,  in 
order  rightly  to  perform  his  task  as  a member  of  the  great  republic  of 

learning. 

The  university  instructor,  on  the  contrary,  needs  only  a complete 
apparatus  for  teaching^  of  books,  natural  objects,  instruments,  tkc. ; an 
apparatus  which,  as  to  its  purpose,  differs  much  from  that  of  the  acade- 
mician, and  may  usually  be  more  modest  and  cheaper.  The  exces- 
sive riches  of  the  apparatus  at  a great  university  is  even  a hindrance 
to  the  purpose  of  the  instruction.  The  scholars  are  not  capable  of 
managing  so  much  material.  A light  can  be  extinguished  by  too 
much  oil,  as  well  as  by  too  little. 

The  affectionate  care  which  the  governments  have  of  late  bestowed 
upon  the  smaller  universities  in  reference  to  their  scientific  depart- 
ments, permits  us  to  hope  that  these  departments  will  gradually  be- 
come capable  of  answering  their  purposes.  Those  at  the  head  of  them 
must,  on  their  parts,  apply  judiciously  the  means  granted  them  ; must 
not  waste  them  uselessly,  nor  seek  impossibilities ; nor  make  requisi- 
tions for  their  own  department  exclusively  and  without  reference  to 
the  rest,  and  without  looking  to  their  prosperity  also ; which  would 
indicate  both  want  of  fairness  and  of  general  scientific  develop- 
ment. 

Examples  will  make  this  clearer.  Suppose  I,  as  professor  of  miner- 
alogy at  Erlangen,  had  been  unable  to  take  pleasure  in  the  collection 
of  minerals  there,  having  got  it  into  my  head  that  they  were  of  very 
little  value,  because,  for  instance,  they  were  so  far  behind  the  rich  col- 
lection at  Berlin  ; and  that  I was  always  thinking  about  the  magnificent 
specimens  of  gold  there,  the  hundred  and  five  crystallized  diamonds, 
and  so  many  other  treasures.  This  scientific  envy  would  only  injure 
my  official  usefulness.  I ought  rather  to  reflect  thus : I receive  so 
much  a year  for  purchases  for  the  collection  of  minerals ; how  can  I 
use  it  to  the  best  advantage  ? If  I seek  mostly  for  new  and  rare  ob- 
jects, and  am  ashamed  that  the  collection  should  lack  them,  I can 
easily  waste  the  whole  amount  upon  a few  newly  discovered  expensive 
specimens,  which  usually  will  have,  for  my  pupils,  a value  relatively 
exceedingly  small.  As  a teacher  of  mineralogy,  I must  buy  what  is 
of  value  to  them.  And,  fortunately,  it  is  precisely  those  which  are 
cheapest ; species  which  occur  most  frequently,  being  of  the  greatest 
significance  in  nature  and  in  life.  I should  endeavor  to  make  the 
collection  of  these  as  complete  and  good  as  possible ; so  that  the  pupil 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


239 


may  have  before  his  eyes  the  laws  of  the  progression  of  the  species, 
especially  in  a well-arranged  series  of  distinct  crystals. 

In  like  manner,  the  zoologist  of  a small  university  should  not 
aim  at  a menagerie  like  that  at  London ; the  botanist  should  not  de- 
mand immense,  magnificent  hot-houses,  and  a special  palace  for  the 
Victoria  Regina  ; but  should  endeavor,  above  all,  to  complete  the 
flora  of  his  locality,  as  being  both  cheapest  and  the  most  appropriate 
for  his  instruction.  Nor  should  the  instructor  in  medicine  be  dis- 
gusted because  he  does  not  find  so  many  singular  cases  as  occur  in 
the  great  cities  and  their  institutions.  He  should,  first  of  all,  learn  to 
manage  diseases  that  are  not  rare,  but  most  frequent — dropsy,  scarlet- 
fever,  (fcc. 

But  I may  be  thought,  in  defending  the  small  universities,  to  be 
making  a virtue  of  necessity.  By  no  means. 

There  is  no  more  difference  between  the  large  and  small  universities, 
either,  as  to  those  studies  which  are  taught  by  words  only. 

There  is  a difficulty  at  the  large  ones,  for  which,  at  present,  we  see 
no  remedy,  and  which  arises  from  the  large  number  of  students.  I 
refer  to  what  has  already  been  said  of  the  necessity  for  dialogic  instruc- 
tion in  all  studies  where  actual  seeing  is  necessary  to  accomplishment; 
and  in  some  of  which  the  hands  must  also  be  instructed,  as  in  practi- 
cal chemistry  and  surgery.  This  is  out  of  the  question  where  the 
number  of  pupils  is  too  large  ; and  most  of  all,  when  they  are  begin- 
ners, who  usually  are  unable  to  help  themselves,  and  therefore  need 
from  the  teachers  assistance,  and  continual  watchfulness  over  the 
course  of  their  acquirements. 

This  is  the  case,  for  instance,  with  students  of  medicine.  It  is  ex- 
tremely necessary  that,  at  the  clinical  lectures,  they  should  themselves 
examine  and  treat  the  sick ; but  this  is  impossible  when  the  instructor 
has  a large  number  of  pupils  and  spectators.  A pupil  of  a celebrated 
medical  professor  related  that  he  was  accustomed,  when  the  professor, 
with  his  crowd  of  students,  came  into  the  hospital,  to  fix  himself,  in 
advance,  near  some  one  bed,  and  to  be  content — and  to  be  obliged  to 
be — with  hearing  his  teacher’s  observations  on  that  one  patient. 
Only  those  close  about  the  professor  were  in  any  better  case ; and 
most  of  them  who  followed  his  long  circuit  at  a distance,  received 
little  or  nothing.  This  was  at  a large  university.  How  often,  on  the 
other  hand,  have  I heard  the  praises  of  the  friendly  and  conscientious 
care  with  which,  at  the  clinical  lectures  of  the  smaller  universities,  the 
students  were  personally  instructed,  and  thus  prepared  for  their  future 
employment ! 

Similar  praise  is  bestowed  upon  various  departments  of  the  smaller 


240 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


universities.  Not  being  over-filled,  personal  instruction  of  individuals 
is  practicable,  wherever  they  need  it. 

Lastly,  I should  remark,  that  in  great  cities  the  students  usually  live 
in  a scattered  manner,  and  are  lost  in  the  crowd  of  people.  They  fail 
to  acquire  the  feeling  of  a university,  the  sense  of  membership  of  the 
community.  Their  university  years  do  not  assume,  to  them,  any  defi- 
nite and  peculiar  character,  as  years,  not  only  of  learned  labor,  but  of 
that  serious  training  of  the  character  which  their  collection  together 
would  promote,  but  which  the  dispersedness  of  a great  city  injures. 
Their  teachers  mostly  remain  at  a distance  from  them,  and  so  much 
the  nearer  are  the  temptations  which  offer,  and  even  wickedly  force 
themselves  upon  them. 

If  it  is  claimed  that  at  large  cities  the  students  have  opportunities 
of  seeing  and  hearing  works  of  art,  it  may  be  answered,  that  the  stu- 
dents from  the  smaller  universities  go  in  great  numbers  to  Berlin, 
Munich,  Dresden,  &c.,  to  see  and  hear  those  very  works,  and  return 
full  of  every  thing  which  they  have  seen  and  heard. 

The  scientific  riches  of  the  larger  universities  can  best  be  made  use 
of  by  students  who  have  prepared  themselves  for  doing  so  at  the 
smaller  universities.  Thus  it  is  usual  for  medical  students  from  the 
smaller  universities,  during  the  latter  years  of  their  student  life,  or 
even  after  their  degree,  to  resort  to  Berlin,  Vienna,  &c.,  to  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  great  institutions  there  ; being  ready  to  profit  by 
them,  even  if  they  can  obtain  but  little  assistance.  The  same  is  true 
of  those  who  have  studied  natural  sciences  at  the  smaller  universities 
under  their  teachers ; they  are  prepared  to  profit  by  collections,  &c., 
without  aid.^ 

In  conclusion : a word  on  the  assertion  tJiat  the  smaller  universi- 
ties contain  no  celebrated  men  ; no  virtuosos.  This  might  easily  be 
refuted  by  an  enumeration  of  the  crowd  of  eminent  men  who  have 
taught  at  the  smaller  universities  for  centuries,  from  the  time  when 
Luther  and  Melancthon  taught  and  labored  at  Wittenbei-g,  down  to 
our  own.  It  is  true  that  the  eminent  men  are  invited  from  the  smaller 
to  the  larger  universities.  But  they  have  usually  acquired  their  repu- 
tation at  the  smaller  ; have  labored  there  din  ing  their  best  and  strong- 
est years,  unexhausted  and  efficiently.  Fame  usually  comes  late, — 
when  they  are  going  down  hill ; the  invitation  to  the  great  university 
limps  along,  when  they  are  longing  for  their  evening  rest.  We  often 
hear  it  remarked,  that  they  are  resting  there  on  their  laurels. 


* I repeat  what  I have  already  said,  that  for  students  of  theology,  law,  and  philology,  the 
larger  universities  have  not  a shadow  of  advantage  over  the  smaller. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


241 


VI.  Elementary  Instruction  in  Natural  Science  at  the  University. 

In  the  time  of  Melancthon,  a Wittenberg  mathematical  teacher  de- 
livered an  address  of  invitation  to  the  students.  In  this  he  praised 
arithmetic,  and  urged  them  not  to  be  discoiu-aged  by  the  difficulty  of 
that  studjL  Its  first  elements  were  easy  ; multiplication  and  division, 
it  is  true,  required  more  labor,  but  with  attention  could  be  acquired 
without  difficulty.  There  are,  no  doubt,  more  difficult  portions  of 
arithmetic;  but,  he  adds,  “I  am  speaking  of  the  beginning,  which 
will  be  taught  to  you,  and  useful  to  you.”  In  reading  this  we  can 
scarcely  believe  our  eyes.*  We  shall,  however,  not  wonder,  upon  be- 
coming better  acquainted  with  the  school  instruction  of  that  period. 
At  the  gymnasia,  arithmetic  was  either  not  taught  at  all,  or  as  an  ex- 
tra study.f  The  university  teachers,  therefore,  were  obliged  to  go  over 
what  had  been  neglected  at  the  schools,  and  teach  elementary  por- 
tions which  are  now  taught  in  the  lowest  common-schools. 

Let  us  compare  with  this  the  task  of  a university  mathematical 
teacher  at  the  present  day.  He  only  inquires.  What  is  the  business 
of  the  gymnasium  as  to  mathematical  instruction  ; how  far  do  they 
carry  their  scholars?  And  if  the  answer  is.  To  the  understanding 
and  practice  of  plane  trigonometry ; his  task  is,  to  make  the  terminm 
ad  quern  of  the  school,  the  terminus  a quo  of  his  own  teaching,  and  to 
take  his  pupils  from  plane  to  spherical  trigonometry,  and  so  onward. 

It  is  not  very  long  since  the  first  serious  introduction  of  instruction 
in  natural  science  into  the  universities;  and  more  impoitance  is  daily 
attached  to  it.  For  example,  my  official  predecessor,  Court-councilor 
Von  Schubert,  was  professor  of  natural  history  at  large,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  of  the  special  departments  of  zoology,  botany,  and  mineral- 
ogy. As  requirements  became  greater,  botany  was  first  set  off,  and 
Court-councilor  Koch  appointed  professor  of  botany.  When  I took 
Schubert’s  place  I stated  that,  besides  natural  history  at  large,  I could 
attend  only  to  the  special  department  of  mineralogy;  and  accordingly 
Prof.  A.  Wagner  was  appointed  my  assistant  to  the  chair  of  zoology. 
When  he  was  transferred  to  Munich,  a special  professorship  of  zoology 
was  founded,  which  was  given  to  Court-councilor  R.  Wagner. 

Any  one  even  moderately  acquainted  with  the  progress  of  natural 
history — who  has  merely  heard  of  the  immense  number  of  species  col- 
lected, examined,  and  described,  in  late  times,  will  see  that  one  profes- 


* See  Ifistory  of  Educ<iUon,"  vol.  i.  p.  319.  The  present  essay  belongs  with  tlie  previous 
portion  (vol.  iii.  part  1,  p.  130),  in  teaching  natural  history,  and  continues  it  more  into  detail,  as 
to  the  present  condition  of  that  instruction  in  the  universities.  t Ib.,  p.  205. 

IG 


242 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


sorsLip  of  natural  history  was  necessarily  divided  among  three  pro- 
fessors. 

This  is  the  condition  of  the  natural-historical  departments  in  the 
universities,  as  to  their  scientific  aims ; and  how  completely  have  these 
become  changed  within  the  present  century  ! 

But  the  university  teacher  is  concerned,  not  only  with  science,  but 
Avith  the  teaching  of  it;  not  only  with  beasts,  plants,  and  stones,  but 
with  pupils.  And  has  there  been  a change  here,  also,  within  fifty 
years  ? 

I answer  : None  whatever.  As  to  natural  history,  they  come  to 
the  university  just  as  ignorant  as  they  did  fifty  years  ago,  notwith- 
standing the  demands  of  science  have  inci  eased  in  such  a great  propor- 
tion. They  bring  just  as  much  knowledge  of  natural  history  as  the  Wit- 
tenlterg  mathematician’s  scholars  did  of  arithmetic : that  is,  noneat  all. 

What  terminm  a quo,  therefore,  shall  be  selected  for  the  instruction 
in  natural  histoi'V  of  the  univeisity  ? The  no-point  of  complete  igno- 
rance. Elementary  instruction  must,  therefore,  be  given,  at  any  rate ; 
just  as  the  Wittenberg  professor  had  to  teach  his  students  the  four 
ground-rules. 

However  disagreeable  this  may  sound,  we  must  by  no  means  over- 
look this  necessity,  but  rather  give  it  the  more  attention.  We  must 
be  definite  upon  the  beginning,  progress,  and  purpose  of  natural-his- 
toiical  instruction  at  the  universities.  And  as  to  the  pupils,  we  shall 
not  speak  of  those  few  who  devote  themst^lves  entirely  to  natural  his- 
tory, but  of  those  who  pursue  pi'ofessional  studies,  especially  medicine. 

These,  as  we  have  seen,  are,  in  Prussia  and  Bavaria,  examined  in 
zoology,  botany,  and  mitieralogy ; and  thus  must  apportion  their  time 
and  labor  among  the  three ; and  also,  the  requirements  from  them 
must  be  proportioned  to  their  attainments  in  the  same.  They  are  also 
examined  in  physic,  chemistry,  and  phai  macognosy ; which,  together 
with  their  professional  studies,  leave  them  not  much  time  for  natural 
liistory.  The  most  valuable  part  of  the  lectures  on  it  they  hear  during 
one  short  summer  term  ; the  more  diligent  repeating  the  course,  as  far 
as  their  professional  studies  will  allow,  during  the  next  summer  term. 

Let  me  be  permitted  the  following  observations  on  this  point.  For 
teaching  Latin,  some  sixteen  terms  are  employed  at  the  schools;  being 
eight  classes.  And  in  one  short  term — or,  at  most,  in  tw^o — the  stu- 
dent is  expected  to  acquire  an  unheard-of  mass  of  knowledge  of  natu- 
ral science,  when  not  even  the  A B C of  it  has  been  taught  him  at 
school.^ 


♦ I am  far  from  requiring  that  natural  science  shall  be  put  on  an  equality  with  languages  at 
the  gymnasium.  This  would  be  very  absurd ; but  the  entire  neglect  of  it,  at  this  day,  seems  in- 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


243 


"When  I was  appointed  professor  of  natural  liisloiy,  T set  myself 
about  considering  my  duties.  Without  confining  myself  strictly  to  the 
usual  conception  of  “ natui'al  history,”  I determined  to  become,  though 
unostentatiously,  a supplementary  instructor  for  the  omissions  of  the 
gymnasium  course,  and  to  teach  such  studies  as  my  pupils  ought  to 
have  learned  at  the  school:  that  is,  mathematical  and  physical  geogra- 
phy, mineralogy,  botany,  zoology,  and  lastly,  anthropology.  In  this 
m.iimer  also,  I became  clear  as  to  the  just  extent  and  the  proper  ulti- 
mate purpose  of  my  instruction. 

My  lectures  were  intended,  as  I have  more  fully  explained  in  another 
})lace,'^  to  introduce  youths  before  employed  almost  exclusively  about 
words,  and  who  knew  of  no  organ  for  learning  except  the  ear,  to  a de- 
partment of  learning  entirely  new  to  them,  and  prosecuted  mostly  by 
the  eye.  To  oral  explanations  I added,  as  far  as  possible,  the  exami- 
natio!j  of  minerals,  plants,  and  animals.  This  was,  however,  only  to 
open  their  eyes,  as  it  were;  for  a thorough,  permanent,  and  satisfactory 
acquaintance  with  the  subjects  in  hand  was  not  to  be  thought  of;  their 
eyes  were  too  fast  shut,  and  the  time  much  too  short.  This  practice 
was  first  commenced  in  the  lectures  on  mineralogy,  botany,  and  zool- 
ogy, as  connected  with  general  natural  history.  The  exercise  of  their 
eyes,  before  so  neglected,  and  incapable  of  intelligent  observation,  was 
secured  by  examining  minerals,  plants,  and  animals,  and  was  so  man- 
aged as  to  proceed  together  with  the  elementary  instruction  in  miner- 
alogy, botany,  and  zoology. 

Such  lowest  classes  in  natural  history  require  a teacher  who  can 
deal  with  each  scholar,  with  inexhaustible  patience,  and  lead  him  to 
consider,  in  a proper  order,  the  species  in  their  scientific,  arrangement; 
while  at  the  same  time  he  goes  forwaid  in  the  development  of  his 
power  of  vison  and  of  comprehension,  and  in  knowledge  of  the 
subject. 

In  such  exercises  the  pupil  of  twenty  years  of  age  has  no  advantage 
over  one  of  ten  ; on  the  other  hand,  the  younger  has,  usually,  much 
more  receptive  capacity,  and  an  apprehension  of  things,  purer  and  not 
modified  by  reflection. 

The  teaclier  of  these  elements  must  have  the  feelings  and  senti- 
ments of  an  elementary  teacher;  he  must  be  interested  as  much  in  the 
development  of  his  pupil  as  in  his  science ; must  be  able  to  draw  up 


defensible.  See  my  observations  (p,  140,  part  1,  of  vol.  iii.  of  this  work)  on  instruction  in  natu- 
ral knowledge  at  the  gyinnasinrn.  So  far  as  such  studies  are  introduced  there,  however,  it  is 
naturally  tlie  duty  of  the  university  to  make  changes  corresponding  with  the  amount  of 
knowledge  brought  from  the  gymnasium  by  the  students. 

• See  lliatory  of  Eduatiionf  vol.  iii.  part  1,  p.  lOS. 


244 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


as  correct  a monograph  of  his  scholar  as  of  a species.  Of  course  he 
must  not  lecture,  but  must  teach  dialogically.  And  after  this  element- 
ary instruction,  higher  classes  must  follow. 

It  is  the  business  of  the  scholars  in  elementary  zoology,  to  go,  under 
the  direction  of  their  teacher,  if  not  through  the  whole  zoological  col- 
lection, 3'et  through  the  most  important  parts  of  it.  Its  system  must  be 
made  known  to  them,  not  by  instruction  mostly  oral,  such  as  often  fol- 
lows a rapid  display  of  the  animals,  but  must  be  made  real  by  thorough 
examination  of  a scientifically  arranged  collection  ; and  from  this  actual 
intuition  the  teacher  must  deduce  the  positive  verbal  definitions  of  the 
various  species,  genera,  &c.,  as  well  as  by  comparing  them  together,  a 
knowledge  of  the  differences  of  the  same. 

The  second  class  in  zoology  will  study  comparative  anatomy  ; using, 
at  first,  Linnasus’  Descriptive  Zoology,  and  afterward  Cuvier’s  “Ana- 
tomie  Comijaree the  knowledge  of  the  more  important  species  of 
animals  being  now  supposed.  It  is  now  also  time  to  begin  with  or- 
ganic chemistry  and  physiology. 

The  elementary  instruction  in  mineralogy  begins  with  a knowledge 
of  the  species  by  their  external  distinctions.  Among  other  things, 
there  is  now  necessary  a knowledge  of  the  forms  and  families  of  crys- 
tals, which  can  scarcely  be  gained  at  all  except  by  the  eye;  and  skill 
in  recognizing  them  in  the  minerals  themselves.  From  this  elementary 
class  difterent  paths  lead  to  the  higher  classes.  The  physical  knowl- 
edge of  the  crystals  leads  to  pure  mathematical  crystallogi-aphy  ; 
mineralogical  chemistry  seems  as  necessary  a complement  to  knowl- 
edge of  the  exteriors  of  minerals,  as  in  organic  chemistry,  to  descriptive 
zoology  and  botany.  In  this  elementary  course  on  mineralogy  the 
scholar  also  receives  the  beginning  of  the  more  impoitant  departments 
of  physical  instruction,  as  electricity,  magnetism,  optics;  and  it  is  like- 
wise a necessarv  preparatoiy’"  school  for  geognos_y. 

Botany  must  also  begin  with  the  simplest  acquaintance  with  the  prin- 
cipal genera  and  species;  to  proceed  either  on  the  Linmean  svnstem,  or 
by  a selection  of  the  most  distinct  families  of  plants.  Excursions  and 
the  botanic  garden  must  be  made  use  of  at  the  same  time.  In  the  garden, 
all  the  species  of  one  genus  should  stand  U^gether,  as  far  as  possible  ; 
and  the  scientific  arrangement  shouhi  be  diearly  distinguishable  by  the 
eye.  A plan  of  the  garden  should  also  be  lithographed,  giving  the 
genera  as  they  stand  on  each  bed.  With  this  plan  in  hand,  and  with 
the  names  of  the  species  on  each  bed,  the  pupil  can  easily  make  his 
own  way,  even  with  little  aid  from  his  teacher. 

The  elementary  course  on  botany  should  last  from  planting-time 
till  seed-time;  to  instruct  the  pupil  not  only  in  the  recognition  and 


ACADF.MICAL  SriJJECTS. 


245 


(lescriplion  of  tlie  spec-ieJ^,  ttc.,  but.  in  the  development  of  plunts,  from 
their  sprouting  until  the  ripening  of  the  seed. 

In  higher  cia>ses,  the  cheiiiislry,  pbyt^iology,  and  geograpliy  of  plants 
^vill  be  taught. 

Elementary  instruction  in  mineralogy,  botany,  and  zoology  should 
be,  in  my  opinion,  as  simple  as  possible  ; and  not  perplexed  by  prema- 
ture hastenino;  into  branches  which  belono-  further  forward.  For  ex- 
ample,  mineralogical  chemistry,  as  I have  remarked,  must  follow 
descriptive  mineralogy,  which  relates  to  external  characteristics.  The 
former,  without  actual  chemical  operations,  is  nothing  but  a descrip- 
tion of  operations,  a statement  of  analytical  results — nothing  but  mere 
words.  Any  competent  person  will  testify  that  it  is  out  of  the  question 
to  pursue  a thorough  course  of  mineralogy  and  one  of  mineralogical 
chemistry  at  the  same  time.  A brief  anecdote  will  show  why  the  for- 
mer must  precede.  A certain  chemist  published  an  analysis  of  zircon, 
which  gave  a constituent  not  before  found  in  zircon.  A second  dis- 
tinguished analyzer,  therefore,  examined  a number  of  zircons,  but  could 
discover  not  an  atom  of  this  constituent.  This  incoxnprehensible 
enigma  was  very  simply  solved,  by  the  fact,  to  wit,  that  the  mineral 
analyzed  by  the  first  chemist  was  not  zircon;  he  having  misnamed  the 
mineral  for  want  of  thorough  mineralogical  knowledge.  A correct 
determination  of  the  mineral  must  precede  the  analysis  of  it;  mineral- 
ogy must  pi'ecede  mineralogical  chemistry.  In  the  same  way  the 
anatomist  might  err  if  he  had  misnamed  the  animal  he  was  anato- 
mizing, from  lack  of  knowledge  of  descriptive  zoology. 

VIL  Students’  Songs. 

Popular  songs,  which  are  extensively  sung  at  any  period,  reveal  the 
tendencies  of  the  people.  “ Out  of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  the 
mouth  speaketh.”  Sometimes  these  are  sad  remembrances  of  a greater 
and  better  time  past,  lamentations  over  its  transientness,  longing  after 
a better  future,  or  joyous  pleasure  in  the  present.  The  unfortunate 
years  of  the  French  tyranny  were  already  approaching  when  the  Ger- 
mans sang,  “Life  let  us  cherish,  while  yet  the  taper  glows;”  under  the 
domination  of  Napoleon,  was  to  be  heard,  in  every  street,  “It  can  not 
always  thus  remain;”  but,  in  1815,  the  victors  sang  Schenkendorf’s 
song,  “ How  to  me  thy  pleasures  beckon,  after  slavery,  after  strife.” 

If  we  had  a complete  collection  of  the  songs  which  the  German 
poets  have  sung  at  different  times,  we  should  obtain  profound  views  of 
the  condition  of  the  universities  at  those  times.  A chief  chapter  in 
the  history  of  these  songs  includes  the  years  of  the  war,  1813  to  1815. 

In  earlier  times  the  students  sang  songs  animated  with  the  spirit  of 


246 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


the  Burschen  : beer,  tobacco,  idleness,  dueling',  were  celebrated  in  a 
vulgar  manner;  and  some  most  obscene  songs,  even,  were  in  vogue. 
The  reverse  of  these  indecent  songs  were  lamentably  sentimental  ones, 
in  which  the  singer,  putting  himself  in  the  future,  looks  back,  with 
sorrow,  to  the  pleasant  life  of  the  universities,  and  paints  the  Philister- 
life  as  quite  the  opposite  of  his  lost  academical  paradise.  There  were 
some  of  them  which  celebrated  the  sickness  which  follows  a day  spent 
in  dissipation. 

I am  not  exaggerating ; the  Commers-book  contains  my  evidence. 
For  instance,  how  often,  among  others,  were  numerous  reckless  and 
abandoned  parodies  on  the  psalm,  Ecce  quam  bonum  (Behold  how  good, 
&c.),  sung. 

The  pitiable  young  men  of  that  period  had  no  pure  and  lofty  ideal ; 
no  patriotism  nor  religion  inspired  them.  It  was  only  here  and  there 
that  a better  spirit  prevailed  in  their  songs, — where  and  how  could  it 
have  been  displayed  in  their  lives?  In  the  “Country’s  Father”  they 
sang : 

“ Life  and  goods 
For  thee  to  give 

Are  we  all  as  one  agreed, 

All  prepared  to  die  we’re  found, 

Fearing  not  the  deadly  wound, 

If  the  fatherland  hath  need.” 

But  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  this  stanza  proceeded  from  the 
same  feelings  with  the  watchword  of  the  w^ar  of  freedom,  “With  God, 
for  king  and  fatherland.”  Very  distant  was  any  such  conception,  in  a 
time  when  there  was  no  opportunity  to  die  for  their  country  except  by 
enlistina:  in  a standinof  armv  ; a most  friofhtful  thinsf  to  a student.  The 
display  of  aspiration  after  the  patriotic  purpose  of  this  poem,  then, 
must  be  circumscribed  by  the  narrow  limits  of  studentdife,  where  the 
singers  with  drawn  swords,  and  a row  of  hats  stuck  on  them,  thought 
little  enough  of  fighting  or  dying  for  their  fatherland.  The  Prceses  of 
the  meeting  sung : 

“ Then  bring  him  up  ; his  head  I’ll  decorate 
By  laying  sword-stroke  on  his  pate. 

Hail  to  our  brother  ! long  live  he, 

And  hounds-foot,  who  insults  him,  he.” 

But  we  hear  nothing  of  the  Dulce  et  decorum  pro  patria  mori^  and 
are  transferred  from  the  atmosphere  of  holy  and  noble  patriodsm  to 
the  wild,  uidioly  sphere  of  the  Comment ; to  the  sphere  of  a false 
honor,  recognized  neither  by  Christians  nor  heathens,  and,  least  of  all, 
by  God. 

With  the  sad  year  of  1806  began  a new  period  for  the  universities; 
by  the  awakening,  in  many  students,  of  a deep  and  pitiful  love  for  their 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


247 


poor  enslaved  country.  This  was  proved  by  the  engagement  of  all  the 
students  to  whom  it  was  possible,  in  the  war,  in  1813. 

At  their  return  to  the  universities,  in  1815,  there  came  into  vogue 
a new  and  loftier  class  of  songs.  Most  of  the  previous  student  songs 
were  disused,  and  their  places  supplied  by  patriotic  songs  by  Korner, 
Schenkendorf,  Arndt,  and  others.  The  same  young  men  who  had 
fought  in  the  battles  of  the  war  of  freedom,  suno-  these  songs  with  en- 
thusiasm,  and  handed  them  down  to  subsequent  generations.  The  in- 
fluence of  the  Turners  and  of  the  Burschenschaft  was  prominent  in 
causing  this  state  of  things. 

The  song-books  published  just  after  the  war  are  very  characteristic. 
One  published  by  Binzer  and  Methfessel,  in  1818,  contained  “ancient 
and  modern  student  songs,  drinking  songs,  patriotic  songs,  and  songs 
for  war  and  for  the  Turners.”  But  it  was  a heterogeneous  mixture. 
Many  of  the  old  student  songs,  such  as  “ 5^  ca,  we’ve  feasted,”  or, 
“ Crambamboli,”  seem  much  too  vulgar  by  the  side  of  such  lofty  and 
heroic  ones,  inspired  by  patriotism,  as  “ A higher  sound  is  heard,” 
“Sad  foreboding,  deadly  weary,”  and  “In  a good  hour  are  we  united.” 
The  butterfly  was  still  in  i\\Q.  pupa  condition.  Still,  some  of  the  older 
songs  admitted  are  inspired  by  nobler  feelings,  and  express  a noble  love 
of  country;  as,  for  instance,  “Place  you,  brothers,  in  a circle.” 

I need  scarcely  say  that  such  men  as  Methfessel  and  Binzer  would 
not  admit  any  indecent  songs,  or  even  any  in  the  least  ambiguous  ; but 
they  adhered  too  closely  to  university  traditions  in  admitting  songs 
there  for  many  years. 

In  the  same  year,  1818,  when  Methfessel’s  book  appeared,  a collec- 
tion was  published  at  Berlin,  entitled  “ German  Songs  for  Young  and 
Oldy  This  does  not  profess  to  be  a Cornmers-book,  and  the  editors 
were,  therefore,  not  tempted  to  insei  t those  weatherbeaten  old  songs ; 
but  the  collection  deserves  mention  here,  because  made  by  Turners  and 
members  of  the  Burschenschaft,  and  in  great  reputation  among  the 
students.  It  included  the  best  popular  and  patriotic  songs,  especially 
such  as  related  to  the  glorious  war  of  freedom.  There  were  also  some 
choice  religious  hymns.  These,  indeed,  could  not  properly  be  omit- 
ted; for  if  the  motto  of  the  Turners,  “Bold,  fiee,  joyous,  and  pious,” 
was  true,  they  must  naturally  publish,  not  only,  “bold,  free,  and  joy- 
ous” songs,  but  “ pious”  ones  also. 

If  this  patriotic  spirit  had  but  continued  to  be  more  and  more  pro- 
foundly inwrought  with  Christianity ! But  the  times  were  not  ready 
for  this,  and  therefore  the  young  men  fell  into  error.  Sand’s  fearful 
crime,  as  we  have  seen,  was  a source  of  incalculable  evils  to  the  uni- 
versities. 


248 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


There  next  followed  a period  during  which  there  was  an  end  of  in- 
nocent songs  and  singing;  a period  during  which  one  part  of  the 
young  men  was  absorbed  in  troubled  melancholy  and  gloomy  brooding 
over  the  future  of  the  country.  During  this  appeared,  in  1819  and 
1820,  A.  Follenius’  "‘■Free  Voices  of  Bold  YouthB 

These  songs  mark  a turning-point.  On  one  hand,  they  belong  to 
the  past,  the  period  of  the  war  of  freedom  ; as,  for  instance,  a number 
of  songs  by  Korner,  Schenkendorf,  and  Arndt.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  writers,  despairing  of  the  present,  turned  their  eyes  toward  a pre- 
sumed better  future,  for  whose  introduction  they  called  enthusiastically, 
and  with  a demoniac  force  in  their  poetry.  There  is  no  more  despair 
about  foreign  dominion.  Chivalry,  empire,  revolution,  popular  repub- 
licanism, freedom,  and  equality,  rush  confusedly  about  together  in 
their  enthusiastic  compositions,  elements  most  various,  and  even  most 
inconsistent.  Even  Christianity  is  drawn  into  the  elemental  storm  ; 
that  is,  tlie  name,  for  the  thing  itself  is  distorted  and  deformed  beyond 
recognition. 

Excellent  melodies  doubled  the  influence  of  these  songs ; their 
wretched  convulsive  perplexities  were,  as  it  were,  thus  gilded  over.* 
While  this  collection  had  a character  in  pait  only  too  distinct,  that 
which  succeeded  it  was  without  one.  It  contained  songs  of  the  most 
various  periods,  and  most  vaiious  and  even  opposite  character. 

After  the  year  1830,  however,  new  elements  are  found  in  the  song- 
books  ; radical  songs,  namehq  by  Ilerwegh  and  similar  poets,  marked, 
not  by  the  earlier  stormy  poetical  power,  but  by  a profoundly  bitter, 
and  even  malicious  character.  The  confusion  was  increased  by  the 
addition  to  the  previous  enthusiastically  patriotic  songs,  characterless 
cosmopolitan  ones  were  added.  We  find  Arndt’s  “What  is  the  Ger- 
man Fatherland  ?”  and  “ What  do  the  Trumpets  sound  Korner’s 

“ This  is  no  war  to  which  the  Crowns  are  knowing, 

A crusade  is  it — ’tis  a holy  war,”  &c. 

And  in  the  same  collection  we  find  the  Marseillaise ! Did  not  these 
catholic-minded  editors,  then,  know  who  are  meant,  in  the  Marseil- 
laise, by  the 

“ feroces  soldats 

(Qui)  viennent  jusque  dans  vos  bras, 

Egorger  vos  fils,  vos  compagnes — ” 

by  the  “horde  d’esclaves,  de  traitres,”  &c.?  And  if  they  did  know, 
what  is  the  name  which  their  insertion  of  it  deserves? 


* For  a correct  opinion  aa  to  these  songs,  see  the  account  of  Karl  Follenius  and  his  friends, 
ante^  pp.  Ill,  125,  t&c. 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


249 


With  patriotism  disappeared  also  lofty  purity  of  morals  and  piety. 
The  ancient  vulgar  songs  which  the  Burscheuschaft  had  driven  away, 
make  their  appearance  again  in  the  modern  song-books,  with  additional 
ones  of  the  same  kind.  The  beastly  indecency  of  the  ancient  ones  is, 
however,  most  prominent;  and  becomes  doubly  reckless  and  bad. 

At  a very  recent  period  have  been  put  forth,  by  students’  societies, 
song-books  which  adhere  to  Christian  and  to  -strict  moral  principles. 
In  some  incomprehensible  way,  however,  have  crept  into  these  books, 
among  songs  of  the  most  beautiful  character,  a few  stray  ones  of  a dia- 
metrically opposite  character.  It  is  much  to  be  wished  that  this  error 
could  be  cured  in  a new  edition,  and  the  appearance  of  evil  removed. 

FAREWELL. 

A heavy  responsibility  rests  on  every  writer  on  pedagogy;  a respon- 
sibility which  increases  if  his  book  has  any  influence  on  actual  life. 

May  this  work  of  mine,  and  especially  the  latter  part  of  it,  give  pain 
to  no  reader.  I have  written  nothing  without  consideration  and  re- 
flection ; yet  I can  say,  with  the  psalmist,  “Lord,  who  can  understand 
liis  errors?  Cleanse  thou  me  from  secret  faults.” 

And  I say  this,  even  in  reference  to  those  busy  years  of  inquiry 
whitdi  I ])assed  at  Breslau  and  Halle,  after  the  war  of  freedom ; espe- 
cially during  that  wretched  period  which  came  upon  the  universities 
after  Sand’s  unrighteous  deed.  And  still,  dui-ing  the  most  friendly 
and  open  intercourse  with  loved  students,  I was  obliged  to  keep  silence 
respecting  many  bitter  truths,  which,  however,  if  said,  would  only  have 
awakened  or  increased  ill-feeling. 

I hope  that  that  severe  discipline  taught  me  moderation  and  reli- 
gions modesty,  which  will  prevent  me  from  inconsiderate  haste,  even 
in  statements  most  interesting  to  my  heart. 

It  was  my  repulsive  and  troublesome  task  to  describe  the  frightful 
condition  of  the  life  of  the  students,  as  it  appeared,  especially  during 
the  seventeenth  centuiy,  in  the  most  frightful  peiiod  of  the  history  of 
our  country.  With  correspondingly  greater  pleasure  I considered  the 
many  efforts  which,  at  the  beginning  of  this  century,  and  dui’ing  and 
after  the  war  of  freedom,  were  made  for  good  purposes,  by  the  stu- 
dents. During  the  first  part  of  this  time,  there  prevailed  an  active 
and  laborious  attention  to  science,  and  in  the  ancient  and  modern 
classics;  and  the  young  were  also  deeply  interested  in  the  profound 
and  poetical  study  of  natural  philosophy.  Love  of  their  country,  how- 
ever, was  asleep,  although  aftei'ward  only  too  sadly  awakened  ; Chris- 
tianity wore  the  color  of  a poetical  romance,  its  moral  side  being  more 


250 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


out  of  sight;  and  the  life  succeeding  that  at  the  university,  was  thought 
of  only  unwillingly. 

During  the  second  part  of  this  period,  prevailed  the  powerful  patriot- 
ism and  strict  morality  kindled  by  the  war  of  freedom.  The  romantic 
element,  on  the  other  hand,  decreased ; and  Christianity  appeared  no 
longer  in  the  character  of  lomance,  but  rather  suffered  the  chlorosis 
of  a moralizing  rationalism. 

During  about  the  last  twenty  years,  the  youth  of  the  universities 
have  passed  into  a third  stage  ; I I'efer  to  the  associations  which  have 
been  founded  under  the  name  of  Christian. 

A holy  courage  is  needed  to  serve  and  contend  under  that  name. 

“A  coward  knave,  who  still  doth  stand, 

.When  ‘ Forward !’  doth  his  chief  command.” 

A students’  association  which  professes  that  Christianity  is  its  chief 
aim,  has  indeed  aimed  high.  But  the  higher  its  purpose,  so  much  the 
more  earnest  and  efficient  does  its  life  become.  May  they  always  be 
thoughtful  of  the  warning  words  : 

“ Let  our  thoughts  still  watchful  he, 

If  our  hearts  for  truth  shall  care, 

If  our  souls  depend  on  Tliee, 

If  we  seem,  or  if  we  are.’  ’ 

This  is  not  said  in  the  sense  of  a hilse  pietism ; it  is  an  urgent  ad- 
monition to  do  the  truth  (John  iii.  21). 

It  should  not  be  supposed  that  the  previous  noble  aims  of  the  youth 
of  the  universities  have  entirely  pei  ished,  or  that  they  are  to  be  reck- 
oned of  a grade  inferior  to  the  magnificence  of  Christian  enterprise. 
This  would  be  altogether  to  misunderstand  Chri.stianity.  Love  of 
countiy  will  never  be  repressed,  but  sanctified  and  enlightened  by 
Christianity.  For  my  love  of  my  countiy  is  the  fii'st  element  of  love 
to  my  people;  to  the  people  among  whom  God  has  caused  me  to  be 
born,  to  be  useful  and  helpful  to  my  neighbor ; it  is  my  preparatory 
school  for  eternity. 

In  like  manner  it  would  be  a pseudo-pietistic  barbarism  to  reject 
science  and  art ; they  should  be  purified  and  sanctified  and  made  an 
acceptable  offering  to  the  Lord,  from  whom  come  all  good  gifts,  and 
likewise  all  natural  endowments,  so  far  as  they  are  good. 

My  love  to  many  members  of  these  Christian  associations  at  the 
universities,  upon  which  I heartily  ask  God’s  blessing,  would  not  suffer 
me  to  refrain  from  these  observations.  May  He  preserve  them,  in  this 
world  of  investigation,  preserve  them  from  vanity  and  love  of  life,  and 


ACADEMICAL  SUBJECTS. 


251 


grant  them  heroic  minds  in  the  diffic-ult  age  in  whicli  we  live,  and 
stiengthen  and  establish  them. 

To  those  dear  young  men  who  preserve,  in  the  depths  of  their 
hearts,  a love  to  their  fatherland,  I would  say,  preserve  this  love,  and 
labor  with  reference  to  the  nation.  But  should  iniquity  so  increase  as 
to  force  us  to  take  up  arms,  then  fight  bravely  to  the  deadi  for  your 
belov’ed  fatherland,  as  the  German  youth  fought  in  the  war  of  freedom. 
But  remain  ever  mindful,  that  after  this  brief  life,  you  must  journey  to 
another  fatherland,  a heavenly.  Love  not,  thei-efore,  the  temporal 
fatherland,  as  if  it  were  eternal.  As  you  have  been  instructed  in 
Christianity  from  your  youth,  you  know  what  is  requisite  to  attain 
the  heavenly  citizenship. 

Youths  who,  like  myself  and  my  student  companions,  devote  them- 
selves especially  to  science,  should  apply  themselves  with  such  industry 
as  Bacon  requires  from  those  who  devote  themselves  to  philosophy. 
A superficial  study  of  philosophy,  he  says,  leads  from  God  ; a thorough 
one,  to  Him.  Toward  Him,  because  it  leads  not  only  to  knowledge  of 
divine  things,  but  to  self-knowledge  ; to  perception  that  our  knowledge 
is  only  a fragmentary  collection.  Every  right-minded  investigator 
must  sooner  or  later  humbly  confess,  “How  vast  is  that  of  which  I 
know  nothing!”  Then  awakes  the  longing,  with  winged  speed  to 
comprehend  those  secrets  which  the  most  laborious  application  will 
not  enable  us,  within  this  temporal  life,  to  comprehend.  Weary  of 
our  earthly  tabernacle,  we  long  for  the  freedom  of  the  children  of 
God  ; and  sigh,  with  Claudius, 

“ 0 thou  land,  the  truthful  and  the  real, 

Thou  that  dost  eternal  be, 

How  I long  to  see  thy  bright  ideal — • 

How  I long  for  thee  !” 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


253 


XIIL  Authorities  referred  to  ix  Raumer’s  German  Universities. 

Arnoi.dt,  Complete  History  of  the  University  of  Komgsiierg,  (Aus- 

fuhrliche  Historie  der  Kunigsberger  Universitdt,)  1T4G.  2 purls. 

I^ecmann,  Memoranda  Relating  to  the  University  of  Frankfurt. 
{Memoranda  Franco/ urtana,)  1G76. 

Notices  of  the  University  of  Frankfurt,  {Nolifia  Universitatis  Franco- 
furtanoi^)  1707. 

Bonickk,  Outlines  of  a History  of  the  University  of  Wurzburg,  {Grun- 
driss  einer  Geschichte  von  der  Uaiversitdt  zu  Wuzburg^)  2 parts. 

CoNRiNG,  H.,  On  Academical  xVNTiauiriEs,  {De  Antiquitatibus  Acadetn- 
icus,)  1730. 

Dieterici,  Historical  and  Statistical  .Accounts  of  the  Prussian  Uni- 
versities, {Gesckicktliche  und  Statistische  Nachrichten  uber  die  Universitdten 
ini  Preussischen  Staale^)  183(5. 

F-iciistadt,  Annals  of  the  University  of  Jena,  {Annales  Academics  Jc- 
nensiis,)  1823. 

Engfliiardt,  The  University  of  Erlangen,  from  1743  to  1843,  {Die 
' U niversitdt  Erlangen  von  1743,  bis  1843.) 

Gadendam  and  others.  History  of  the  University  of  Erlangen,  {Historia 
Acadeinioi  Fridericiance  Erlangcnsis.)  1744. 

Gesner,  .1.  M.,  History  of  the  University  of  Gottingen,  {De  Academia 
Georgia  Augusta  qucB  Gottingen  est,)  1737. 

Gretschf.l.  University  of  Leipzig,  (Z)/c  Universifdt  Leipzig^)  1830. 

Grohmann.  Annals  of  the  University  of  Wittenberg,  {Annalen  der 
Universildt  VFHier/6er^,)  Meissen,  1801.  3 parts. 

Hausser.  History  of  the  Rhenish  Palatinate,  {Geschichte  der  Rheinis- 
chen  Pfalz,)  1845.  2 parts. 

Haupt,  J.  r.,.,  The  Landmanschapften  on  the  Burschenschaft,  {Landsmann- 
schafteii  and  Burschenschaft.) 

Henke,  The  University  of  TIelmstadt  in  the  IGth  Century,  {Die  Uni- 
versUdt  Helmstddt  im  1(5  Jahrhuudert,)  1833. 

Hoffbaur,  History  of  the  University  of  Halle,  {Geschichte  der 
U niversitdt  zu  Halle,)  1805. 

Heu.mann,  Library  of  University  IIispory,  {Bibliotheca  Historica  Aca- 
demica.) 

JusTi,  Outlines  of  a History  of  the  T'niversity  at  Marburg,  {Grund- 
zuge  einer  Geschichte  der  Universildt  zu  Marburg,)  1827. 

Klupfel,  History  and  Description  of  the  University  of  Tubingen, 

{Geschichte  und  Beschreibung  der  U niversitdt  Tubingen.)  1840. 

Koch,  The  Prussian  Universities,  {Die  Preu'ssischen  Universitdten,)  1839. 
2 vols. 

Lotichius,  Oration  on  the  Present  Fatal  Evils  in  the  Universities  of 
Ger.manv,  Delivered  at  the  Uiiiv.r.s;t3"  of  Riiiteln,  1(531,  [Oratio  super  fatalibus 
hoc  Temp.  Academiarum  in  Germania  periculis,  recitata  in  Academia  Rintelen- 
si,)  1631. 

.Mederf.r,  Annals  of  the  Universipy  of  Ingolstadt,  cornmenced  hy  V. 
R >tin  inis  an<l  .Joh.  Eiif'erdn.s,  and  continued  hy  .Med-Ter,  {Annales  Ingolstadien- 
sis  Acadeinice  inchoaverunt  V.  Rotmarus  et  Joh.  Engerdus,  continuavit  Me- 
dercr,)  1782. 

Meinkrs,  History  of  the  Establishment  and  Growth  of  the  Universi- 
ties, {^Geschichte  der  Entstehung  und  Entwicidu ng  der  hoheu  Schulen,)  1802. 
4 vols. 

Meiners,  Organization  and  Administration  of  the  German  Universi- 
ties, ( Ueber  Verfassung  und  Verwaltu ng  Deuischcr  Universitdten.)  2 vols., 
1801  and  1802. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


IMeyfart,  Christian  Recoi.lections,  (Christliche  Erinnerurig,)  1636.  See 
p.  54. 

Mohl,  R.,  Historical  Account  of  the  Manners  and  Conduct  of  the 
Tubingen  Students  during  the  16th  Century,  [Geschicht lirhe  Nachireistingen 
uber  die  Sitten  und  das  Betragen  der  Tubingen  Sludierenden  wdhrend  des 
16  Jahrhunderts.)  1840. 

Monuments  of  the  History  of  the  University  of  Prague,  {Monwae-.da 
Hiistorica  Univcrsitatin  CaroLo-Fcrdinaudeui  Fratjeitsis.)  Yol.  1.,  Part  1,  IS.’JO. 
Part  2,  1832. 

^kloTSCiiMANN,  Literary  History  of  JHifurt,  {Erfordia  Literata)  3 voLs., 
1729—1748. 

P.alacky,  History  of  Bohemia,  {Gt-scldcbte  von  Bobmen,)  1842.  (Part  2 
of  vol.  2.) 

PiDERiT,  History  of  the  University  of  Rinteln,  {Gtvchkkie  der  Uniucr- 
sitcii  liiidebi,)  1842. 

Rehtmeier,  ChroniciJ'I  of  Brunswick-Lunenburg,  {Braumrhweig-Lune- 
hunjucfie  GJironioo.)  1722. 

Ro.mmee,  IMiilif,  Landgrave  of  Hesse.  [Pbilqyp  Landgraf  von  Hessen,) 
1830. 

Savigny,  History  of  Roman  Layt  in  the  Middle  Ages,  {Geschiclde 
des  Hbviischea  litdds  ini  Jlitielaldr,)  3d  voL,  1832.  (2(1  ed.) 

SOHLIKENRIEDER.  CHRONOLOGY  AND  HoOUilENTS  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF 
Vienna,  [Chronologia  JJrpkinuUica  Universitdiis  Vnidxibnneusis,)  1753.  Second 
l)art  ))y  Zeisl. 

ScHOTTGEN,  IIiSTORY  OF  Pennalism,  {IBstorie  des  Ftnnalwesens.)  1747. 

ScHREiBER,  Freiburg  IN  THE  Breisgau  {Freiburg  im  Breisgau,)  1825. 

Soiiuppius,  Balthazar,  Works,  (ScJirifien.) 

Schwab,  List  of  Rectors  of  the  University  of  Heidelberg,  for  Four 
Centuries,  {Euatnor  Secukyruni  Sgllahiis  Rectorura  qui  . . , in  Acadeonia 

Heidelberyensi  Magistratuni  Academicuin  Gesseruni,)  1786. 

Tomek,  History  of  the  LTniversity  of  Prague,  {Geschiclde  der  Frager 
UniversiW,)  1849. 

Y'esselhoft,  R.,  Germ.\.n  Youth  in  the  Late  Burschensciiaften  and 
Turning  Societies,  {Teutsche  Jugcnd  in  iveikvnd  Burschemchaften  wid  Turn^t- 
meinden,)  1828. 

V'lLL,  History  and  Description  of  the  University  of  Altorf,  {Geschichte 
und  Beschreihung  der  Universitai  Aliorf,)  1795. 

Zeisl,  See  Schlikenrieder. 


INDEX 


TO 

KAUMER’S  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Absolttion  of  pennals,  51 
Aciuletiiies,  scientific.  237. 

Alexiiiuler  de  Villa  Dei, 22. 

Altorf.  university,  10.  It,  53,  56,  254. 

“ Aretiiius,”  by  Meyfart.  191. 

Aristotle,  text-books  by,  22,  54. 
Aritlimetic,  241. 

Arndt.  M..  131,  l.'iO. 

Arnoldt,  253. 

Arts,  faculty  of,  21,  54 

“ Bahrdt,”  wit  the  Iron  Forehead,  186. 
Hiiniberg.  university,  10. 

Base,  university,  198. 

Beiinus,  synonyn)s  of,  191. 

Becinann,  253. 

Renibo,  cardinal,  17. 

Bekker.  69. 

Her. in.  university,  10,  183,  198,  214. 
Retbune.  E.  von,  22. 

Rinzer.  134.  247. 

RI  inienbach,  61. 

Robeinian  nation  at  Prague,  19. 

Roloijim,  university,  9,  11. 

Ronicke.  2.53. 

Botany,  244. 

R mil,  university,  10,  198. 

Royle.  228. 

Rresliu.  university.  10,  76,92,  102,  198 
Bill. s to  (lernian  universities,  12,  157. 
Bundestag,  resolutions  of,  129 
Bursaries,  32,  KiO. 

Biiri,  |)oeni  by,  128. 

Rurscheiiscliaft,  SO,  91,  125,  131,  148,  165. 

f 'ainbridge,  university,  11. 

(’anon  law,  9,  26. 

Carthage,  university,  30. 

(.’ertirieutes  of  attendance,  207. 

(,’liancellor  of  university,  15,  20. 
Cliaritable  endowments,  10,21. 

Circuli  fratriiin,  54. 

('ivil  law  9.  2(). 

Colleires,  universities,  10. 

Colosne,  university,  10,  11, 

Comment,  54,  55,  161. 

Conring.  253. 

(’onvents,  property  of,  to  universities,  14. 
(kiuncil.  20. 

I’ount  pnlatineship  of  rector,  17, 195. 

C lurse  of  study,  22. 

Cracow,  university,  18. 

Dantzij,  gvninnsium.  217. 

Dean  of  faciiltv,  10,  20,  39. 

Degree.  14,20,  24,  26,  27,  28. 

Deposition,  37. 

Development,  human,  180,  181. 

De  Welte,  Prof.,  120. 

Dialogic  instruction,  201. 

Dieterici,  253. 

Dil’ingen,  university,  10. 

Dittmur,  1.52. 

Doctrinale,  22. 

Donatus,  22. 

Dueling.  55,  64,  79.  135. 

Duisburg,  university,  10. 

I'lierhard,  69. 

Edliiig,  count  von,  90. 

Kichstadt,  253. 

Engelliardt,  253. 


Englehart,  57. 

Ephorate,  235. 

Erfurt,  university,  10,  11.  14,  20,  53,  159,  254. 
Erlangen,  university,  10,  16,  17,  56,  i07,  184,  198,  ^3 
235,  253. 

Faculties,  14, 19,  21,  25,  26,  28. 

Faculty  of  arts,  21,  54. 
theology,  25. 
civil  and  canon  law,  26. 
medicine,  28. 

Fiorilio,  61. 

Follenius,  A.,  127,  248. 

Follenius,  K.,  HI.  H2,  125,147 
Fttrkel,  63. 

Franc ke,  231,  232. 

Frankfurt,  university,  10,  15,  16,  17,  19,  2.53 
Frederic,  elector,  and  Wittenberg,  16. 

Frederic  Barbarossa,  and  Bologna,  9,  11. 

Freiburg,  university,  10,  198,254. 

Fritz,  baron  von,  89. 

Frykseli,  on  deposition,  37. 

fJadendam,  253 
Call.  Dr,  74. 

Caniing  of  students,  65,  66. 

Ceneral  Cerinan  Burschenschan,91,  131,  165. 

Cesiier,  253. 

Cie.ss'en,  university,  10,  184,  198. 

Goethe,  67.  69. 

Gottfrid,  Poetria  Nova  of,  22. 

Gottingen,  iiniv  , 10,  16,  17,  53,  56,  59, 184,  198,  253. 
Grammar.  22. 

Grntz,  university,  10,  198. 

Greifswald,  university,  10,  198. 

Grohmuiin,  253. 

Gymiiasium,  217. 

Haberkorn,  Dr.,  50. 

Ilulle,  universitv,  10,  16,  17,  .52,  59,  68,  79,  136,  192, 
198,  230,  253. 

Hau[)t,  2.53. 

Hausser,  2.53. 

Heidelberg,  university,  9,  10,  18,  19,  20,  185,  198,  254. 
Henke,  2.53. 

Helmstadt,  university,  10,  17,  233,  253. 

Ilerborn,  university,  10. 

Herder,  .59. 

Herwegh,  248. 

Hewmann,  2.53. 

Heyder,  Prof  W.,  42, 188. 

Hoti'baur,  253. 

Hbfiing,  (Councilor,  235. 

Hidmhorst.  1 18 
Hopfuer’s  Institutions,  60 
Hugo,  60. 

Huss,  and  Bohemians  at  Prague,  19. 

Ingolstndt,  univ.,  10,  11.  14,  1.5,  17,  20,  157,  159,253. 
Innspriick.  university,  10,  198. 

Instruction,  22,  23. 

.Tiircke,  126,  129. 

Jena,  university,  10, 17.  .53,  .56,  80,  198,  253. 

Jena  Burschenschaft,  131,  132,  133,  168. 

Jerome  of  Prague,  19. 

Jesuits,  property  of,  to  universities,  14,  20. 

Jews,  property  of  to  Heidelberg,  20. 

Jugendbund,  147. 

Justi,  253. 

Kamptz,  von,  87. 


256 


INDEX  TO  RAUMER’S  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Kiel,  university  of,  16,  53,  81,  198. 

Kieser,  Frol'.,  &2. 

Klockeiibrin^r,  186. 

Kliil)tel,  .53,  54,  57,  253. 

Kiiig^e,  von,  186. 

Koeli,  241,  253. 

Koni^sbergr,  university,  10,  17,  198,  253. 

Korner,  248. 

Kotzebue,  von,  115,  186. 

Lnndsliut,  university.  10. 
liiindsiiuinuscli!iften,  52,  161. 

L.'itin,  in  univer.sitv  exercises,  &c.,  24. 

I.aw,  study  of,  at  l{(ilogna,  9. 
fiic.ulty  of.  26. 

Lectures,  21-4,  27,  159,  201,  213. 

Legacies  to  universities,  20. 

I.e'ipzig,  university,  10,  14,  1.5,  18,  19,  20,  52,  185,  198. 
Leopold  I.,  and  Malle,  17,  192. 

Liberal  arts,  21. 
l.icenl  iate's  degree,  21. 
liinz,  university,  10. 

Loticliius,  2.53. 

Luther,  33,  40. 

Lyceum,  215. 

Marburg,  university,  10,  17,  185,  198.  2.33,  253. 

Master,  degree  .of,  20. 

Master  of  liberal  arts,  21. 

Maximilian  1,,  and  universities,  15,  16. 

Medicine,  school  of,  at  Salerno,  9. 

Meiners,  14,  56,  65,  233,  253. 

Mederer,  253.' 

Melanctlion,  34,  35,  40. 

Mentz,  university,  10,  211. 

Metbfe.ssel,  247. 

Meyfart,  47,  191,  2.54. 

Mineralogy,  244.  24.5. 

Mold.  R.  von,  29,  2.54. 

Morals,  at  universities,  29,  44,  56,  59. 

Motscbmann,  254. 

Munich,  university,  10,  198. 

Miinster,  university,  198. 

Nations,  in  universities,  10,  18. 

in  seventeenth  century,  50. 

Natural  history,  243. 

Natural  science.  225.  241. 

Notaries,  imperial  rector  may  make,  17,  195. 

Notes,  lecturing  from,  201. 

taking,  of  lectures,  202. 

“ Notices  of  University  of  Frankfurt,”  253. 
Nuremberg,  1.52. 

Olmutz,  university,  10,  198. 

Orders,  (students’  societies,)  56. 

Organization,  9,  10,  18,  20. 

Osnabruck,  university,  10. 

Overseer  of  university,  137. 

Oxford,  university,  11. 

Paderborn,  university,  10. 

Palackv,  2.54. 

Paris,  university,  9,  10,  18,  21. 

Pennalism.  40,  42. 

Petrus  llispaiius,  22. 

Pbibdojrv.  227. 

Philosopbical  and  professional  studies,  223. 

Piderit,  254. 

Pius  II  , bull  t.)  Ingidstadt,  14,  1.52. 

Poet  laureate,  rector  appoint.  17,  196. 

Prague,  Iiniv.,  9,  10,  14,  15.  18,  19,  20,  159,  198,  254. 
Pri.-cianus,  22. 

Privileges  of  universities,  13,  21. 

Procurator,  10.  18. 

Professor,  relations  of,  to  students,  229 
Pro-rector,  19.5. 

Ciuadrivium,  21. 

Rntisbon,  diet  of,  48. 

Raumer,  K.  von,  .58. 

Rector,  9.  10,  13,  17,  19,  20,  21, 195,  233. 

Reformation,  14,  20,  33. 

Rehtmcicr,  254. 


Rinteln,  university,  10,  17,  233,  254. 

Rome,  morals  at  university,  30. 

Rommel,  254. 

Roncaglia,  diet  of,  9,  11. 

Rostock,  university,  10,  51_,  52,  .53,  185,  198. 

Rudolph  of  Austria,  charter  to  'Vienna,  11,  13. 

Salerno,  school  of,  9. 

Salzburg,  university,  10. 

Sand  K.  L , 102, 103. 

Savigny,  9,  220,  222,  254 
Schenkendorf,  245,  248. 

Schuller.  70. 

Schleiermacher,  72.  153. 

Schiikenrieder,  2.54. 

Schorists,  41,  43. 

Schbtfgen,  45,  48,  50,  254 
Schreiber,  254. 

Schroder,  43. 

Schubert,  von,  241. 

Schultz,  157. 

Schuppius,  47,  254. 

Schwab,  254. 

Schweigger,  145. 

Scientific  academies,  236. 

Senate  of  university,  20. 

Sittewald,  P.  von,  44. 

Society,  effect  of,  on  students,  234. 

Songs,  students’,  245. 

Sorbonne,  10. 

Sotzmann,  59. 

Sjiener,  231. 

S[ieyer,  lyceum  at,  216. 

Stargard,  gymnasium,  217. 

Statutes  of  universities,  10. 

Steffens,  71,  72,  203,  236. 

Stipendiaries,  207. 

Strasburg,  university,  11. 

Students,  oath  at  Ingolstadt,  153 
effect  of  society  on,  234. 
songs  of,  245. 

relations  to  professors,  229. 
etfectof  traveling  on,  63. 

Text-hooks,  22,  1.59. 

Theology,  9,  14. 

faculty  of,  14,  25. 

Theremin,  201. 

3’omek,  254. 

Traveling,  good  for  students,  63. 

'Frivinm,  21. 

Tubingen,  university,  10,  11,  20,  21,29,56,  187,  198, 
253,  254. 

Turners,  dialogue  on  them,  92. 

[."niversitics.  See  under  their  names. 
foundation  of.  9. 
list  as  founded.  10. 
charters,  11,  159. 
popes  and,  14. 
emperors  and.  15. 
organization,  18. 
studies,  22. 

action  of  Bundestag,  129, 

statistics,  198. 

autlioritie.s  on,  2.53. 

small  and  large,  compared,  536. 

Vienna,  university,  9,  11.  13,  14,  18,  20,  159,  198,254. 
Villa  Dei,  Alexander  de,  22. 

V’itry,  Jacriues  de,  31. 

Wagner,  241. 

VValdeck,  60. 

Wangeuheim,  von,  87. 

VV’artburg  festival,  82,  109. 

Werner,  74,  203. 

Wessedidft,  R.,  80,  111,  254. 

Wittenberg,  university,  10,  16,  32,  241,  2.53. 

Wolf  F.  A.,  59,  69,  203,  204,  206,  209,  222. 
Wurzburg,  university,  10,  198,  253. 

Zawnemannin,  H.,  17. 

Zeis!,  2.53. 

Zurich,  university,  198. 


II.  THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES, 

COMPARED  WITH  THOSE  OF  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND. 

By  Prof.  VON  SYBEL,  University  of  Bonn. 


THE  GERMAN  UMVERSITY: 


COMPARED  WITH  THE  ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH. 

BY  A GERMAN. 

An  Academic  Discourse  by  Prof.  II.  Von  Sybel,  at  Bonn,  March  22,  18G8.  Translated  from  the 
German  by  A.  Angerer,  A.  M.,  for  the  American  Journal  of  Education. 

The  German  Universities  of  our  day  enjoy  a high  and  not  unfounded 
reputation  all  over  Europe.  While  among  ourselves  there  is  scarcely  any 
discussion  as  to  the  leading  principles  on  which  superior  instruction  is 
conducted,  and  some  slight  differences  exist  only  on  the  advisability  of 
introducing  some  foreign,  but  in  themselves  useful  secondary  objects : w^e 
see  our  great  neighboring  nations  of  France  and  England  put  in  question 
the  existing  organization  of  their  Universities  from  their  very  foundation, 
demanding  extensive  reforms,  and  continually  holding  up  as  models  the 
German  high  schools.  “ There  is  no  doubt,”  says  Mr.  Grant  Duff,  a member 
of  the  British  Parliament,  one  of  the  best  judges  on  matters  of  instruc- 
tion in  Europe,  “ that  the  German  Universities,  although  open  to  criticism 
are  far  in  advance  of  us  in  every  point  of  real  efficiency.”  “A  small 
German  University,”  observes  one  of  the  most  renowned  savans  of  Paris, 
M.  Renan,  “ with  its  awkward  professors  and  half-fed  private  docents, 
renders  more  service  to  science  than  all  the  ostentatious  wealth  of  Ox- 
ford.” Such  praise  cannot  be  otherwise  than  in  a high  degree  flattering 
to  our  national  pride,  but  will,  above  all,  to  the  true  patriot,  become  an 
incentive  to  serious  self-examination.  Do  we  actually  occupy  the  height 
assigned  to  us  by  those  friendly  voices  ? Does  our  own  activity  promise 
a continuation  of  this  happy  condition  secured  by  our  fathers  ? Can  we 
not  learn  from  foreign  countries  as  well  as  they  from  us  ? Modern  im- 
provements bring  about  constant  interchange  of  ideas  and  habits  among 
nations  in  every  sphere  of  public  life : is  it  not  possible  that  a similar 
interchange  should  take  place  in  regard  to  the  Universities? 

Considering  their  actu  il  condition,  the  institutions  which  in  Germany 
and  England  are  designated  by  the  common  name  of  Universities,  and 
which  have  been  created  in  France,  partly  under  other  names,  for  the 
same  purpose  of  superior  scientific  instruction,  are  totally  different 
things.  In  France  there  is,  as  yet,  no  institution  for  superior  education, 
which,  like  our  University,  combines  all  branches  of  science  within  its 
sphere.  There  are  schools  of  jurisprudence,  of  medicine ; faculties  of 
theology  and  belles-lettres ; there  are  institutions,  like  the  College  de 
France,  which  unites  in  its  halls  a group  of  various  disciplines.  The 
method  of  teaching  and  objects  of  instruction  are  very  different  in  these 
various  schools.  Some,  like  the  Fcole  des  chartes,  may  be  compared 


260 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITY. 


to  our  Seminaries ; others  are  intended  only  for  the  quickest  possible 
training  of  their  pupils  for  some  practical  vocation. 

We  are  reminded  of  the  exterior  arrangement  of  our  Universities  by 
the  great  institutions  of  the  College  de  France  and  the  Sorhonne ; but 
after  the  first  observation  we  discover  that  even  there  we  find  ourselves 
in  a totally  different  world.  M.  Renan  lucidly  describes  their  condition  : 
“The  Paris  professor  opens  his  lecture-hall  to  the  public  gratuitously. 
He  knows  not  how  many  .students,  desirous  of  learning,  he  has,  nor  how 
many  idlers  in  want  of  entertainment  there  are  among  his  hearers.  He 
knows  not  whether  to-morrow  a single  one  of  to-day’s  auditory  will 
occupy  a seat,  and  whether  he  will  not  address  an  entirely  different  audi- 
ence. Thus  each  lecture  must  be  something  complete  in  itself,  and  in  its 
form  be  arranged  and  shaped  for  rhetorical  effect,  as  the  sensitive  taste  of 
a highly  cultivated  and  spoiled  public  demands.  If  this  is  done  b}'- 
a man  of  genius,  who  has  a profound  and  methodical  learning  at  his 
command,  the  result  is  seen  in  discourses  which  rank  among  the  highest 
master-pieces,  and  which  neither  German  nor  English  institutions  can 
ever  present.  But  it  will  be  easily  seen  that  this  series  of  independent  dis- 
courses is  anything  but  a scientific  school.  The  lecturer  must  spend  the 
greater  part  of  his  strength  on  the  literary  form  of  his  discourse ; fre- 
quently he  uses  up  all  means  in  this  direction  and  covers  the  deficiencies 
of  the  contents  by  brilliant  oratory ; under  the  most  favorable  circum- 
stances he  presents  literary  productions,  complete  and  finished  in  them- 
selves, conclusive  results  of  a long  continued  rc.search,  in  which,  however, 
the  pain  and  labor  of  research  is  carefully  hidden.  In  this  way  it  is 
absolutely  impossible,  in  the  course  of  a sernestre,  to  treat  a subject  in 
a scientific  method  in  its  entire  bearing,  and,  what  is  more  important,  the 
hearer  knows  nothing  about  the  mental  operations  by  which  the  results 
presented  to  him  have  been  reached.  He  hears,  for  example,  a’discourse 
on  the  deeds  of  Alexander  the  Great,  but  gains  not  the  slightest  insight 
into  the  philological  and  historical  studies  required  for  its  preparation.  In 
one  word,  matter  of  science  is  furnished,  but  scientific  investigation  re- 
mains untaught.  The  high  school  is  no  longer  a place  for  original  contri- 
butions to  science,  for  the  best  methods  of  interrogating  nature,  but 
charms  of  style  and  delivery  are  the  marks  of  the  successful  teacher. 
“ The  danger  of  France,”  says  Renan,  “ consists  in  this : we  are  becoming 
a nation  of  brilliant  lecturers  and  fine  writers.” 

The  totally  opposite  way,  in  academic  instruction,  has  been  taken  in 
England.  Here  the  complaint  is  not  that  the  University  is  too  little  of  a 
school,  but  that  it  does  too  much,  almost  exclusively  the  work  of  the 
school.  The  tutor,  the  repetitor,  has  crowded  out  the  professor.  The 
professor  delivers  a dozen  lectures  per  year  in  the  manner  of  Paris  rheto- 
rician. The  instruction  proper  is  given  in  the  colleges,  entirely  in  the 
form  of  our  g3'mnasiums.  The  leading  object,  which  determines  the 
direction  and  material  of  Oxford  studies,  is  not  the  training  of  the  student 
for  a practical  vocation ; nor  is  it  to  introduce  him  to  science  in  its  pro- 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITY. 


261 


founder  ch<aracter,  but  it  is  the  development  and  formation  of  gen- 
eral capacity,  of  the  ability  to  think  and  speak,  of  facility  in  combination, 
soundness  of  judgment,  skill  in  expression:  it  is  the  object  of  our 
gymnasiums,  as  said  before,  only  taken  in  a higher  sense  and  more  fully 
developed,  according  to  the  riper  age  and  more  advanced  degree  of  cul- 
ture of  the  student.  All  tends  to  this  superior  view.  The  external  con- 
dition of  schools  is  munificently  provided  for.  It  is  an  established  rule 
that  the  students  of  a college  should  live  together,  be  under  constant  sur- 
veillance, and  arrange  their  studies  upon  the  plan  of  the  institution.  The 
advantage  of  these  arrangements  is  now  seriously  doubted ; the  advocates 
of  these  regulations  do  not  lay  so  much  stress  on  the  prevention  of  ex- 
cesses, as  by  living  closely  together  the  possibility  of  infection  grows  as 
well  as  the  possibilit}’’  of  control ; they  ascribe  more  importance  to  the 
secure  and  noble  bearing  of  the  geatleman,  which  is  acquired  by  constant 
intercourse  with  companions  of  good  society.  In  regard  to  the  matter  of 
instruction,  they  have  predominantly  the  ancient  languages,  mathematics, 
some  history,  certain  reflections  which  are  called  philosophy,  and  for  the 
future  clergy  a little  theology.  The  study  of  professional  science  is  gen- 
erally left  to  the  first  years  after  the  close  of  the  academic  course.  The 
University  lecture  appears  only  in  an  occasional  public  discourse;  gener- 
ally the  form  of  teaching  is  tutorial ; the  teacher  develops,  questions,  hears 
recitation,  has  compositions  written  and  criticises  the  same.  In  every  re- 
spect one  sees  the  preponderance  of  the  general  pedagogic  object,  and  in 
this  regard  the  resu.ts  are  not  at  all  insignificant.  One  of  the  most  promi- 
nent members  of  the  party ^of  reform  at  Oxford  acknowledges  that  the  his- 
toric-philological treatises  of  older  students  testify  to  an  eminent  and 
delightful  development  and  maturity  of  mind.  The  jmung  authors  take  a 
skillul  hold  of  the  subject,  bring  light  to  bear  on  its  various  sides  by 
penetrating  debates ; develop  thoughts  of  frequently  surprising  sharpness 
and  practicability,  and  by  style  and  essence  show  themselves  ready  men. 
“They  form,”  says  Pattison,*  “without  doubt,  the  very  flower  and 
hope  of  England  for  the  next  generation.”  But  not  less  characteristic  is 
the  other  side  of  this  relation.  If  we  inquire  after  this  independent  and 
original  knowledge,  which  lies  at  the  root  of  this  elaborate  composition, 
we  find  but  little.  The  young  author  discourses  with  a cultivated  politi- 
cal reason  on  the  effects  of  the  constitution  of  Solon ; but  he  has  never 
read  anything  on  this  subject  outside  of  G rote’s  History  of  Greece.  The 
matei  ia,l  thus  obtained  at  second  hand  lie  knows  how  to  use  more  artisti- 
cally than  many  of  our  learned  seminarists,  the  results  of  their  own  study 
of  original  authors.  But  in  regard  to  the  next  product  of  inquiry  he 
remains  everywhere  dependent  upon  his  modern  authority;  he  knows 
not  from  experience  what  emancipation  of  the  individual  mind,  scientific 
thoroughness  and  free  depth  of  thought  mean.  “It  i.s,”  says  Pattison, 


* Suggestions  on  Academiciil  Organization,  with  special  reference  to  Oxford.  By  Mark  Patti- 
son. London,  1838. 


262 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITY. 


with  striking  expression,  “as  if  our  Universities  were  destined  only  to 
teach  in  perfection  the  art  of  writing  leading  articles.”  Corresponding 
to  this  characteristic  of  scholars  is,  naturally,  in  light  and  shade,  the  qual- 
ity of  teachers.  In  the  background  we  see  a great  number  of  mysterious 
and  well  instructed  schoolmasters ; in  the  whole  the  development  of 
science  in  England  takes  place  elsewhere  than  in  the  Universities.  Thus 
we  see,  from  opposite  starting-points,  both  French  and  English  education 
arrive  at  the  same  result.  “ AVe  are  in  danger  of  becoming  a people  of  fine 
writers,”  says  Renan.  “It  seems  as  if  our  youth  should  learn  only  to 
w^rite  editorials,”  declares  Pattison.  Both,  and  their  countrymen  with 
them,  direct  their  eyes  to  the  German  University.  They  find  here  not 
inconsiderable  defects ; they  are  in  part  of  opinion  that  our  Universities 
reached  perfection  thirty  years  ago  and  have  since  declined ; but  in  the 
main  organization,  in  the  leading  principle,  they  profess  still  to  see  a safe 
source,  the  main-spring  of  intellectual  revelation  for  other  nations. 

If  we  further  inquire  which  of  our  arrangements  they  particularly 
admire,  to  what  principle  assume  our  superiority,  iheir  uniform  answer 
is:  the  constant  union  of  research  and  instruction.  It  is  not  anything 
external  which  they  esteem  ; not  the  corporate  privileges  which  in  France 
are  very  lightly  thought  of,  and  which  in  England  they  believe  themselves 
to  have  in  excess;  not  the  academic  liberty  of  student  life,  which  in 
England  is  deemed  license  ; no,  the  praise  of  strangers  touches  the  heart 
of  the  subject  and  designates  truly  the  just  foundation  of  all  the  good  we 
have.  Our  Universities  are  good  educational  institutions,  not  only 
because  they  impart  instruction,  but  because  they  are  workshops  of 
science ; because  a continued  scientific  production  is  the  inspiration  of 
all  their  teaching.  For  this  purpose  the  state  gathers  the  best  scientific 
talent  of  all  Germany  as  teachers  around  the  Universities,  so  that  the 
example,  of  daily  occurrence  in  France  and  England,  of  a man  of 
acknowledged  learning  and  power,  without  academical  connection,  is 
among  us  very  rare.  For  this  reason  every  academic  appointment  is 
based,  first  and  last,  on  literary  activity  and  the  capacity  of  scientific 
production  as  well  as  on  ability  of  teaching  in  a formal  sense.  AVe  de- 
mand of  our  Universities  that  they  prepare  young  men  for  the  future 
practice  of  various  professions  of  life  ; but  we  do  not  expect  them  to 
fulfil  this  task  in  a mechanical  and  compendiary  manner.  AVe  do  not 
wish  them  to  impress  on  the  memory  of  students,  in  the  shortest  and 
most  practical  manner,  those  facts  and  items  of  knowledge  which  are 
neccssar}''  to  pass  an  examination,  or  for  the  trial  year  in  the  profession. 
On  the  other  hand,  we  do  not  require  in  our  docents  the  highest  ability  in 
skillful  lecturing*at  Universities  as  the  public  of  Paris  demand  of  theirs. 
Our  object  is  mainly  seen  in  imparting  to  the  student  the  method  of  his 
science,  in  order  to  enable  him,  not  to  become  necessarily  a learned  man, 
but  to  pursue  his  vocation,  whatever  it  may  be,  in  a scientific  spirit  and 
with  scientific  power.  Above  all,  he  must  know  what  science  is,  how 
scientific  work  is  done,  and  what  scientific  creative  power  means.  As 


THi:  GERMAN  UNIVERSITY. 


263 


far  as  the  limited  powers  of  man  allow,  the  teacher  must  move  in  fresh, 
original  production  in  his  discourse ; the  student  shall,  above  all,  be  edu- 
cated by  taking  an  intuitive  part  in  the  process  of  development  of 
thoughts  ; whatever  in  later  life  may  be  his  vocation,  in  his  academic 
years  he  must  be  a disciple  of  science  and  nothing  else,  because  the  best 
preparation  for  any  profession  is  the  acquisition  of  scientific  soundness, 
quickness  and  independence  of  mind. 

Our  meaning  will  be  more  manifest  if  we  glance  at  the  relations  of  the 
University  to  the  gymnasium.  The  gymnasium  among  us,  as  the  public 
school  in  England  and  the  lyceums  in  France,  pursues  the  same  ultimate 
object — the  general  training  and  invigoration  of  the  mind.  It  selects  its 
matter  of  instruction,  not  in  reference  to  its  immediate  utility  in  after 
life,  for  some  use  is  to  be  found  in  every  kind  of  knowledge,  but  from 
the  consideration  of  what  study  will  prove  the  best  discipline  of  the  mind. 
In  France,  in  passing  to  the  University,  this  distinction  disappears  alto- 
gether ; the  French  faculties  are  professional  schools,  which  offer  a ready 
scientific  course  as  professional  preparation  for  some  practical  vocation. 
In  England,  in  an  opposite  way,  the  University  is  no  more  than  a con- 
tinued gymnasium ; the  formal  cultivation  of  the  mind  is  still,  as  before, 
the  ruling  object  of  instruction.  Between  these  two  extremes  the  Ger- 
man University  holds  the  middle  ground.  In  the  material  for  instruction 
it  pursues  the  professional  preparation  for  a special  vocation ; in  the 
method  of  teaching,  it  retains  in  view  the  object  of  formal  universal  cul- 
ture. Outwardly  considered,  it  consists  of  a number  of  professional 
schools,  which,  though  united  in  pjace  and  corporate  fellowship  of  their 
members,  yet  are  perfectly  independent  in  their  work.  In  this  indepen- 
dence they  are,  however,  intimately  connected  by  a common  method  of 
instruction.  While  in  professional  schools  the  choice  of  material  and 
form  of  instruction  is  essentially  determined  by  the  demand,  to  make  the 
student  as  quick  and  as  universally  as  possible  useful  for  the  exterior 
duties  of  his  future  practice,  our  academic  professional  branches,  as 
taught,  introduce  the  student,  as  deeply  as  possible,  into  the  working  of 
science  and  thereby  give  to  the  mind  the  highest  manly  development. 
In  this  they  continue  the  work  of  the  gymnasium,  not,  as  in  English 
Colleges,  only  in  larger  extent,  but  also  in  a higher  degree. 

The  gymnasium  cultivates  Latin  and  Greek  in  order  to  exercise  the 
faculty  of  thinking  and  speaking  in  general  in  the  well  settled  forms  of 
a foreign  language ; it  presents  to  its  pupils  the  picture  of  classic  anti- 
quity, and  the  great  facts  of  the  Christian  religion,  in  order  to  direct 
their  aspiration  towards  morally  high  and  pure  objects.  Undoubtedly 
the  gymnasial  training  of  the  mind  is  not  yet  perfect.  After  the  mind, 
on  this  preparator^y  stage,  has  begun  to  work  by  the  conception  of 
general  impressions,  it  is  necessary  that  it  should  justify  its  progress 
by  the  concentration  of  its  powers  for  a special  purpose  on  a special 
science.  The  student  becomes  master  of  a spiritual  power  only 
when  he  has  made  an  unlimited  use  thereof;  when  he  has  tested  it  in 


264 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITY. 


some  serious  problem,  with  full  effect.  This,  in  the  nature  of  things,  is 
impossible  without  a separation  of  the  branches  of  science.  The  youth, 
who  has  just  left  school,  cannot  begin  an  independent  scientific  research 
into  theology,  jurisprudence  and  medicine  at  the  same  time.  He  must 
limit  himself  to  one  branch  in  order  to  penetrate  to  its  depths.  While 
the  University  invites  him  to  this  concentrated  and  deeper  investigation, 
he  continues,  notwithstanding  the  separation  of  branches,  the  universal 
formal  education,  in  the  most  effective  manner,  to  its  perfection. 

As  means  of  culture  the  gymnasium  employs  the  scientific  material 
offered  in  the  philological,  historical  and  mathematical  curriculum.  It 
exercises  its  pupils  on  the  text,  as  settled  by  the  most  learned  philologist ; 
it  teaches  them  historical  facts  as  the  latest  historical  research  of  the  age 
has  established  them  : neither  teachers  nor  pupils  pretend  to  accumulate 
new  and  rare  knowledge  by  researches  of  their  own,  or  to  establish  them- 
selves independent  of  the  masters  of  the  subject  by  their  own  criticism. 
But  such  aims  arc  the  very  element  of  life  at  German  Universities.  They 
are  the  very  places  where  learned  research,  scientific  criticism,  literar}’" 
progress  are  carried  on.  Their  teachers  are  the  organs  of  the  automati- 
cal scientific  spiilt ; their  students  are  educated  for  industrious  concen- 
tration as  well  as  for  mental  independence.  If  any  exists,  this  is  the 
absolute  sign  of  true  academic  culture.  It  is  not  necessary,  as  it  is  not 
possible,  that  a young  man  traverse  the  entire  extent  of  his  science  from 
its  foundation  to  the  latest  discovery,  with  a perfect  knowledge  of  its  lit- 
erature, in  six  or  eight  semestres.  Such  an  encyclopaedic  effort  would  be 
discursive  and  not  deep,  and  result  in  superficiality  instead  of  thorough- 
ness of  attainment.  But  it  is  essential  that  the  student  should  derive  a 
clear  conception  of  the  object  of  his  science  and  of  the  processes  by 
which  it  fulfills  this  object;  it  is  necessary  that  he  go  through  these  oper- 
ations himself  in  some,  at  least  in  one,  point,  where  he  may  say  to  him- 
self, there  is  nobody  in  the  world  who  can  teach  me  anything  further  on 
this  subject ; here  I stand  firm  and  safe  on  my  own  feet  and  decide  by 
my  own  judgment.  This  consciousness  of  mental  independence,  gained 
by  his  own  efforts,  is  an  inestimable  advantage.  It  is  of  no  moment 
what  subject  has  been  the  first  in  his  investigation  and  which  led  to  this 
result, — enough  that  it  has,  in  ever  so  little  a point,  broken  the  depen- 
dence of  the  school ; it  has  tried  the  strength  and  the  means  with  which 
every  new  problem  can  now  be  seized  and  brought  to  a similar  solution ; 
in  the  joyous  juvenile  period  it  has  ripened  youth  into  manhood.  As 
yet  he  knows  not  many  nor  varied  things  ; but  he  has  realized  the  mean- 
ing of  “knowledge”;  to  the  slumbering  mind  is  given  forever  the  con- 
sciousness of  its  power  and  the  direction  lor  the  ennoblement  of  the  soul 
in  a self-determined  s])eciality. 

If,  in  the  above  discussion,  in  order  sharply  to  describe  this  point,  I 
appear  to  contrast  methodic  research  and  encyclopedic  knowledge,  I 
trust  my  purpose  is  not  misunderstood,  as  if  I "would  decline  the  acqui- 
sition of  a good  method,  forego  altogether  the  most  varied  industry  in 


TUE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITY* 


265 


the  collection  of  facts;  as  if  it  were  possible  to  dig  deeply  without 
having  the  control  over  a certain  breadth  of  soil.  The  question  is 
only  in  what  direction  and  for  what  use  knowledge  is  gathered.  He 
who  works  in  the  independent  methodical  research  will  soon  discover 
that  with  every  step  the  demand  grows  upon  him  ; that  in  order  to  per- 
fectly solve  a question  he  must  enlarge  his  knowledge  on  all  sides ; that 
the  weight  to  be  lifted  becomes  heavier  every  day ; but  he  will  also  feel 
that  his  strength  grows  daily,  that  his  movements  become  more  secure 
and  more  easy.  That  w’hich  was  yesterday  a burden,  hard  to  remove,, 
has  to-morrow  become  a locomotive.  Yea,  even  more!  He  who  works 
in  this  spirit  annuls  the  apparent  separation  of  academic  professional 
schools,  the  faculties,  and  reestablishes,  in  his  own  part,  the  living  unity 
of  the  universitas  liter  arum.  In  ancient  forests  groups  of  trees  arc  found, 
four,  five,  powerful  trunks  close  together,  which  show  their  tops  ex- 
tended to  all  the  points  of  heaven ; if  you  approach  you  discover  that 
all  originated  in  the  same  root,  all  sprang  from  one  germ  in  the  depth  of 
the  earth.  Thus  it  is  with  the  various  disciplines  of  science.  Their 
branches  extend  in  all  directions ; he  who  digs  into  the  depth  finds  their 
common  root.  Whoever  follows  a juridical  problem  into  its  last 
results  must  deal  with  fundamental  questions  of  morals,  philosophy 
and  religion,  lie  who  will  thoroughly  investigate  a problem  in  history 
will  meet  at  every  step  legal,  religious  and  political  considerations.  In 
like  manner  it  is  with  all  branches.  In  one  word,  he  who  will  make,  in 
any  part  of  science,  original,  fundamental,  conclusive  work,  is  obliged, 
acting  self-moved  and  independently  to  take  his  position  towards  all  the 
fundamental  problems  of  existence,  towards  the  world  and  God.  This  is 
the  highest  fruit  propagated  by  the  system  of  instruction  at  German 
Universities.  If  the  German  nation,  wuthin  this  century,  has  had  the 
strength  for  a most  powerful  progress  in  all  spheres  of  life,  the  most  im- 
portant lever  of  ascent  has  been  found  in  the  training  of  her  superior 
schools.  We  can  over  estimate  the  gain  that  our  most  important  institu- 
tions of  instruction,  the  advantage,  which  our  Universities  give,  in 
their  emancipation  of  the  human  mind.  In  all  early  instruction,  au- 
thority necessarily  governs  the  whole  being,  and  in  later  life  practice, 
and  with  it,  again,  authority  encompass  a considerable  part  of  exist- 
ence. But  in  one  period  in  his  life  at  least  shall  every  cultivated  man 
on  German  soil  be  assured  by  all  the  organs  of  authority,  governmental 
and  educational,  that  he  enjoj’^s  spiritual  freedom.  From  the  depth  of 
his  own  soul,  with  the  light  of  independent  knowledge,  to  open  his  own 
way  through  life,  such  is  the  aim  placed  before  students  by  the  system 
of  German  Universities.  Let  the  individual,  as  the  result  of  these 
studies  and  labors,  take  this  or  that  direction ; let  him  become  liberal  or 
conservative,  reactionary  or  progressive,  orthodox  or  heretic : essential 
for  us  is  only,  no  matter  what  he  be,  that  he  has  become  so,  not  from 
habits  of  3muth,  unsettled  disposition,  traditional  obedience,  but  from 
scientific  reflection,  critical  examination,  independent  resolution.  Then, 


■266 


THE  GERMAN"  UNIVERSITT, 


and  only  then,  will  he  be  numbered  among  the  masters  of  his  profession, 
the  powerful  representatives  of  his  party,  the  effective  organs  of  his  con- 
fession, the  ornaments  and  honors  of  his  nation ; then,  and  only  then, 
will  he  be  recognized  as  belonging  to  the  aristocracy  of  mind,  which 
belong  to  no  particular  social  rank,  one  of  the  men  of  true  culture. 

In  these  brief  sentences  I have  attempted  to  present  the  characteristic 
features  of  German  Universities^  I know  but  too  well  what  I have  ex- 
pressed is  not  what  we  always  accomplish,  but  what  we  demand  of 
ourselves.  I readily  agree  that  the  great  masters  in  the  first  decades  of 
our  century  have  in  a higher  degree  realized  the  ideal  than  is  given  to  us, 
their  successors.  Not  every  man  is  gifted  with  the  power  and  the  oppor- 
tunity to  carry  the  banner  onward  to  brilliant  victories  ; what  we  demand 
of  every  German  youth  is,  to  remasn  true  to  this  glorious  flag  and  in 
his  modest  sphere  devote  to  its  service  the  strength  of  his  life.  And 
upon  the  whole,  firm  and  true  have  hitherto  been  both  the  teachers 
and  students  of  German  Universities.  The  essential  character  of  the 
high  schools,  as  established  in  the  beginning  of  the  century  by  Scheier- 
macher  and  Fred.  Aug.  Wolf,  Silvern  and  Fichte,  W.  von  Humboldt  and 
Altenstein,  has  been  preserved  in  its  distinctive  features  unto  this  day. 
During  the  first  years  after  the  war  of  independence  (war  of  1813  against 
Napoleon  I.,)  it  felt  the  pressure  of  political  conditions,  the  immature 
desire  of  a part  of  the  students  to  participate  direct  and  practically  in 
the  fiery  political  questions  of  the  day,<  and  in  consequence  of  this  the 
police  reaction  of  1819,  which  placed  the  Universities  in  general  under  a 
restraining  tutelage.  Since  1840,  theological  and  confessional  considera- 
tions have  sometimes  had  more  influence  on  some  points  of  the  academi- 
cal relations  than  is  wholesome  for  religion  and  science,  and  the  storms 
of  1848  have  not  passed  over  the  German  high  schools  without  leaving 
their  traces.  But  such  disturbances  have  never  been  of  any  lasting 
effect ; on  the  contrary,  the  system  of  academic  instruction,  which  I have 
tried  to  describe,  has  made  considerable  progress  in  Southern  Germany 
and  that  part  of  Europe  which  had  been  hitherto  entirely  closed  to  its 
spirit. 

Notwithstanding  this  happy  result  our  picture  will  be  incomplete  and 
consequently  inaccurate  if,  with  the  light,  we  do  not  introduce  the  shade. 
I need  not  mention  smaller  and  special  defects,  such  as  appear  at  all 
times  in  all  the  works  of  man’s  hand.  I confine  myself  to  one  fact, 
because,  as  far  as  I can  see,  there  is  in  it  a danger  which  strikes  at  the 
very  root  of  our  entire  academic  life,  and  because  its  effects  already  begin 
to  be  felt ; and  herein,  if  anywhere,  the  observations  of  foreign  critics 
are  justified,  that  our  acknowledged  superiority  will  assuredly  end. 

For  at  least  a century  University  attendance  has  been  limited  to  three 
years,  seldom  extending  through  the  fourth.  This  may  have  sufficed 
one  hundred  years  ago,  but  to-day  it  is  altogether  inadequate  for  the 
mastery  of  any  of  the  faculties.  The  immense  increase  of  scientific 
material,  as  well  as  the  greater  depth  and  multiplicity  of  special  disci- 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITY. 


2G7 


plines,  have  doubled  the  work  of  the  student  both  in  intensity  and  in 
extent.  And  as  the  power  of  the  individual  is  not  greater  in  the  nine- 
teenth than  in  the  eighteenth  century,  it  follows  that  the  work  done  in 
the  same  length  of  time  is  inferior  in  quality  or  quantity.  Three  or  even 
four  years  signify  now  no  more  than  the  same  number  of  semestres.  If 
the  work  of  the  University  must  cover  certain  subjects  within  certain 
prescribed  limits,  a positive  diminution  of  scientific  production  is  inevit- 
able. Besides,  if  the  year  of  rniliti^y  service  is  made  to  fail  in  this 
period  of  University  attendance,  there  is  no  possibility  of  cultivating  that 
feeling  for  science  which  requires  continuous  prosecution,  and  which  it 
is  the  great  purpose  of  the  University  to  effect.  There  is  no  faculty,  no 
profession  in  which  two  or  even  three  years  will  suffice  to  do  the  pres- 
ent extent  of  work,  to  prepare  properly  for  the  examination,  even  in  that 
preparation  which  the  drastic  language  of  students  call  “ beating  in.” 
But  as  this  examination  is  a condition  precedent  to  all  future  official 
appointment,  all  the  diligence  of  students  is  necessarily  devoted  to  this 
end; — hence  all  independent  research,  all  practice  of  scientific  method, 
all  philosophical  and  historical  confirmation  of  profc*?sional  studies  must 
be,  in  most  instances,  abandoned.  Complaint  is  made  of  mere  utilitarian 
stud}'-,  of  work  which  aims  only  at  securing  future' subsistence,  of  the 
superficial  materialistic  ambition  of  our  youth.  But  the  youth  of  to-day 
and  of  a previous  generation  is  still  the  same;  it  is  still  enthusiastic, 
still  eager  for  knowledge,  still  hungry  and  athirst  for  intellectual  free- 
dom ; it  is  still  healthy  human  nature  in  the  freshness  of  young  exist- 
ence. But  young  men,  as  well  as  old,  must  live,  and  until  this  can  be 
assured,  we  cannot  expect  they  will  strive  for  something  superior  and 
nobler. 

And  herein  we  find  much  in  England  to  admire  and  envy.  From  those 
who  acknowledge  the  superiority  of  the  scientific  results  of  our  Univer- 
sities, we  learn  that  England  has  provided  in  national  grants,  and  in  a 
long  succession  of  aid  endowments,  for  the  spiritual  culture  of  her  youth. 
The  annual  surplus  income  of  Oxford  for  a single  year — the  sum  unap- 
propriated to  the  payment  of  professors — would  defray  all  the  expendi- 
tures of  the  largest  German  University  for  a year.  The  amount  awarded 
in  prizes  and  scholarship  exceeds  the  entire  income  of  the  University  of 
Bonn.  This  munificent  revenue  of  the  English  University  is  not  a grant 
of  the  government,  on  which  we,  in  the  absence  of  individual  liberality, 
are  compelled  to  rely,  but  springs  from  foundations  established  by  benefi- 
cent individuals,  who  have  thus  erected  to  themselves  monuments  in  the 
perpetual  succession  of  ingenuous  youths,  whom  their  liberality  has 
stimulated  to  greater  exertions. 

A perfectly  competent  witness  recently  summoned  before  a British  par- 
liamentary committee,  in  answer  to  an  enquiry  as  to  the  educational  con- 
dition of  Germany,  declared : “All  essential  defects  in  the  German  Univer- 
sity spring  from  one  want — the  want  of  money.”  If  by  this  want  is  meant 
the  want  of  means  to  reduce  the  expenses  of  necessary  residence,  or  to 


268 


THE  GEIIMAN  UEIVEIISITY. 


enable  students  to  complete  the  scientific  work  provided  for  them,  the 
witness  is  correct.  It  is  my  firm  conviction  that  the  vital  problem  of 
University  prosperity  and  progress  with  us  is  to  enable  a majority  of 
our  students  to  prolong  their  residence  for  at  least  five  years.  Uhtil  we 
can  provide  the  means,  it  would  be  cruel  to  many  and  injurious  to  most, 
to  require  an  examination  which  necessitates  a longer  residence  than  at 
present.  Its  immediate  etfecc  would  be  the  exclusion  of  a very  large 
and  very  talented  portion  of  our  y»»ung  people  from  an  academic  educa- 
tion. It  will  be  better  to  secure  a prolonged  period  of  o tional  study 
by  stipends  and  premiums.  This  can  be  done  in  the  same  way  that  similar 
devotion  to  special  professional  preparation  is  secured  in  the  Seminaries. 
These  Seminaries  are  in  the  most  prosperous  condition — supplied  with 
competent  teachers  and  enthusiastic  students — and  in  them  the  work  of 
the  University  is  carried  on  and  out  to  its  legitimate  conclusion.  Origin- 
ally limited  to  theology  and  philology,  they  now  exist  for  jurisprudence, 
history  and  the  natural  sciences,  and  in  them  are  trained  teachers  and 
professors  for  our  gymnasiums  and  the  Universities,  as  well  as  able 
jurists  and  theologians.  Most  of  them  are  able  to  award  to  diligent  stu- 
dents a stipend  of  twenty  dollars — an  amount  too  small  to  be  accounted 
hardl}^  more  than  adnark  of  success,  and  ^ et  capable  of  being  applied  to 
tlie  moderate  expenses  of  residence.  How  much  would  thorough  scien- 
tific study  and  culture  be  promoted  if  these  stipends  could  be  increased 
and  multiplied!  and  especially  if  they  could  encourage  and  secure 
attendance  on  University  lectures  for  one  or  two  years  after  the  doctor- 
ate examination  has  been  passed,  which,  with  a majority  of  students^ 
being  the  legal  goal,  is  also  the  seeming  limit  of  voluntary  sacrifice. 
This  is  one  of  the  directions  in  wliich  the  example,  set  by  a commercial 
house  in  Bonn,  can  be  followed  v.  ith  immense  advantage  to  our  German 
nation  by  wealthy  citizens  of  this  and  other  provinces  of  Prussia. 

The  example  of  Emdand  can  be  a model  for  our  academic  institutions 
in  still  another  direction.  Some  years  ago  Dr.  Doelliiiger,  in  an  excellent 
discussion  on  German  Universities,  raised  the  question,  whether  the 
revival  of  the  ancient  liirsae  were  not  possible  or  advisable  ; arrange- 
ments for  the  exterior  life  of  students,  as  they  are  before  our  eyes  in  the 
English  Colleges;  boarding  establishments  under  tne  administiation  of 
officials  of  the  academy,  like  the  one  which  King  ^lax.  IL,  of  Bavaria, 
has  founded  on  a grand  scale  and  on  excellent  principles.  He  who  is 
inclined  to  dismiss  a similar  proposition  as  untimely  or  in  opposition  to 
our  custom,  had  better  see  with  Lis  own  eyes  how  much  in  the  life  of 
our  students  is  injurious  to  physical  health  and  strength,  and  consequently 
to  mental  ability  and  freshness  for  work,  and  then  form  his  judgment  as 
to  the  benefits  likely  to  be  derived  from  practical  measures  directed  to 
this  point.  It  is  understood  that  under  all  circumstances  the  funda- 
mental principle  of  academic  freedom  should  be  maintained.  Nobody 
should  be  forced  to  join  a particular  establishment  or  restrained  from 
entering  it.  A certain  domestic  order  would  be  guaranteed  where  many 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITY. 


269 


live  together ; but  it  should  not  pass  beyond  the  rnost^  necessary  regula- 
tions, and,  above  all,  the  choice  of  subjects,  time  and  scientific  method 
of  study  should  in  no  manner  be  hampered.  The  German  University 
asks  no  other  diligence  than  that  which  flows  from  the  individual  will  of 
the  student ; it  must  desire  arrangements  which  furnish  the  exterior  basis 
and  vital  necessities  for  this  diligence,  respecting,  alwa3'S,  as  first  and 
last,  the  principle  of  individual  liberty. 

If  in  this,  or  any  other  manner, — for  means  and  ways  for  a good  pur- 
pose are  many, — we  should  be  able  to  retain  a portion  of  our  ^udents  at 
least  ten  semestres  at  the  University',  the  result  would  be  great.  The 
endangered  scientific  thoroughness  of  study,  which  is  considered  the 
characteristic  object  of  our  entire  system,  would  be  again  assured.  It 
would  then  become  possible  to  deliberate  in  what  manner  the  most  effec- 
tive im-pulse  for  a connection  of  professional  studies  with  a general  philo- 
sophical education  could  be  given  to  members  of  professional  and  special 
fixculties.  Finally  we  would  be  so  situated  as  to  counteract,  by  positive 
means,  the  tendency  for  bread  study.  Until  then  every  accusation  of  util- 
itarian motive  and  end  against  the  young  students  must  be  declared  unjust 
and  undeserved.  I would  not  dare  to  speak  thus  with  such  emphasis  if, 
from  an  experience  of  many  years,  I did  not  know  that  our  students  will 
not  misinterpret  me ; for  the  cause  of  this  apparent  defection  from  the 
old  idea  of  University  study  lies  not  in  this  disposition  ; now,  as  hereto- 
fore, the  great  majority  expresses  the  conviction  that  even  under  priva- 
tions and  sacrifice  true  and  profound  science  is  their  great  aim  in  life. 
It  is  the  duty  and  the  interest  of  the  nation  to  enable  her  sons  to  train 
themselves  by  a severe  service  in  science  for  the  highest  practical  service 
of  the  fatherland. 

We  all  know  that  the  present  situation  of  the  state  will  not  authorize 
the  expenditure  of  large  sums  for  any  other  purpose  than  the  defence  of 
our  country.  But. does  not  the  preparation  for  national  defence  include 
the  question  whether  the  nurseries  of  our  statesmen,  officers  and  teachers 
should  maintain  their  former  elevation  or  be  degraded  to  mere  training 
schools  for  professional  routine?  We  also  know  that  in  our  Prussian 
state,  which,  during  half  a century,  has  signalized  every  new  advance  in 
civilization,  as  well  as  the  completion  of  its  martial  victories,  by  the 
creation  of  a University;  every  proved  want  in  matters  of  instruction 
will  be  supplied  as  far  as  the  national  revenues  allow.  AVhere  these  are 
limited,  the  spontaneous  action  of  individuals,  communes  and  provinces 
must  seek  occasion  to  supply  them.  The  whole  people,  in  addition  to 
the  desire  for  political  liberty,  have  gained  the  consciousness  of  national 
independence,  and  we  hope  entertain  clear  convictions  that  common 
action  alone  can  lay  the  solid  foundation  of  national  liberty. 

In  dwelling  on  the  superiority  of  our  Universities  I have  not  hesitated 
to  point  out,  with  perfect  candor,  existing  defects.  Fortunately  for  our 
country  the  time  is  past  when  it  was  considered  a want  of  patriotic  pru- 
dence to  discuss  publicly  the  advantages  of  other  countries,  in  any  respect, 


270 


THE  GEIIMAN  UNITERSITY. 


above  our  own.  ^ That  M^as  a time  of  unhealthy,  and  therefore  preten- 
tious, weakness  ; there  was  a sensitiveness,  even  in  subordinate  matters, 
because  in  the  main  there  existed  the  feeling  of  dislocation  and  confusion. 
These  days  are  past.  Thanks  to  the  resoluteness  and  firmness  of  our 
great  monarch  a period  of  consolidation,  unity  and  higher  development 
has  begun  in  the  life  of  the  German  nation.  We  live,  as  yet,  in  a period 
of  transition.  The  duty  rests  on  our  people  to  keep  the  musket  by  the 
side  of  the  plow  and  the  book.  But  the  decisive  step  has  been  taken. 
Germany  rests  in  its  newly  united  strength  ; the  nation  has  regained  self- 
consciousness.  Now  it  can  extend  the  most  searching  examination  into 
every  part  of  its  life  ; it  no  longer  objects  to  learn  the  advantages  of 
other  countries  on  any  point  whatever.  For  if  formerly  it  feared  the  dis- 
regard of  neighbors,  it  knows  now  that,  for  the  first  time  in  six  hundred 
years,  foreign  nations  have,  with  little  affection  so  far,  a deep  respect  for 
the  German  name.  This  is  the  work  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  the  head  of 
the  German  Confederation,  whose  birth-day  anniversary  we  celebrate  this 
day.  Long  live  His  Majesty,  King  William  the  First. 

Note. 

The  writer  of  this  article  is  the  author  of  a History  of  the  French  Revolution 
Avhich,  both  in  its  German  and  English  dress,  is  attracting  much  attention  at 
the  present  time.  Ilis  discovery,  three  years  ago,  of  some  original  manuscript 
letters  of  Marie  Antoinette  was  one  of  the  marked  events  of  the  day  and  called 
out  much  debate  as  to  their  authenticity,  which  was  completely  established  by 
the  Bonn  professor.  lie  is  the  editor  of  the  Ilistorische  Zeitscrift,  the  leading 
Review  of  Central  Europe  that  is  devoted  to  historical  subjects;  and  his  opinion 
has  great  weight  on  all  points  on  which  he  speaks. 


Income  of  Oxford  Endowments. 

Prof.  Pattison  in  his  recent  Suggestions  on  Academical  Organizations  with 
especial  reference  to  Oxfordf  states  that  of  the  net  income  of  Oxford  endow- 
ments, £125,000  (over  ^600,000)  are  appropriated  to  prizes,  scholarships  and 
fellowships;  about  £32,000  for  the  payment  of  professors,  and  lecturers, 
(besides  a like  amount  derived  from  fees  of  tuition ;)  and  £23,000  to  the 
Heads  of  Colleger,  and  a smaller  sura  to  the  library,  museum,  &c. 


in.  THE  UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES, 

PARTICULARLY  THOSE  OF  BOLOGNA  AND  PARIS. 

Bv  Paor.  FREDERIC  CHARLES  SAVIGNY,  UNivERsixy  or  Berlin. 


THE  UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


BV  FREDERIC  CHARLES  SAVIQNY.* 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  Universities  have  exercised  a great  influence  on  the  condition  of  Eu- 
rope ever  since  the  twelfth  century,  and  amidst  all  changes  of  condition  this 
influence  has  remained  essentially  the  same. 

Wherever  a true  life  has  been  manifested  in  them,  they  have,  all  alike,  pre- 
supposed or  endeavored  to  develop  a certain  intellectual  independence  among 
their  students.  It  was  their  task,  therefore,  to  communicate  the  best  and  most 
valuable  knowledge  of  every  age,  and  herein  consists  the  peculiar  charm  and 
dignity  always  connected  with  the  position  of  university  teacher.  Such  a 
charm  and  dignity  does  not  connect  itself  with  the  mere  mechanical  transfer  of 
knowledge  already  acquired;  but  he  who  with  restless  spirit  assimilates  to 
himself  whatever  he  studies,  and  under  the  stimulus  of  the  spirit  of  the  school 
and  its  pupils,  feels  impelled  to  communicate  it  in  its  renewed  shape,  holds  a 
position  like  that  of  an  original  author,  more  limited,  indeed,  but  with  more 
vivacity  and  original  force,  inspired  by  direct  and  personal  communication  with 
those  whom  he  addresses.  This  point  in  the  character  of  the  universities  is  of 
so  fundamental  a nature,  that  their  strength  and  success  must  inevitably  be 
destroyed  where  the  liberty  and  independence  of  this  intercourse  between 
pupil  and  teacher  is  weakened  or  destroyed. 

In  this  main  feature  the  Universities  of  the  Middle  Ages  resemble  those  of 
the  present  era,  but  in  many  other  respects  they  differ  widely.  Above  all,  they 
occupied  a more  important  position  among  the  then  accessible  means  of  culture 
than  is  assumed  by  those  of  our  own  day,  which  encounter  competition  on  the 
one  side  in  the  higher  schools,  and  on  the  other  in  the  enormous  multitude  of 
books  now  every  where  diffused. 

One  consequence  of  this  was  that  the  period  of  study  at  that  time  was  much 
more  extended  than  now,  so  that  many  students,  by  their  mature  age,  their 
social  rank,  office  and  dignities,  obtained  a respectability  which  was  reflected 
over  the  whole  class,  to  which  nothing  analogous  can  now  be  found.  More- 
over the  spirit  of  that  period  favored  the  formation  of  new  and  almost  inde- 
pendent guilds,  so  that  it  .was  natural  that  the  universities  should  form  such 
associations,  and  that  the  cities  in  which  they  were  established  should  permit 
this  without  jealousy.  But  the  great  superiority  of  the  ancient  universities 
over  those  of  our  own  day  lies  in  the  manner  of  their  formation.  For  it  would 
be  a great  error  to  consider  the  Universities  of  the  Middle  Ages  as  educational 
institutions^  in  the  sense  by  us  attached  to  the  word,  that  is,  as  establishments 


* History  of  Roman  Law  in  the  Middle  Ages,  (Oeschichte  des  Romischen  Rechts  im  Mittelalter) 
vol.  Ill,  p.  152  to  419. 


18 


274 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES, 


founded  by  a prince  or  a city  for  the  particular  benefit  of  natives,  although  for- 
eigners might  be  allowed  to  share  their  advantages.  Such  was  not  the  case, 
but  whenever  a person  inspired  with  a strong  desire  to  teach  had  once  gathered 
around  him  a number  of  studious  youth,  a succession  of  teachers  easily  fol- 
lowed, the  number  of  hearers  increased,  and  thus  a permanent  school  grew  up, 
wholly  from  internal  necessity.  Great  must  have  been  the  reputation  and  in- 
fluence of  such  a school  when  but  few  existed  in  Europe,  and  oral  instruction 
was  the  only  possible  mode  of  acquiring  extended  knowledge. 

"What  a deep  sense  of  responsibility  must  have  been  manifest  in  teachers, 
what  earnestness  and  zeal  in  students  who  had  perhaps  crossed  Europe  to  pass 
a not  inconsiderable  portion  of  life  at  the  school  of  Paris  or  Bologna.  Public 
appointments  and  salaries  were  not  then  given  to  teachers ; it  was  only  when  tlie 
fire  of  their  zeal  burned  low,  that  these  means  of  maintenance  became  necessary, 
and  princes  voluntarily  founded  and  provided  for  whole  universities.  But  the 
schools  so  summoned  into  being  could  not  be  compared  with  those  previously 
developed  out  of  imperative  internal  need,  though  even  these  carried  within 
them  the  germs  of  decay.  Their  peculiar  success  resulted  in  part  from  acci- 
dental, personal,  and  temporary  conditions.  A few  teachers  of  great  reputation 
could  render  a school  famous,  but  it  might  rapidly  decay  in  the  unskillful  hands 
of  their  immediate  successors.  For  the  universities  stood  wholly  without  ex- 
ternal support,  based  on  themselves,  unconnected  with  a pervading  national 
culture  and  without  the  indispensable  foundation  of  preparatory  schools.  But 
more  lasting  than  their  original  prosperity  has  been  the  intellectual  impulse 
imparted  by  them  to  Europe,  and  lawyers  should  never  forget  that  modern 
scientific  jurisprudence  is  based  on  the  foundation  laid  by  the  Bologna  school. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  three  universities  enjoyed  great  reputation : Paris 
in  theology  and  philosophy,  Bologna  in  Roman  law,  and  Salerno  in  medicine. 
But  the  school  at  Salerno,  however  probable  the  great  age  assigned  to  it  may 
be,  has  no  place  in  this  present  inquiry,  not  only  because  no  detailed  informa- 
tion in  regard  to  its  early  condition  is  extant,  but  especially  because  it  remained 
without  influence  on  the  development  of  the  other  schools ; for  of  the  medical 
schools  formed  at  a later  period,  it  can  be  proved  that  they  were  in  preference 
organized  after  the  models  of  the  schools  of  theology  and  jurisprudence,  near 
which  they  grew  up. 

The  two  others,  Paris  and  Bologna,  are  not  only  without  doubt  the  two  ear- 
liest schools  attaiping  p general  European  renown,  but  they  have  served  as 
models  for  numerous  universities  of  a later  date.  There  is  a remarkable  con- 
trast in  their  constitutions,  dating  from  their  beginning.  In  Paris  the  corpo- 
ration consisted  of  all  the  professors,  who  possessed  all  the  power  and  authority, 
while  the  students,  as  only  the  subjects  of  the  little  state,  are  nowhere  particu- 
larly mentioned.  In  Bologna  the  students  formed  the  corporation,  and  elected 
the  officers  from  their  own  body,  and  to  the  authority  of  these  the  professors 
were  subjected. 

The  universities  which  were  afterwards  established  imitated  these  two  fun- 
damental forms,  so  that  Bologna  became  the  model  for  a great  part  of  Italy, 
Spain,  and  France,  ( * ) and  Paris  for  England  and  Germany.  To  explain  this 
remarkable  contrast,  two  causes  should  be  equally  assigned.  First,  the  repub- 
lican spirit  in  Bologna,  which  was  easily  communicated  to  the  students;  and 
secondly,  the  different  nature  of  the  branches  of  learning  for  whose  cultivation 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


275 


the  two  scliools  were  established,  Bologna  being  originally  a school  for  juris- 
prudence and  Paris  for  theology.  That  Paris  was  a theological  school  very 
naturally  led  to  a greater  subjection  of  the  students,  the  more  since  they  had 
always  been  under  strict  discipline  in  the  convents  and  cathedral  foundations. 

The  law  of  imitation  alone  sufficiently  explains  how  forms  once  established 
were  transferred,  even  to  those  schools  and  to  those  branches  of  study  in  which 
these  two  original  conditions  did  not  exist.  That  just  these  two  universities, 
Paris  and  Bologna,  were  taken  as  models  for  those  of  later  date,  and  that  many 
other  arbitrarily  chosen  systems  did  not  rise  by  their  side,  is  entirely  explained 
by  the  great  age  and  reputation  of  these  schools.  Still  it  would  be  very  wrong 
to  infer  a complete  and  permanent  resemblance ; on  the  contrary  these  organi- 
zations have,  in  addition,  assumed  forms  peculiar  to  every  nation:  thus,  for 
instance,  the  universities  in  Germany,  especially  since  the  Eeformation,  have 
assumed  a much  more  comprehensive  character. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  ITALY. 

I.  BOLOGNA. 

Celebrated  as  the  university  of  Bologna  is,  no  attempt  to  describe  its  history 
has  been  made,  except  in  the  defective  work  of  Formagliari,  ( ^ .)  Much 
useful  material  is  scattered  through  “ Ghirardacci’s  History  of  the  City,”  and  in 
the  “ Annals  ” by  Savioli,  as  well  as  in  Sarti’s  biographies  of  celebrated  pro- 
fessors. The  best  information  on  the  constitution  of  this  school  is  found  in  the 
ancient  statutes  of  the  university  of  jurisprudence,  now  to  be  described  in  full. 
The  edition  of  1561  consists  of  three  parts : the  original  statutes,  in  four  books, 
(p.  1 to  73  ;)  the  amendments,  (p.  74  to  90,)  and  a number  of  new  laws,  (p.  91 
to  110.) 

First  of  all,  the  date  of  the  statutes  must  be  established.  The  present  col- 
lection is  very  modern,  dating  from  the  year  1432,  in  which  old  and  new  stat- 
utes are  mixed.  It  must  have  been  made  from  an  older  compilation,  the  period 
of  which  can,  however,  be  determined.  For  the  statutes  prohibit  “godfather- 
ships  ” between  members  of  the  university  and  the  citizens  of  Bologna,  but 
they  except  from  this  prohibition  John  Andrea  and  his  descendants ; which 
reference  to  this  eminent  person  (as  living)  points  to  the  first  part  of  the  14th 
century.  Some  of  its  older  and  more  recent  parts  can  be  distinguished  from 
each  other,  as  the  original  author  chose  the  first  words  of  his  chapters  so  that 
they  fell  in  alphabetical  order ; so  that  certain  deviations  indicate  a later  re- 
vision. But  even  that  could  be  evidence  only  of  the  time  when  the  statutes  were 
reduced  to  writing  in  the  present  shape,  but  not  of  the  time  when  they  first 
prevailed,  for  undoubtedly  they  were  handed  down  from  a more  remote  time, 
and  the  most  and  most  important  parts  of  the  statute  date  certainly  from  the 
year  when  the  university  received  its  first  definite  organization.  This  is  prob- 
able for  the  following  reasons:  First,  the  distinct  reference  to  existing  statutes 
in  a decree  of  Pope  Innocent  IV,  from  the  year  1253 ; also  an  ordinance  of 
Pope  Honorius  III,  of  1224,  making  it  almost  certain  that  the  university  had 
already  made  its  statutes ; next,  the  catalogue  of  the  books  in  the  circulating 
library,  which  is  added  to  the  statutes,  contains  works  nearly  all  of  the  12th 
. and  13th  century,  very  few  from  the  first  part  of  the  14th  century,  and  none. 


276 


UNIVERSITIES  OP  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


for  instance,  of  Bartolus  and  Baldus.  The  university  of  the  artlstce  {i.  e. 
those- not  students  of  jurisprudence)  had  its  statutes,  which  in  many  points  are 
similar  to  those  of  the  jurists,  but  indicate  by  their  language  a much  later  origin. 

According  to  a very  old  tradition  the  university  of  Bologna  is  said  to  have 
been  founded  by  king  Theodosius  II,  in  the  year  433.  In  the  archives  of  the 
city  are  two  completely  different  charters,  which  have  been  frequently  copied ; 
but  a more  awkward  forgery  can  hardly  be  imagined,  both  in  point  of  matter 
and  manner.  For  in  the  one  the  name  of  the  country  appears  as  Lombardia  ; 
in  the  other  the  ambassadors  of  King  Louis  of  France  and  King  Philip  of  Eng- 
land are  mentioned  as  present : under  both  are  signatures  taken  from  a Placitum 
of  Charlemagne.  In  addition  to  this  it  is  not  probable  that  Theodosius,  who 
was  Emperor  of  the  East,  should  have  made  such  a foundation  in  Italy : not  to 
mention  that  a well-known  constitution  of  Justinian  directly  contradicts  the 
earlier  existence  of  a school  of  jurisprudence  {Const.  Omnem^  § 7.)  Against 
such  strong  evidences  of  falsity  any  further  inquiry  appears  superfluous,  and  no 
thoughtful  historians  have  ever  entertained  a doubt  on  this  subject.  Notwith- 
standing these  facts,  Bologna  has  ascribed  great  value  to  such  evidences  of  its 
antiquity  as  these,  and  has  even  based  on  them  its  claims  in  disputes  with 
neighboring  cities  about  its  frontier ; nor  have  there  been  wanting  patriotic  de- 
fenders of  their  genuineness.  But  the  time  and  occasion  for  invention  can  be 
pretty  clearly  determined.  Azo  claims  for  Bologna  the  right  to  a school  of 
jurisprudence  because  that  city,  as  well  as  Constantinople,  was  founded  by  an 
emperor,  namely  by  Theodosius.  Similar  is  the  expression  of  Accursius  and 
Odofredus ; though  they,  in  addition,  mention  St.  Ambrose  on  this  occasion,  by 
which  the  whole  affair  is  referred  to  Theodosius  I.  All  these  authors,  then,  up 
to  the  middle  of  the  13tli  century,  knew  nothing  of  a charter  or  the  foundation 
of  a university ; they  only  refer  to  the  foundation  of  the  city  by  the  emperor, 
and  deduce  therefrom  its  right  to  have  a university.  Even  Bartolus  knows 
nothing  of  these  documents,  but  deduces  the  establishment  of  the  university 
partly  also  from  the  foundation  of  the  city  by  Theodosius,  and  partly  because  it 
was  customary,  or  from  a pretended  foundation  by  king  Lothar,  which,  how- 
ever, he  does  not  put  forth  as  veritable.  But,  soon  after  the  middle  of  the  13th 
century,  we  find  the  first  traces  of  those  documents,  which  must  have  been 
drawn  up  from  those  passages  of  the  glossators,  with  an  alteration  of  their  true 
intent.  Ambrose  indeed  is  again  connected  herewith,  ( ® ) and  that  the  year 
433  is  still  assigned  and  that  so  the  younger  Theodosius  is  designated  as  the 
founder,  (though  in  his  reign  Ambrose  was  no  longer  living,)  are  to  be  imputed 
to  the  ignorance  of  the  writer. 

In  fact,  the  date  of  the  commencement  of  the  university  can  not  now  be 
definitely  fixed,  because  it  did  not  originate  in  a voluntary  foundation.  For 
when,  by  the  reputation  of  a teacher,  and  the  thirst  after  knowledge  on  the 
part  of  the  students,  a school  of  jurisprudence  was  formed  here,  it  was  a long 
time  before  an  incorporation  and  a particular  constitution  were  thought  of.  A 
privilegium  of  the  emperor  gave  power  of  jurisdiction  to  the  teachers,  and 
when  the  number  of  students  increased  more  and  more,  the  latter  commenced 
to  form  a university,  the  constitution  of  which,  as  it  appears,  developed  rapidly 
and  was  soon  recognized. 

The  first  historical  fact  we  meet  is  the  privilegium  granted  by  Frederic  I,  in 
November,  1158,  at  the  Diet  of  RoncagUa,  Though  Bologna  is  not  named  in 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


277 


the  edict,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  refers  especially  to  this  city ; for  a priv- 
ilefjmm  is  granted  to  those  who  undertake  journeys  in  the  interests  of  learning, , 
and  the  professors  of  jurisprudence  are  favorably  mentioned  therein.  If,  then, 
it  is  considered  that  it  was  granted,  not  by  the  emperor,  but  by  the  king  of 
Lombardy,  it  will  be  seen  that  there  is  no  city  but  Bologna  to  which  it  could 
apply,  though  undoubtedly  it  was  for  the  benefit  of  all  future  schools  of  juris- 
prudence in  Lombardy.  Moreover,  outside  of  the  kingdom  of  Lombardy  there 
was  no  city  to  which  it  could  be  applied.  The  school  at  Paris  attracted  many 
strangers  by  its  reputation ; but  it  was  not  a school  of  jurisprudence,  and  be- 
sides, Frederic,  neither  as  emperor  nor  as  king  of  Lombardy,  could  grant  a 
privilegium  to  Paris.  In  Germany  there  existed  no  school  of  any  repute  at  that 
time,  and  finally  the  great  favor  in  which  the  celebrated  professors  of  Bologna 
were  held  by  the  emperor,  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  privilegmm  was  intended 
expressly  for  them.  ( ^ ) 

The  contents  were  of  a two-fold  character  : First,  it  gave  especial  protection 
to  foreign  students,  who  had  to  overcome  so  many  difficulties  to  satisfy  their 
desire  for  learning ; they  were  to  be  permitted  to  travel  every  where  undis- 
turbed ; any  molestation  of  them  was  forbidden  on  pain  of  severe  punishment, 
and  in  particular  no  one  was  to  be  held  responsible  for  the  crimes  or  debts  of 
his  countrymen.  Secondl}’-,  students,  when  indicted,  were  to  have  special  judi- 
cial privileges.  The  words  are  these:  Hujus  rei  optione  data  scholarihus^  eos 
coram  domino  vel  magistro  suo^  vel  ipsius  civiiatis  episcopo,  quibus  lianc  jurisdic- 
tionem  dedimus^  conveniatP  The  meaning  of  these  words  can  not  be  misunder- 
stood, and  all  later  doubts  have  arisen  from  the  mistaken  endeavor  to  find  the 
condition  resulting  from  the  changes  of  subsequent  times  in  this  decree.  The 
accused  had  the  choice  of  being  judged  by  his  teacher  (^)  or  by  the  bishop. 
Dominus  was  the  peculiar  designation  given  to  teachers  of  the  new  school  of 
jurisprudence,  distinguishing  them  from  the  teachers  of  liberal  arts  every  where 
to  be  found ; and  only  to  explain  this  new  expression  by  one  more  generally 
known,  was  added  vel  magistro  suo.  (®)  It  is  not  difficult  to  see  what  gave 
cause  to  this  provision.  Justinian  had  prescribed  for  the  school  of  jurisprudence 
at  Berytus,  that  the  supervision  over^  the  copyists  and  a certain  disciplinary 
superintendence  over  the  scholars  were  to  be  exercised  by  the  president  of  the 
province,  the  bishop,  and  the  professors  of  jurisprudence.  To  this  was  added 
the  decree  of  Frederic  I,  which  changed  a limited  supervision  into  a general 
jurisdiction,  and  passed  by  in  silence  the  presidium  of  Bologna,  for  the  magis- 
trates of  this  city  are  not  named ; it  was  directly  against  them  that  the  privi- 
lege was  directed,  and  if  in  some  cases  the  students  did  not  desire  to  avail 
themselves  of  this  privilege,  it  followed  of  course  that  they  could  obtain  their 
right  before  an  ordinary  judge.  Nor  did  the  edict  mention  the  rector  of  the 
university : either  because  there  was  at  that  time’  no  university  and  no  rector, 
or  because  such  an  essential  right  of  jurisdiction  had  not  yet  been  conferred 
upon  him. 

All  subsequent  history  shows  that  this  decree  was  carried  out,  and  it  is  quit© 
incorrect  to  doubt  this,  as  many  do,  because  the  authority  of  the  emperor  over 
the  Lombardic  cities  was  afterwards  so  much  diminished ; for  the  subject  of 
this  edict  formed  no  part  of  the  great  dispute  between  the  emperor  and  the 
cities,  and  the  four  professors,  for  whose  benefit  the  privilege  had  been  given, 
enjoyed  no  less  authority  and  favor  in  Bologna  than  with  the  emperor. 


278 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


About  the  end  of  the  12th  century  (the  time  of  Azo)  the  students  committed 
^great  acts  of  violence,  and  the  professors  were  not  powerful  enough  to  exercise 
the  criminal  jurisdiction  which  king  Frederic  had  given  them.  Such  was  the 
condition  of  things  at  the  time  of  Accursius ; but  soon  after,  about  the  middle 
of  the  13th  century,  they  resumed  their  previous  criminal  jurisdiction.  Alter 
this  time  the  right  of  professors  and  of  the  bishops  is  spoken  of  in  the  commen- 
taries to  the  Auth.  Hahita^  but  seems  not  to  have  been  longer  in  exercise. 
This  may  be  ascribed  to  the  continually  increasing  number  of  the  professors 
and  the  diminished  personal  authority  of  some  among  them,  and  also  to  the  fact 
that  the  power  of  the  university  and  its  rector  became  more  firmly  established. 

Rectors  are  first  mentioned  at  the  time  of  John  Bassianus,  about  the  end  of 
the  12th  century ; who,  with  his  scholar  Azo,  disputed  the  right  of  students  to 
elect  rectors ; the  same  opinion  is  found  in  Accursius,  but  onl}’-  as  taken  from 
Azo.  But  Odofredus,  who  also  maintains  this  opinion,  mentions  expressly  the 
contrary  constitution  of  Bologna.  Very  definite  historical  data  agree  with  this. 
As  early  as  1214,  the  city  of  Bologna  sought  to  make  the  rectorate  more  de- 
pendent, or  to  abolish  it  altogether ; this  resulted  in  great  disturbances,  which 
threatened  the  breaking  up  of  the  entire  school.  The  pope  took  the  part  of  the 
students,  and  after  a few  years  all  was  quiet  again,  without  the  rectorship  hav- 
ing been  abolished.  From  this  it  appears  clear  that  the  university  at  that  time 
had  the  settled  right  to  elect  its  own  rectors,  with  power  of  jurisdiction ; which 
appears  still  more  from  a writing  of  the  pope  of  the  year  1224.  Honorius  III 
'reproaches  the  city  for  not  suffering  the  rectorate  and  for  having  banished  the 
rector-elect;  even  the  professors  had  given  their  advice  in  favor  of  this  measure, 
having  forgotten  their  obligation  of  submission  to  the  decisions  of  the  rector. 
This  language  could  not  have  been  used  unless  the  jurisdiction  of  rectors,  even 
over  the  professors,  had  long  before  been  decided  by  custom  and  tradition. 

From  this  time  the  students  had  four  judges:  the  magistracy  of  the  city,  the 
rector,  the  bishop,  and  the  professors.  The  two  latter  were  based  on  the  priv- 
ilege of  the  emperor;  the  two  first  were,  by  jurists,  derived  from  the  common 
law;  the  rector  from  a passage  in  the  code  which  enjoins  upon  those  following 
a trade  or  vocation,  under  no  pretext  to  withdraw  from  the  judge  set  over  such 
profession.  Consequently  of  these  four  judicial  powers  only  the  first  was  to  be 
looked  upon  as  legal,  deriving  his  authority  out  of  the  general  constitution ; 
the  second  was  special,  founded  on  the  peculiar  relation  of  corporation ; the 
two  latter  were  privileged.  The  relation  of  these  various  judges  will  appear 
from  what  follows. 

The  Bologna  school  of  jurisprudence  was  several  times  threatened  with  total 
extinction.  In  the  repeated  difficulties  with  the  city  the  students  would  march 
out  of  the  town,  bound  by  a solemn  oath  not  to  return  ; and  if  a compromise 
was  to  be  effected,  a papal  dispensation  from  that  oath  must  first  be  obtained. 
Generally  on  such  occasions,  the  privileges  of  the  university  were  reaffirmed 
and  often  enlarged.  In  other  cases,  a quarrel  between  the  pope  and  the  city, 
and  the  ban  placed  over  the  latter,  obliged  the  students  to  leave ; and  then  the 
city  often  planned  and  furthered  the  removal  of  the  university.  King  Frederic 
II,  in  1226,  during  the  war  against  Bologna,  dissolved  the  school  of  jurispru- 
dence, whicli  seems  to  have  been  not  at  all  affected  thereby,  and  he  formally 
recalled  that  ordinance  in  the  following  year. 

Originally  the  only  school  in  Bologna  was  the  school  of  jurisprudence,  and  in 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


2l9 


connection  with  it  alone  a university  could  be  formed.  However,  it  did  not 
assume  the  form  of  one  university,  but  several  were  formed,  differing  according 
to  the  nationality  of  the  students,  and  as  far  as  direct  information  can  be 
obtained,  there  were  two,  the  Cismontane  and  the  Ultramontane.  ( ’ ) Sub- 
sequently eminent  teachers  of  medicine  and  the  liberal  arts  appeared,  and  their 
pupils,  too,  sought  to  form  a university  and  to  choose  their  own  rector.  As 
late  as  1295  this  innovation  was  disputed  by  the  jurists  and  interdicted  by  the 
city,  so  that  they  had  to  connect  themselves  with  the  university  of  jurispru- 
dence. But  a few  years  later  we  find  them  already  in  possession  again  of  a few 
rectors,  and  in  1316  their  right  was  formally  recognized  in  a compromise  be- 
tween the  university  of  jurisprudence  and  the  city.  The  students  called  them- 
selves et  medici  or  physici;  also  by  the  common  name  of  artisicB. 

Finally  a school  of  theology,  founded  by  pope  Innocent  YI,  was  added  in  the 
second  half  of  the  14th  century ; it  was  placed  under  the  bishop,  and  organized 
in  imitation  of  the  school  at  Paris,  so  that  it  was  a universitas  magislrorum^  not 
scholarium.  As,  however,  by  this  arrangement  the  students  of  theology  in  the 
theological  university  had  no  civil  privileges  of  their  own,  they  were  considered 
individually  as  belonging  to  the  ariiske. 

From  this  time  Bologna  had  four  universities,  two  of  jurisprudence,  the  one 
of  medicine  and  philosophy,  and  the  theological,  the  first  two  having  no  con- 
nection with  the  others,  forming  a unit,  and  therefore  frequently  designated  as 
one  university. 

The  constitution  of  these  universities  was  principally  based  on  their  statutes. 
Amendments  and  additions  could  be  made  only  every  twenty  years,  for  which 
purpose  eight  statuarii  were  elected  from  the  scholars,  and  the  approval  of  the 
entire  university  was  not  required.  Meanwhile,  strict  forms  were  prescribed  for 
all  changes.  (®)  As  early  as  1253  the  pope  approved  the  then  existing  stat- 
utes ; in  1544  a similar  confirmation  was  made,  and  this  new  approval  of  the 
pope,  who  was  then  also  the  temporary  ruler  of  the  state,  resulted  in  making 
these  laws,  originally  intended  for  the  members  of  the  university  only,  obliga- 
tory upon  all.  Pope  Pius  lY  also  gave  a new  confirmation,  and  similar 
renewals  may  have  occurred  frequently  afterwards. 

In  describing  the  condition  of  the  law-school  at  the  time  of  complete  devel- 
opment, it  should  be  regarded  from  two  points  : as  corporation  and  as  school. 
In  regard  to  the  first  should  be  considered  its  members,  how  they  were  classi- 
fied, what  officers  administered  the  affairs  of  the  corporation,  and  what  were 
their  outward  relations.  The  members  of  the  university  were  of  various  classes, 
some  having  full  citizenship,  others  more  limited  privileges,  and  still  others  were 
looked  upon  merely  as  protected.  Only  the  foreign  scholars  (advence,  foremes^) 
( ® ) possessed  full  citizenship,  among  whom  civil  and  canonical  members  were 
never  distinguished,  except  in  a few  rare  cases.  They  were  admitted  by  being 
matriculated,  for  which  they  paid  12  soldi.  They  were  annually  required  to 
make  an  oath  of  obedience  to  the  rector  and  the  statutes.  Their  assembly, 
convened  by  the  rector,  was  the  university  proper,  in  which  votes  were  taken 
by  black  and  white  beans,  and  every  member  was  bound  to  appear  at  least 
three  times  in  the  year,  in  order  to  retain  his  citizenship. 

Scholars  from  Bologna  had  no  vote  in  the  assembly  and  were  not  eligible  to 
the  offices.  This  distinction  arose  from  the  privilegium  of  Frederic  I, 
which  thus  favored  foreign  scholars,  because  they  stood  in  need  of  such  pro- 


280 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


tection.  A yet  stronger  reason  was  the  condition  of  dependence  in  which 
natives  necessarily  stood  to  their  own  city,  and  in  this  manner  their  relation  to 
the  university  remained  long  in  doubt.  For  the  latter  looked  upon  them  as 
dependents,  who  ought  to  take  the  oath  of  obedience,  belong  to  both  univer- 
sities, and  be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  both  rectors.  This  the  city  refused,  and 
threatened  those  who  should  take  that  obligation  with  fine  and  banishment. 
By  the  papal  confirmation  of  the  university  statutes,  this  dispute  seems  to  have 
been  decided  in  favor  of  the  law-school. 

The  teachers  or  professors  stood  likewise  in  the  relations  of  individual  subor- 
dination. They  also  were  required  to  swear  obedience  to  the  rector  and  to  the 
statutes  at  their  promotion,  as  well  as  annually  thereafter.  They  were  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  rector,  and  could  not  only  be  fined,  but  could  even  be 
excluded,  in  which  case  they  were  no  longer  allowed  to  teach,  unless  they  were 
reinstalled.  For  a journey  they  had  to  request  the  rector’s  permission,  and  if 
their  absence  was  to  extend  beyond  a week,  the  consent  of  the  university.  In 
the  assembly  of  the  university,  they,  as  a rule,  had  no  vote,  except  those  who 
had  before  occupied  the  position  of  rector.  So  too  no  doctor  could  fill  an  office 
in  the  university,  for  instance  that  of  a consiliarius,  even  though  he  did  not 
wear  the  costume  of  a doctor,  and  lived  in  other  respects  as  a student.  In  all 
other  respects  they  had  the  same  rights  and  duties  as  the  scholars.  All  this, 
though  distinctly  affirmed  in  the  statutes,  might  have  been  considered  a claim 
of  the  university  never  actually  insisted  upon,  did  not  the  writers  of  the  14th 
century  expressly  testify  to  the  actual  dependence  of  the  professors  upon  the^ 
university  and  its  rectors.  It  seems  that  the  city  also  recognized  this  claim 
against  the  professors  and  doctores  legentes,  for  the  statutes  of  the  city  sought  to 
free  from  the  authority  of  the  university  the  doctores  non  legentes  only,  to  which 
the  university  however  did  not  yield.  During  solemn  processions  frequent  dis- 
putes on  rank  took  place  between  the  consiliarii^  as  representatives  of  the  uni- 
versity, and  the  doctors.  A decree  of  the  legate  of  1570,  and  a resolution  of 
the  university  from  the  year  1584,  give  precedence  to  the  consiliarii,  even  when 
the  doctors  appear  as  collegium  and  in  their  robes  of  office.  As  merely  living 
under  patronage  {suppositi  universitati)  belonged  to  the  university,  if  they  had 
taken  the  oath  of  allegiance,  the  mechanics  who  worked  especially  for  the 
school,  as  the  copyists  and  book-binders;  also  the  servants  of  students:  all 
owed  obedience  to  the  rector  and  the  statutes.  Moreover  some  merchants  of 
the  citj’-  were  annually  elected,  who  had  the  privilege  of  pawnbroking  for  the 
scholars,  and  they,  as  well  as  the  book-loaners,  swore  allegiance  to  the  rector. 

The  scholars,  as  above  stated,  forming  the  two  universities,  were  called  Git- 
ramontani  and  Ultramontani.  The  first  consisted  of  seventeen  “nations,”  the 
other  of  eighteen,  though  their  number  and  names  were  frequently  changed, 
according  as  more  or  less  scholars  arrived  from  a country.  The  distinction  was 
based  upon  the  birthplace  of  the  student  himself,  not  upon  the  place  of  resi- 
dence or  birthplace  of  his  father,  or  his  temporary  home.  Those  of  the  German 
nation  had  greater  privileges  than  the  others  ; for  instance,  they  took  the  oath 
of  loyalty  to  their  own  procurators  instead  of  the  rectors  of  the  university. 
Bologna  did  not  constitute  a nation  of  its  own  nor  did  it  belong  to  any  other, 
but  belonged  to  both  universities  in  common.  Beside  these  little  corporations, 
there  were  colleges,  i.  e.  associations  of  poor  scholars,  who  were  maintained  by 
foundations  and  who  lived  together  under  superintendence ; but  these  colleges, 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


281 

which  were  so  prominent  in  Paris,  never  attained  much  importance  in  Italian 
universities,  and  exercised  no  influence  on  their  constitution. 

Among  the  officers  of  the  universities  the  rectors  occupied  the  flrst  place. 
For  a long  time  two  rectors  were  elected,  one  for  each  university ; this  was  the 
case  not  only  in  the  oldest  period,  but  is  spoken  of  as  late  as  1402  and  1423. 
Afterwards  both  universities  had  but  one  rector,  which  arrangement  appears  as 
early  as  1514,  and  after  1552  was  the  permanent  rule.  The  qualiflcations  for 
the  rectorate  were  as  follows : he  must  be  a “ scholar”  {clericiis^)  unmarried, 
not  a monk  {nullius  religionis  appareat,)  twenty-five  years  of  age,  of  sufficient 
property,  and  was  also  required  to  have  studied  law,  at  his  own  expense,  for  at 
least  five  years.  Under  “ scholar  ” this  law  undoubtedly  included  also  the  pro- 
fessor, who,  as  a rule,  enjoyed  all  the  privileges  of  a scholar.  A licentiate,  and, 
in  1423,  a professor,  are  mentioned  as  rectors.  “ Clericus  ” may  perhaps  here 
designate  a student  or  literatus^  not  a priest ; at  least  the  right  to  bear  arms, 
given  in  the  same  statute,  does  not  apply  to  the  priesthood.  Besides,  the  school 
of  Bologna  had  risen  without  any  clerical  cooperation,  and  the  analogy  of  the 
Paris  university,  which  from  the  flrst  had  a far  more  clerical  character  than  that 
at  Bologna,  but  yet  did  not  require  its  rector  to  be  a priest,  furnishes  further 
evidence  of  this. 

A new  election  for  rector  took  place  annually.  The  last  rector,  the  members 
of  the  council,  and  a number  of  additional  electors,  appointed  by  the  entire 
university,  were  the  voters,  and  the  rector  had  to  be  chosen  from  certain  na- 
tions, for  which  purpose  their  order  of  succession  had  been  generally  fixed. 

Great  care  was  taken  to  secure  to  the  rector  a brilliant  rank.  He  took  prec- 
edence of  not  only  the  archdeacon  of  Bologna,  but,  with  the  exception  of  the 
bishop  of  Bologna,  of  all  bishops  and  archbishops,  even  of  the  cardinals  who 
were  students,  and  this  rank  was  recognized  in  papal  decrees.  At  first  they 
had  no  special  honorary  title ; but  later  additions  to  the  statutes,  from  the  end 
of  the  15th  century,  confer  the  title  of  magnificus.  A brief  from  pope  Pius  IV 
from  the  year  1563  gives  to  each  retired  rector  the  right  to  demand  a position 
in  the  States  of  the  Church  or  the  Romagna,  and  threatens  the  governors  of 
these  provinces,  who  fail  to  fulfill  this  law,  with  a fine  of  1,000  ducats. 

Under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  rectors  were  all  the  members  of  the  university, 
and  only  as  far  as  their  relation  to  this  was  doubtful,  as  with  the  Bolognese, 
could  the  jurisdiction  of  the  rectors  be  disputed.  German  students  alone  were 
exempt.  But  this  civil  jurisdiction  was  indisputable,  if  both  parties  were 
scholars  or  doctors,  or  where  only  the  accused  was  a member  of  the  university, 
and  the  plaintiff,  of  his  own  free  will,  made  complaint  to  the  rector,  for  the 
members  of  the  universities  could  not  refuse  to  try  the  case  without  infringing 
upon  the  statutes  they  had  sworn  to  maintain;  but  if  the  foreign  plaintiff 
would  not  make  complaint  before  the  rector,  the  case  was  doubtful.  The  uni- 
versity maintained  that  the  rector  even  then  had  jurisdiction,  and  demanded 
from  the  magistracy  of  the  city  a solemn  oath  to  keep  in  force  the  statutes  of 
the  university.  But  the  city  would  not  agree  to  this,  and  obliged  its  officers  to 
execute  the  judgments  of  the  rector  only  when  both  parties  belonged  to  the 
university,  as  that  jurisdiction,  being  based  on  the  statutes  exclusively,  could 
have  no  binding  power  on  the  citizens,  and  the  judges  of  the  city,  who  would 
not  respect  the  jurisdiction  of  the  university,  could  only  be  threatened  with 
exclusion  from  the  latter.  This  dispute  was  undecided  until  papal  decrees  con- 


282 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


firmed  the  statutes  unconditionally  and  declared  them  obligatory  upon  all. 
From  this  time  final  appeal  was  made  to  the  papal  governor,  while  previously 
an  application  could  be  made  only  to  the  councils  of  the  nations,  and  from  their 
decision  an  appeal  to  a court,  consisting  of  the  other  rector  and  four  counselors, 
had  been  permitted.  A brief  of  pope  Pius  IV,  from  the  year  1563,  seems  to 
extend  the  jurisdiction  of  the  rector  on  all  matters  in  which  a student  was  a 
party,  no  matter  whether  as  defendant  or  plaintifif,  yet  it  is  possible  that  here 
only  the  previous  condition  of  things  was  confirmed,  and  a general  expression 
was  for  this  purpose  made  use  of. 

The  criminal  jurisdiction  of  rectors  was  subjected  to  similar  doubts  and  dis- 
putes In  minor  offenses,  especially  those  against  the  university,  no  scruples 
were  raised,  and  they  involved  a fine  or  expulsion  from  the  university.  Fines 
were  formerly  equally  divided  by  the  two  rectors  and  universities, 
afterwards  by  the  one  rector  and  sijndicus  of  the  university.  Expulsion  {pri- 
vatio)  took  away  the  privilege  of  hearing  lectures,  of  obtaining  degrees,  and  of 
. exercising  the  profession  of  teacher.  Those  under  patronage,  as  for  instance 
librarians  and  copyists,  were  punished  by  being  cut  off  from  all  business  rela- 
tions and  contracts  with  the  members  of  the  university,  without  the  latter 
being  liable  to  punishment.  In  order  to  be  able  to  expel  foreigners  also,  as  for 
instance  citizens  and  magistrates  of  Bologna,  the  excluded  individual  could 
obtain  no  right  against  a scholar,  and  the  exclusion  extended  even  to  his  de- 
scendants, and  every  city  which  gave  an  office  to  him  was  also,  with  all  its 
citizens,  placed  under  the  same  prohibition.  However,  it  was  not  difficult  to 
get  relief  from  the  judgment,  and  a fine  was  then  substituted.  More  disputes 
arose  in  criminal  cases,  as  in  these  the  public  peace  of  the  city  was  deeply  con- 
cerned. For  this  reason  the  jurisdiction  of  the  professors,  which  rested  on 
imperial  privilege,  could  not  always  be  maintained ; and  much  less  could  the 
city  be  expected  to  respect  the  jurisdiction  of  the  rectors.  In  some  cases  this 
was  remedied  by  special  deliberations,  as  e.  g.  in  the  year  1302,  by  a large 
mixed  court.  The  statutes  conferred  upon  the  rectors  a jurisdiction  even  in 
criminal  cases  without  limitation,  and  threatened  the  expulsion  of  all  members 
of  the  university  who  withdrew  themselves  from  this  jurisdiction.  The  ques- 
tion was  finally  legally  settled  by  a papal  bull,  in  the  year  1544,  providing  that 
the  jurisdiction  of  rectors  should  exist  only  when  the  criminal  as  well  as  the 
injured  person  belonged  to  the  university,  cases  of  capital  crimes  being  excepted. 

Thus  the  four  judges,  which  the  old  constitution  appointed  for  the  scholars, 
occupied  the  following  relations  towards  each  other : if  both  parties  were  schol- 
ars, none  could  withdraw  from  the  rector’s  jurisdiction ; if  only  the  defendant 
was  a student,  and  the  foreign  plaintifif  made  complaint  to  the  rector,  the 
accused  was  obliged  to  submit  to  it ; but  if  the  other  complained  to  the  city 
judge,  the  accused  had  a right  to  acquiesce  or  demand  a court  of  professors  or 
bishops  (which  the  statutes  expressly  permitted,)  but  the  cause  in  this  case 
could  not  be  brought  before  the  rector.  This  was  afterwards  changed,  however, 
by  the  papal  approval  of  the  statutes  of  the  university.  Beside  the  rectors,  the 
university  possessed  the  following  officers : 

a.  The  councilors^  i.  e.  representatives  of  the  nations,  generally  one  to  each 
nation,  but  for  some  nations,  two,  who  formed  the  rector’s  council  or  senate, 
and  settled  many  affairs  with  him  alone.  The  German  nation  was  represented 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


283 

by  two  councilors,  who  had  the  title  of  procurators,  and  exercised  jurisdiction 
within  their  nation,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  rector  and  city  courts. 

h.  The  syndicus,  who  represented  both  universities  at  foreign  courts.  He 
was  elected  annually  from  the  scholars,  and  was  under  the  jurisdiction,  not  of 
the  rector,  but  of  the  entire  university,  and  received  a salary  of  12  liras,  and 
later  one-third  of  all  forfeits  and  fines. 

c.  The  notary,  elected  annually  from  the  notaries  of  the  city  for  both  univer- 
sities. He  received  certain  fees  and  a salary  of  40  liras. 

d.  The  massarius,  or  treasurer  of  both  universities,  elected  annually  from  the 
bankers  of  the  city. 

e.  Two  bidelli  (beadles,)  one  for  each  university,  elected  every  year. 

The  outward  relations  of  the  university  to  the  city  of  Bologna  show  unmis- 
takably that  great  value  was  attached  to  the  preservation  and  prosperity  of 
the  school.  This  is  indicated  by  privileges  and  liberties  given  to  teachers  and 
students ; the  former,  if  citizens  of  the  city,  were  free  from  military  service,  and 
later  from  duties  and  taxes  also ; foreign  teachers  and  scholars  were  treated  as 
citizens  of  Bologna ; and  the  city  paid  damages  for  robbery  and  assault,  unless 
they  could  capture  the  evil-doers.  Special  laws  provided  for  the  amusement  of 
the  students.  Thus  a law  from  the  year  1521  imposed  on  the  Jews  the  annual 
payment  of  104^  liras  to  the  jurists,  of  70  liras  to  the  artistce,  with  which 
sums  a carnival-supper  was  provided  for  the  students.  According  to  ancient 
custom,  the  students,  after  the  first  snow  had  fallen,  used  to  collect  money  from 
the  doctors  and  other  notables,  and  this  matter  was  regulated  with  special  care 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  16th  century  by  law.  These  collections  were  to  be 
taken  only  by  those  selected  by  the  university  for  the  purpose,  and  only  after 
the  legate  or  vice-legate  had  made  declaration  that  snow  had  really  fallen.  The 
money  was  not  to  be  used  for  drinking  and  entertainments,  but  was  to  be  depos- 
ited in  a safe  place,  and  expended  to  honor  eminent  professors  with  a painting 
or  a statue  in  the  university  precincts.  As  frequent  disputes  resulted,  the  law 
determined  that  only  one  such  monument  should  be  erected  annually. 

Gambling  was  interdicted  under  a fine  of  5 liras.  Jealous  watchfulness  was 
exercised  to  prevent  other  large  schools  from  prospering  at  the  expense  of  Bo- 
logna. Every  teacher  was  put  under  oath ; by  severe  penalties  it  was  sought 
to  prevent  any  loss.  Death  and  the  confiscation  of  all  property  was  the  pen- 
alty on  citizens  who  should  persuade  any  scholars  to  study  elsewhere ; also  on 
the  native  and  salaried  foreign  professors  (if  the  first  were  over  fifty  years  of 
age,  the  latter  within  the  term  of  their  engagement,)  in  case  they  removed  to 
another  university.  The  general  interests  of  the  university  in  this  regard  were 
identical  with  that  of  the  city,  and  no  objection  was  made  to  these  measures ; 
yet  the  statutes  defined  expressly  what  should  be  done,  if  by  a quarrel  with  the 
city  the  suspension  of  the  university  became  necessary.  The  hiring  of  lodgings 
gave  early  cause  of  quarrel  and  of  legal  enactments.  Four  assessors  of  taxes 
were  elected  annually,  two  from  the  city,  two  from  the  students,  who  fixed  the 
rent  of  rooms,  and  the  proprietors  were  forbidden  to  ask  more  than  this  tax,  as 
well  as  the  professors  and  students  to  increase  their  rent.  No  scholar  was  per- 
mitted to  drive  out  another,  and  every  one  had  a right  to  remain  for  three  years 
in  the  rooms  he  had  rented.  The  proprietor  who  did  not  submit  to  this  taxa- 
tion was  punished  by  interdiction  of  his  house,  and  no  student  could  rent  from 
him ; the  same  punishment  was  inflicted  when  a citizen  made  a false  accusatioa 


284 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


against  a scholar,  and  was  extended  to  the  owners  of  neighboring  houses, 
whenever  a scholar  was  injured  or  robbed.  That  foreign  students  might  not 
lose  time  in  looking  for  lodgings,  the  notary  of  the  university  always  kept  a 
complete  list  of  all  apartments  for  rent.  Students  were  not  permitted  to  stand 
godfather  in  any  family  of  the  city  and  its  surroundings,  without  the  permission 
of  the  rector : at  first  only  J.  Andrea  and  his  descendants  were  exempted  from 
this  limitation ; but  later  the  male  descendants  of  any  doctor  of  Bologna.  For 
the  maintenance  of  its  rights,  the  university  received  from  time  to  time  special 
papal  conservators,  which  custom,  however,  appears  not  to  have  been  perma- 
nent. In  1310  the  archbishop  of  Ravenna,  and  the  bishops  of  Ferrara  and  of 
Parma,  were  appointed;  in  1322  and  1326,  the  bishop  of  Bologna. 

In  considering  the  university  as  a school,  two  subjects  are  to  be  discussed : 
the  personnel,  i.  e.  the  doctors  and  teachers,  and  their  duties,  consisting  in  lec- 
tures, repetitions,  and  disputations.  The  various  opinions  as  to  the  origin  of 
the  title  of  doctor,  have  generally  overlooked  the  fact  that  in  a short  time,  even 
in  the  same  institution,  its  meaning  has  very  much  changed.  At  the  foundation 
of  the  law-school  of  Bologna,  doctor,  magister,  or  dominus,  was,  no  doubt,  the 
name  by  which  Irnerius  and  his  immediate  successors  were  designated ; an 
office  or  a dignity  acquired  it  could  not  mean,  because  such  did  not  then  exist. 
Irnerius  himself,  in  old  documents,  is  named  index,  or  causidicus ; by  contem- 
porary historians  also  magister,  but  nowhere  doctor.  The  more  modern  Wal- 
fredus  is  called  doctor,  magister,  and  index.  After  the  school  had  existed  for 
some  time,  and  attained  a solid  foundation  by  having  several  eminent  teachers 
at  one  time,  viz.,  about  the  middle  of  the  12th  century,  the  dignity  of  doctor 
appears  to  have  been  assumed  only  when  bestowed  by  special  act,  which  cir- 
cumstance may  be  attributed  to  the  fact  that  by  the  privilege  granted  by  king 
Frederic  I,  the  professors  of  the  law-school  had  a sort  of  juridical  authority. 
The  title,  as  far  as  may  be  inferred  from  later  times,  was  given  the  doctors 
when,  after  an  examination,  they  found  the  candidate  worthy  to  enter  their 
ranks.  This  admission,  called  promotion,  gave  an  unlimited  right  to  teach,  in 
connection  with  jurisdiction  by  each  teacher  over  his  scholars,  and  also  the 
right  to  participate  in  the  giving  of  degrees,  i.  e.  a place  in  the  faculty  of  pro- 
motion. Yet  at  that  time  the  right  of  teaching  was  not  exclusively  reserved 
to  the  doctors,  for  in  the  12  th  century  teachers  appear  without  that  title.  At 
the  end  of  the  12  th  century,  doctors  of  canonic  law  {Decretorum)  were  created, 
but  they  did  not  enjoy  equal  privileges  until  some  time  afterwards.  During 
the  13th  century,  doctores  medicince  (or  fixicce,)  grammaticoe,  logicoe,  philosophies 
et  aliarum  artium,  and  even  notaries,  were  created.  Professors  of  law  were 
sometimes  also  styled  magister  and  magisterium,  but  they  considered  the  title 
of  doctor  as  their  own,  while  other  teachers  were  to  be  styled  magistri  only. 

In  later  times,  for  selfish  reasons,  the  participation  in  the  privileges  of  doctors 
was  more  and  more  limited,  and  this  may  have  been  the  principal  cause  of  the 
rapid  and  permanent  inner  decay  of  the  school.  The  highest  professorships 
were  to  be  filled  from  native  families,  and  thifi  regulation  was  adopted  as  a 
statute,  though  the  university  opposed  it  without  success.  It  also  became  a 
custom  to  adopt  only  native  Bolognese  into  the  faculty  of  promotion,  so  that 
among  the  Bolognese  this  reception  and  the  promotion  were  inseparably  con- 
nected. A narrowness  similar  to  that  shown  here  by  the  native-born  towards 
foreigners,  manifested  itself,  to  great  harm  to  the  schools,  among  the  members 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


285 


of  the  faculty  towards  their  fellow-citizens,  since  they  took  an  oath  not  to  pro- 
mote any  other  Bolognese  but  their  own  sons,  brothers,  and  nephews,  by  which 
they  intended  to  make  the  dignity  of  doctor  hereditary  in  their  own  families. 
But  the  interest  of  the  city  identified  itself  with  that  of  the  university  of  the 
students  in  acting  against  the  faculty,  and  thus,  in  1295,  the  faculty  obtained 
consent  to  the  promotion  of  six  Bolognese  only  under  condition  that  they  were 
not  relatives  of  members  of  the  faculty.  The  dispute  became  much  more  warm 
in  1299,  when  Vianesius  Pascipoverus,  a Bolognese,  not  belonging  to  the  family 
of  any  of  the  faculty,  sought  promotion.  The  faculty  declined  on  account  of 
the  above-mentioned  oath ; but  the  city,  called  upon  by  the  rector,  forced  them 
to  consent,  under  menace  of  a fine  of  100  liras.  The  same  dispute  was  re- 
newed when,  in  1304,  several  Bolognese  sought  promotion,  at  which  time  the 
city  again  threatened  the  faculty  with  a fine  of  1,000  liras,  and  every  member 
with  a fine  of  300  liras.  The  faculty  submitted,  and  after  this  time  no  similar 
case  occurred ; but  a way  was  found  by  which  the  faculty,  in  the  main,  ob- 
tained its  object,  by  separating  the  membership  of  the  faculty  from  the  dignity 
of  doctor,  and  by  limiting  the  faculty  to  a certain  number  of  members,  who 
were  to  be  specially  elected.  By  these  events,  relations  became  more  strictly 
defined,  and  we  must  now  treat  of  them  in  detail ; first  of  the  doctor.'?,  and, 
while  treating  of  them,  of  the  narrow  circle  formed  by  the  faculty  of  promotion, 
then  of  the  teachers  of  the  law-school. 

The  degree  of  doctor  was  given  in  either  Roman  or  canon  law,  or  in  both  ; 
in  the  former  more  often  in  older  times.  Of  the  canonist  six  years  of  study 
were  required  ; of  the  civilist,  eight  years ; a lecture  or  repetition  delivered  by 
him  was  counted  as  one  year’s  study,  and  if  he  had  attended  lectures  on  canon 
law  during  three  or  four  years,  one  or  two  years  less  were  required.  He  was 
obliged  to  testify  on  oath  as  to  this  period  of  study.  After  this  the  candidate 
selected  a doctor,  who  presented  him  to  the  archdeacon ; he  could  also  elect 
two  persons  to  present  him ; three,  however,  not  without  the  consent  of  the 
rector. 

The  examination  of  candidates  was  two-fold : the  examtn  {privata  exaniin- 
aiio)  and  the  conventus  {puUica  examinatio ;)  each  examination  conferring  a 
special  rank. 

Before  the  examination,  two  texts  {puncta  assignata)  were  given  to  the  can- 
didate, both  from  the  Roman,  or  both  from  the  canon  law,  or  one  from  the 
Roman,  the  other  from  the  canon  law,  according  as  he  intended  to  be  promoted 
in  one  or  both  faculties.  On  the  invitation  of  the  archdeacon,  the  examination 
was  held  on  the  same  day,  when  the  candidate  read  his  composition  on  the 
texts.  The  presiding  doctor,  as  it  appears,  examined  him  alone ; the  other 
doctors  could  offer  suggestions  and  questions  on  the  written  treatises,  and  had 
to  declare,  under  oath,  that  no  understanding  exi.sted  between  them  and  the 
candidate.  The  doctors  were  instructed  to  treat  the  candidate  kindly,  as  if  an 
own  son,  under  penalty  of  one  year’s  suspension.  Immediately  after  the  ex- 
amination the  doctors  took  a vote,  and  if  the  candidate  was  declared  worthy, 
he  received  the  title  of  licentiate. 

The  conventus^  or  public  examination,  which  conferred  the  degree  of  doctor, 
took  place  in  the  cathedral  church,  whither  they  went  in  solemn  procession. 
There  the  licentiate  delivered  a lecture  on  law,  over  which  the  students,  not  the 
doctors,  held  a dispute  with  him.  Then  followed  an  address  of  the  archdeacon 


286 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


(or  the  doctor,  who  represented  him,)  in  which  the  new  doctor  was  formally 
proclaimed.  Finally  he  was  presented  with  the  insignia  of  office,  the  book,  the 
ring,  and  the  doctor’s  bat,  and  a place  on  the  platform  was  assigned  him,  after 
which  tlie  procession  left  the  church.  It  was  permitted  to  confer  the  degree  in 
private,  and  afterwards  to  repeat  the  ceremony  publicly.  Generally  examina- 
tion and  convenius  immediately  succeeded  each  other,  and  were  both  parts  of 
the  same  act.  At  least,  in  older  documents,  where  the  doctorial  degree  of  the 
parties  and  of  the  witnesses  is  not  easily  forgotten,  the  licentiates  are  not  accus- 
tomed to  be  mentioned,  and  even  in  the  statutes  almost  no  regard  is  paid  to  the 
condition  of  licentiate,  as  will  be  shown  hereafter.  It  is  therefore  but  acci- 
dental, when  in  a few  cases  the  title  of  licentiate  seems  to  be  at  all  permanent 
and  more  than  merely  initiatory  to  the  degree  of  doctor.  In  the  case  of  Cinus, 
whose  private  examination  can  not  have  been  held  later  than  1304,  because  he 
was  presented  by  L.  de  Ramponibus,  who  died  in  that  year ; the  convenius  was 
not  held  until  1314,  as  is  seen  by  his  diploma  as  doctor,  which  still  exists,  and 
he  must  consequently  have  been  a licentiate  for  ten  years.  The  oldest  diploma 
of  Bologna  known  is  the  one  of  Cinus ; for  that  of  Bartolus  dates  from  the  year 
1334. 

In  the  ceremony,  several  solemn  obligations  were  taken  in  the  general  oath 
of  doctor,  although  the  solemn  oath  of  the  present  day,  connected  with  the 
duties  of  that  dignity,  was  not  then  common.  The  candidate  subscribed  to 
three  oaths  before  the  rector:  firstly,  that  he  had  been  a student  for  the  time 
required  ; secondly  (before  the  examination,)  that  he  had  paid  no  money  but 
what  the  law  prescribed ; thirdly  (before  the  convention,)  that  he  would  not 
act  in  opposition  to  the  university  and  the  students,  and  if  he  should  remain  in 
Bologna,  would  obey  the  rector  and  statutes.  At  the  end  of  the  convention 
the  new  doctor  took  oath  before  the  collegium  of  doctors,  that  he  would  not  in 
any  way  oppose  the  faculty,  or  the  members  thereof.  More  important  than  all 
these  obligations  was  that  requiring  the  new  doctor  to  promise  on  oath  not  to 
teach  outside  of  Bologna — by  which  it  was  designed  to  preserve  the  school  to 
Bologna  exclusively.  According  to  forms  still  existing,  this  oath  was  not  made 
before  the  promotion,  but  at  the  installment  into  a professorship ; nor  before 
the  doctors,  but  before  the  city  magistracy,  and  consequently  it  was  not  de- 
manded of  strangers,  who  had  no  intention  of  teaching  in  Bologna.  At  first, 
Pallius  and  his  colleagues,  who  were  already  in  office,  were  required  to  promise 
under  oath  that  they  would  not  lecture  outside  of  Bologna  for  two  years.  Soon 
afterwards  that  general  obligation  was  introduced  as  a permanent  form  before 
entering  on  the  duties  of  teaching.  Of  this  the  following  cases  are  known : 
In  1189,  Lotharius  Cremonensis  ; in  1198,  Bandinus  and  Johanninus  ; in  1213, 
Guido  Boncambii ; Jacobus  Baldwini ; Oddo  Landriano ; Beneintendi ; Pontius 
Catellanius;  in  1216,  Guizardinus;  in  1220,  Lambertinus  Azonis  Gardini;  Bon- 
ifacius  Bonconsilius ; in  1221,  Benedictus  de  Benevento. 

In  later  years  the  oath  was  expressly  prescribed  in  the  statutes  of  the  city 
(of  1259,)  with  this  modification,  that  it  should  be  administered  before  the  end 
of  the  solemn  ceremony,  but  obligatory  on  those  only  who  intended  to  become 
teachers  in  Bologna,  The  papal  decrees,  which  permitted  the  doctors  of  Bo- 
logna to  teach  in  any  place,  had  no  regard  to  this  oath ; but  were  intended 
only  to  cause  the  degrees  conferred  in  Bologna,  which  in  itself  had  not  this  ob- 
ligation, to  be  recognized  every  where.  In  1312,  at  the  request  of  the  scholars, 
who  paid  the  city  for  it,  the  oath  was  entirely  and  forever  abolished. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES.  - 


287 


The  very  considerable  expenses  of  a degree  consisted  partly  in  fees,  partly 
in  incidentals.  The  fees  for  the  examination  were  fixed  at  60  liras,  those  for 
the  convention  at  80  liras.  Of  these  the  presiding  doctor  or  doctors  received  24 
liras ; every  other  doctor  in  the  examination  2 liras,  and  in  the  convention  1 
lira;  the  archdeacon,  for  each  of  both  acts,  12^  liras,  and  he  or-his  vicar  in  each 
solemnity  3 or  3^  liras,  for  which  he  had  to  deliver  an  address.  Severe  laws 
prohibited  the  remission  of  these  charges,  except  in  specified  cases  to  which  de- 
grees had  been  gratuitously  allowed.  A church-council  in  the  beginning  of  the 
12th  century  prohibited  teaching  for  money ; but  this  order  had  regard  to 
cathedral  schools  only,  not  to  universities.  But  the  decrees  of  pope  Innocent 
IV,  about  the  middle  of  the  13th  century,  addressed  to  the  university  of  Bo- 
logna and  to  the  bishop  of  Modena,  refer  directly  to  the  conferring  of  degrees, 
for  which  no  payment  should  be  taken.  These  decrees  may  be  explained  by 
undue  and  illegal  payments  having  been  exacted,  perhaps  also  secret  presents, 
or  bribery : though  it  is  possible  that,  like  many  similar  laws  of  the  middle 
ages,  they  forbid  all  payments,  although,  notwithstanding,  they  were  unhesita- 
tingly offered  and  accepted.  This  is  illustrated  by  the  example  of  Frank  Ac- 
cursius,  who  obtained  (in  1292)  absolution,  as  well  as  for  other  sins,  for  pay- 
ments he  and  his  father  had  accepted  for  degrees.  A more  considerable  expense 
than  the  fees  was  that  attending  the  display  in  the  procession  before  and  after 
the  degree  was  conferred,  when,  according  to  custom,  clothes  were  given  to 
many  persons.  Thus  Vianesius,  in  1299,  when  the  degree  was  refused  to  him, 
had  spent  already  more  than  500  liras  for  scarlet  cloth,  furs,  etc.,  and  in  1311 
the  pope  ordered  that  a special  oath  should  be  taken  by  every  doctor,  not  to 
devote  more  than  500  liras  towards  the  display  at  the  time  of  his  promotion. 

In  this  history  of  degrees,  the  function  of  the  archdeacon  has  been  men- 
tioned. Many  modern  historians,  accustomed  to  the  practice  in  the  German 
universities,  have  taken  for  granted  that  academical  degrees  were,  from  the  be- 
ginning, given  by  imperial  or  papal  authority ; this  is  without  any  foundation. 
In  Bologna  the  emperors  never  claimed  such  right,  and  even  the  popes  did  not 
interfere  at  first ; the  degrees  were  ctmferred  by  the  doctors,  independently  of 
any  outside  power.  But  in  the  year  1219,  pope  Honorius  III  directed  a decree 
to  Gratia,  archdeacon  of  the  cathedral  of  Bologna,  saying  that,  “ unworthy  per- 
sons having  frequently  received  degrees  at  Bologna,  none  shall  be  conferred  in 
future  except  with  consent  of  the  archdeacon,  after  an  examination.”  Though 
this  decree  was  addressed  to  Gratia  personally,  every  archdeacon  of  Bologna 
has  since  then  exercised  the  same  right.  The  cause  of  this  was  not  the  as- 
sumption that  it  was  the  right  of  the  pope  to  confer  degrees,  but  care  to  pre- 
vent a repetition  of  abuses.  That  this  superintendence  was  given  to  the  arch- 
deacon, may  have  resulted  from  his  being  already  the  inspector  of  the  cathedral 
school,  and  also  from  the  personal  importance  of  Gratia,  who  had  for  many 
years  been  professor  of  canon  law  in  Bologna ; and  his  personal  reputation 
explains,  also,  why  no  mention  is  made  of  any  contradiction  on  the  part  of  the 
other  doctors.  The  example  of  Paris  may  have  had  some  influence ; as  there 
the  cathedral  chancelor  was  also  always  superintendent  of  the  cathedral  school, 
and  the  university  being  principally  developed  from  this,  the  right  of  inspection 
by  the  chancelor  was  from  the  beginning  transferred  to  the  university.  This 
would  explain  also  how  the  title  of  chancelor  {cancellarius)  was  by  other  uni- 
versities afterwards  given  to  every  one  who  exercised  a similar  supervision, 


288 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


though  this  title  was  suitable  in  Paris  alone.  Even  in  Bologna  the  archdeacon 
was  named  chancelor,  and  he  exercised  this  office  in  all  the  faculties  except 
that  of  theology,  in  wliich,  from  the  first,  the  bishop  had  the  superintendence 
over  the  degrees.  From  this  time  the  pope  looked  upon  the  archdeacon  as  the 
head  of  the  school,  and  directed  his  communications  to  him.  But  his  share  in 
conferring  degrees  has  often  been  misunderstood,  it  being  said  that  the  arch- 
deacon examined  the  candidates  and  gave  the  degrees,  and  that  before  this  time 
no  regular  degrees  had  been  given.  This  is  against  the  clear  testimony  of  his- 
tory. The  doctors  examined  and  conferred  degrees  long  before  the  archdeacon 
had  any  part  in  it,  also  after  the  pope  had  ordered  him  to  participate.  The 
archdeacon  neither  examined  nor  gave  degrees;  he  was  merely  present  to  see 
that  the  doctors  observed  the  regulations,  and  when  satisfied  of  this,  he  gave 
his  consent.  Only  one  example  exists,  of  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  doctors 
to  the  right  of  the  archdeacon,  namely,  in  1270,  when  the  doctors  permitted 
acts  of  violence  against  the  bishop  and  archdeacon,  even  in  church ; but  they 
soon  enough  saw  their  error,  and  voluntarily  and  wholly  submitted  to  the  de- 
cree of  the  bishop.  The  archdeacon,  besides  the  chancelorship,  might  hold  also 
a salaried  professorship,  and,  by  special  dispensation,  he  could  be  a member  of 
the  faculty  conferring  degrees. 

It  can  not  be  precisely  determined  when  this  system  arose,  but  it  undoubt- 
edly was  fully  established  by  the  middle  of  the  13th  century.  In  modern  times 
it  has  been  considerably  changed.  The  prior  of  the  faculty  held  an  examina- 
tion in  his  office  ; then  followed  the  examination  before  the  faculty,  and  imme- 
diately afterwards  the  degree  was  given  and  the  insignia  presented.  The  public 
convention,  which  before  could  be  exceptionally  postponed  and  afterwards  held, 
was  now  abolished.  Strangers  paid  32  scudi  for  the  two-fold  dignity  (in 
utroque  jure,)  21  for  either  alone  ; the  Bolognese  paid  157  scudi  for  the  two-fold 
degree,  or  59  for  that  in  canon  law;  80  for  that  in  civil  law.  Licentiates  were 
created  doctors  with  less  solemnity  by  the  chancelor  for  two-thirds  of  these 
fees ; haccalaurii,  who  formerly  did  not  receive  degrees,  by  the  faculty  alone, 
without  the  chancelor.  These  modifications  may  have  been  made  after  the 
middle  of  the  16th  century,  as  at  that  time  an  edition  of  the  statutes  was 
printed,  in  which  the  old  form  was  found  entire. 

The  privileges  of  doctors  were  as  follows : First,  they  could  teach  without 
restraint,  not  only  in  Bologna,  but,  according  to  papal  decrees,  at  other  law- 
schools  ; if  the  doctors  made  use  of  this  privilege,  they  were  called  legentes, 
otherwise  non-legentes ; the  legentes  having  at  the  same  time  the  jurisdiction 
granted  by  Frederic  I.  Secondly,  they  alone  had  the  light  to  give  the  degree 
to  others ; not  as  in  the  oldest  times,  when  every  doctor,  at  least  if  he  was  Bo- 
lognese, had  this  power,  but  the  degree  of  doctor  (exclusive  of  that  of  licen- 
tiate) was  a necessary  condition  to  this  right.  The  privilege  itself  depended  on 
the  admission  into  the  collegium  or  faculty,  the  constitution  of  which  is  now  to 
be  described. 

There  were  five  collegia  or  faculties  at  Bologna,  which  should  be  distinguished 
from  the  universities,  and  do  not  correspond  to  the  latter,  either  in  number  or 
organization.  There  were  two  faculties  of  law,  the  canon  and  civil,  (without 
distinction  of  U1  tramontanes  and  Citramontanes,  as  generally  only  Bolognese 
were  found  in  them,)  one  of  medicine,  one  of  philosophy,  and  one  of  theology. 
The  oldest  and  most  renowned  of  all  were  the  two  faculties  of  law,  which  alone 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


289 


are  to  be  described  here.  They  are  as  old  as  the  distinct  association  of  doctors 
for  couferriiig  promotions  in  common,  and  as  this  association  was  formed  grad- 
ually, it  is  impossible  to  fix  a definite,  distinct  beginning.  It  remains  even 
doubtful  whether  at  first  all  the  jurists  formed  but  one  collegium,  or  whether 
that  of. civil  law  existed  before  that  of  canon  law.  It  is  certain,  from  the  well 
developed  form  of  the  promotions  and  the  disputes  between  the  doctors  and 
the  cit}'  and  scholars,  that  the  faculty  of  the  doctors  of  jurisprudence  existed 
as  early  as  the  13  th  century,  but  was,  from  these  very  disputes,  compactly 
organized  in  the  beginning  of  the  14th  century.  The  faculties  based  their  con- 
stitution mainly  on  statutes  of  the  year  1397,  which  were  not  essentially  changed 
afterwards,  but  contained  references  to  statutes  of  earlier  date.  By  the  consti- 
tution of  the  law  faculties,  members  were  required  to  be  natives  of  Bologna 
and  descendants  of  a Bolognese  family,  and  to  have  obtained  the  degree  of 
doctor.  But  even  where  these  qualifications  existed,  each  faculty  was  at  liberty 
to  admit  or  reject  a candidate.  The  faculty  of  canon  law  must  consist  of 
twelve,  that  of  civil  law  of  sixteen  regular  members ; moreover  each  college 
could  have  three  supernumerarii^  and  an  indefinite  number  of  extraordinarily 
who  must  be  selected  from  the  nearest  relatives  of  the  ordinarii,  and  who  took 
part  in  the  promotions,  while  the  super numerarii  are  excluded  therefrom.  At 
the  head  of  all  stood  the  prior,  who  was  changed  among  the  canonists  semi- 
annually, among  the  civilists  every  two  months. 

All  the  faculties  had  one  building  in  common,  near  the  cathedral,  in  which 
they  held  their  assemblies.  The  two  faculties  of  law  especially  obtained,  in 
later  years,  particular  privileges,  entirely  foreign  to  their  original  character,  as 
of  bestowing  the  dignity  of  knighthood,  for  which  a foreigner  paid  50,  a Bo- 
lognese 100  scudi.  The  law  faculties  also  gave  opinions  on  questions  of  law  to 
parties ; though  this  must  have  happened  rarely,  because  it  was  very  expensive 
and  accompanied  with  much  ceremony ; the  opinion  could  not  cost  less  than 
100  ducats,  exclusive  of  office  fees,  which  also  amounted  to  30  scudi  at  least. 
Entirely  different  from  these  faculties  was  the  Collegium  Doctorum  Advocatorum 
et  Jadicum ; undoubtedly  connected  with  the  ancient  colleges  of  the  Scabini 
and  Judices,  and  consequently  much  older  than  that  of  the  doctors.  Neither 
does  it  appear  that  it  was  ever  united  with  them.  Their  true  relation  seems  to 
have  been  the  following:  The  oldest  teachers  of  the  law-school  came,  no  doubt, 
from  the  Collegium  Judicum,  since  they  most  frequently  bear  this  name  or  one 
of  equal  meaning  {Causidici)  When  they  began  to  form  a special  class  under 
the  appellation  of  doctor,  they  were  so  highly  honored  that  they  without  doubt 
entered  the  Collegium  Judicum^  whenever  they  so  desired.  And  when  after- 
wards the  dignity  of  doctor  lost,  with  its  rarity,  also,  its  high  respectability,  it 
may  have  become  customary  for  several  members  of  the  Collegium  Judicum, 
and  after  a while  for  all  of  them,  to  adopt  the  degree  of  doctor,  so  that  they 
otherwise  bore  the  title  of  Doctores  Advocati  et  Judices,  though  in  this  title  the 
first  of  the  three  names  had  no  relation  to  their  faculty. 

The  position  of  teacher  in  the  law-school  could  also  be  filled  by  scholars.  All 
doctors  had  an  unlimited  right  to  teach,  but  it  is  not  probable  that  the  same 
right  belonged  to  licentiates,  as  wherever  the  classes  of  teachers  are  given,  only 
doctors  and  bachelors  are  mentioned,  the  latter  including  mainly  the  scholars. 
From  this,  one  might  infer  that  licentiates  had  no  special  privilege  of  teaching, 
Imt  were  included  among  the  scholars,  which  would  confirm  the  opinion  that 

. 19 


290 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


licentiates,  in  the  olden  time,  held  no  permanent  position,  as  such,  but  only  a 
temporary  one,  leading  to  the  degree  of  doctor.  Scholars  were  allowed  to  lec- 
ture by  permission  of  the  rector,  and  the  faculty  of  the  doctors  had  no  influence 
in  regard  to  it.  The  rector  generally  had  to  give  this  permission,  if  the  scholar 
who  desired  to  lecture  on  one  subject  or  treatise  had  studied  five  years,  or  he 
who  wished  to  lecture  on  an  entire  work  had  studied  six  years,  to  which  the 
scholar  testified  under  oath ; yet  the  rector  could  dispense  with  these  conditions. 
For  this  permission  the  scholar  paid  to  the  university  5’  10,  or  20  soldi,  accord- 
ing as  he  purposed  to  lecture  on  a single  subject  or  treatise,  or  on  a small  work 
(as  the  Institutes  or  Novelloi)  or  on  a larger  work.  If  such  a scholar  had  lectured 
upon  a whole  book  of  canon  or  civil  law,  (not  merely  one  article  or  chapter,)  or 
had  held  a formal  repetitio  on  one  or  the  other  passage  of  either  law,  he  was 
named  bachelor,  and  enjoyed  certain  privileges,  which  are  to  be  described  here- 
after. (“)  From  this  it  follows  that  bachelors  were  not  nominated  by  the  fac- 
ulty, and  that  the  baccalaureate  was  not  an  academic  degree,  nor  a public 
introduction  to  the  profession  of  teaching.  Lectures  by  scholars  were  custom- 
ary as  early  as  the  time  of  Accursius. 

A public  introduction  to  the  office  of  teacher  occurs  at  an  early  date  in  Bo- 
logna, which  subject  again  is  connected  with  the  salaries,  the  origin  of  which 
should  be  traced.  As  early  as  1219  the  scholars  made  a contract  with  Guido 
de  Suzaria,  according  to  which  he  should  read  the  Digestum  Novum  for  one  year 
and  receive  300  liras.*  This  was  rather  a fee  than  a salary,  yet  it  appears  to 
have  been  the  origin  of  salaries.  In  the  year  following,  a similar  contract  was 
concluded  with  Garsias,  who  undertook  to  read  the  Decretum  for  150  liras;  but 
he  was  paid  by  the  city,  upon  request  of  the  scholars,  and  thereby  it  had  more 
the  nature  of  a salary,  though  only  a temporary  measure.  In  the  year  1289, 
permanent  arrangements  of  this  kind  were  made.  Two  professorships  with 
fixed  salaries  were  created,  to  be  filled  annually : an  Orclinaria  on  the  Decretum, 
with  a salary  of  150  liras,  and  sm  Extraordinaria  on  the  Infortiatum  owdi  Novum, 
with  100  liras:  the  first  was  obtained  by  Altigradus  de  Lendiuaria,  the  other 
by  Dinus.  These  salaries  were  intended  to  bind  the  teachers  more  firmly  to 
the  city  of  Bologna,  and  to  the  university ; since  the  most  eminent,  by  their 
outside  engagements  in  the  city,  were  often  withdrawn  from  their  official  duties. 
This  explains,  also,  why  strangers,  and  Bolognese  only  occasionally,  filled  these 
positions,  because  the  city  would  not  permit  such  strict  obligations  to  lecture  to 
be  laid  on  its  citizens.  Nor  were  the  salaried  teachers  the  most  eminent,  but 
were  rather  behind  the  others  in  rank  and  reputation.  It  was  a matter  of  in- 
difference to  the  city  who  filled  these  offices,  and  the  selection  was  left  to  the 
scholars.  The  contract  entered  into  lasted  one  year,  and  it  could  only  be  by 
mere  accident  that  the  same  teacher  was  elected  for  successive  years.  Most  of 
those  who  were  thus  elected  held  the  diploma  of  doctors,  though  this  qualifica- 
tion was  not  always  demanded. 

In  the  year  1295  an  Extraordinaria  Decreti,  and  in  1315  an  Extraordinaria 
on  the  Volumen,  was  added,  the  first  with  a salary  of  50  liras,  and  the  latter 
with  100  liras.  The  salaried  positions,  amounting  m all  to  400  liras,  were  for 
a long  time  limited  to  these  four.  About  the  middle  of  the  14th  century  very 
essential  changes  v^’-ere  made ; as  early  as  1360  the  salaries  had  been  increased; 


A liro  was  then  worth  a little  more  than  n dollar  in  gold. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


291 


in  1364,  five  legists  and  one  canonist  were  appointed,  whose  total  salaries 
amounted  to  706  liras,  5 soldi.  In  the  year  1381  the  number  of  salaried  jurists 
had  increased  to  23,  among  whom  John  de  Lignano  received  620  liras,  another 
470,  several  350,  and  so  decreasing  to  100  liras.  The  united  salaries  of  all 
jurists  amounted  to  5,125  liras,  in  addition  to  which  21  ariistcB  received  2,860 
liras.  In  1384  we  find  among  the  salaried  teachers  19  jurists  and  23  artistcB, 
not  the  same  persons  as  those  who  were  drawing  salaries  three  years  before. 
Thus  a great  portion  of  the  teachers  received  salaries,  and  finally  it  became  a 
general  rule.  This  changed  the  relation  of  teachers,  throughout,  and  they  were 
now  considered  public  officers.  The  arrangements  originally  made  for  one  year 
may  have,  little  by  little,  become  permanent.  The  election  of  teachers  by  the 
scholars  must  have  become  less  frequent  and  at  last  probably  disappeared  alto- 
gether. In  1420,  among  21  teachers  of  law,  it  is  remarked  of  only  one,  that 
he  was  elected  by  the  university.  As  an  offset  for  this  loss  of  privilege  on  the 
part  of  the  scholars  might  be  regarded  another,  which  they  retained  up  to 
modern  times,  namely : 

Besides  the  salaries  paid  to  doctors,  scholars  also  were  paid.  Six  distinct 
professorships  were  established,  which  were  filled  annually  by  election:  1. 
Ordinaria  in  Decreiis ; 2.  Exty'aordinaria  in  Decreiis ; 3.  Sexti  ei  Clementinarum ; 
4.  Infortiati  et  Novi  pro  diehus  continuis;  5.  Voluminis ; 6.  Inforiiaii  et  Novi  pro 
dielus  fesiivis.  No  doctors,  licentiates,  or  Bolognese,  could  be  candidates  for 
those  positions.  From  the  applicants  the  professors  were  chosen  by  a board  of 
7 6 electors,  and  great  care  was  taken  to  maintain  the  balance  between  Ultra- 
montanes  and  Citramontanes.  The  salary  of  each  was  100  liras.  As,  however, 
this  election  sometimes  created  disturbances,  the  order  was  modified  thus : All 
could  apply  who  had  studied  four  years  in  their  own  faculty,  and  five  in  both 
faculties  together,  and  held  a repetition  or  disputation.  Among  these  candi- 
dates the  lot  decided.  At  a later  period  the  university  presented  twelve  can- 
didates, from  whom  the  teachers  were  chosen  by  lot.  Finally,  the  distribution 
of  branches  was  changed,  so  that  these  four  legists  and  two  decretists  were 
established.  The  beginning  of  this  singular  arrangement  is  uncertain.  As 
early  as  the  year  1338,  something  similar  appears.  The  city  was  then  under 
ban ; the  university  was  removed  to  a small  town  near  by,  and  one  doctor  and 
six  scholars  were  selected  to  give  the  lectures ; but  it  is  not  stated  whether  this 
was  permanent  or  whether  salaries  were  paid.  In  all  probability  the  said  six 
positions  were  given  to  the  scholars  in  place  of  their  ancient  right  of  electing 
the  salaried  doctors,  under  which  supposition  the  practice  must  have  been  insti- 
tuted about  the  middle  of  the  14th  century.  Two  facts  favor  this  view:  first, 
that  of  the  six  professorships,  the  two  principal  ones  in  each  faculty  (the  two 
of  the  Decreium^  together  with  the  Infort.  et  Novum  and  Volumen)  correspond 
exactly  with  the  four  former  professorships  for  doctors.  Second,  the  remark- 
able title  of  the  eldest  statute  on  this  subject:  doctorihus  ad  lecturas  uni- 

versitaiis  eligendis  et  scolarihus,'^  while  according  to  this  statute  all  doctors  and 
licentiates  were  entirely  excluded.  This  date  of  the  origin  of  the  change 
becomes  very  probable  by  a decree  of  1417,  which  confirms  the  whole  arrange- 
ment as  something  old  and  long  existing.  These  salaries  continued  into  the 
18th  century.  Whoever  enjoyed  them  must  become  doctor  at  the  end  of  the 
year,  but  paid  no  fees  for  the  degree.  If  he  did  not  obtain  the  promotion,  the 
members  of  the  faculty  divided  the  salary  among  themselves,  and  for  this  pur- 


292 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


pose  all  salaries  of  scholars  were  controlled  by  the  faculty.  Besides  these  six 
salaries,  every  rector  had  a right  to  a salaried  position  as  teacher,  which  also 
yielded  100  liras. 

This  history  of  the  salaries  in  Bologna  shows  that  they  had  no  great  influence 
on  the  existence  and  prosperity  of  the  law-school,  as  they  were  attached  for  a 
long  time  to  a few  positions  only,  and  were  always,  as  far  as  this  information 
goes,  very  small,  while  eminent  men  of  learning  could  not  fail  to  find  other 
opportunities  for  accumulating  .great  wealth.  It  would  be  an  error  to  consider 
these  salaries  as,  from  the  difference  in  the  value  of  moneys,  only  apparently 
small.  Tliis  view  is  not  only  without  justification  any  where  else,  but  is  contra- 
dicted in  Bologna  by  comparing  them  with  other  prices  of  the  time,  whicli  are 
not  at  all  out  of  proportion  with  the  present.  At  nn  early  time  the  salaries  of 
the  law-school  were  paid  out  of  certain  duties,  which  afterwards  were  left  to 
the  administration  of  the  universit5^ 

It  remains  to  treat  of  the  duties  of  professors  of  the  law-school,  which  con- 
sisted in  lectures,  repetitions,  and  disputations. 

As  to  lectures,  their  exterior  and  formal  character  will  be  first  discussed,  while 
their  special  scientific  contents  will  be  inquired  into  hereafter.  The  statutes 
contain  the  following  regulations : The  regular  cour.se  continued  one  year.  The 
lectures  on  the  Decreium  commenced  October  19th,  and  all  other  lectures  on  the 
following  day.  Before  the  course  was  opened,  high-mass  was  held ; also  an 
address  given  either  by  a scholar  or  by  one  of  the  classical  professors.  Holidays 
were  expressly  mentioned,  when  no  lectures  should  be  delivered.  Of  these 
there  were  about  ninety,  including  the  two  weeks’  vacation  at  Easter  and 
eleven  daj^s  at  Christmas.  No  lectures  were  held  on  Thursday  of  any  week  in 
which  there  were  no  holidays.  Any  doctor  who  missed  his  lecture  on  other 
days  was  fined  two  liras.  The  long  vacation  commenced  on  the  7th  of  Sep- 
tember, {in  vigilia  h.  Marine,  de  mense  Septemhris — the  day  before  the  birth  of 
Mary.)  No  regular  lectures  could  be  held  during  these  day.s,  but  it  was  per- 
mitted to  read  a single  tract  or  law.  Lectures  were  given  both  before  and  after 
noon.  The  morning  lectures  began  when  at  daybreak  the  bell  of  the  cathedral 
sounded  for  prayer,  or  even  earlier  if  wished,  and  closed  at  9 o’clock.  The 
teacher  who  commenced  too  late  was  fined  20  soldi,  and  every  scholar  who  re- 
mained in  the  hall  after  the  close  of  the  lesson,  10  soldi.  Afternoon  lectures 
commenced  according  to  their  subject  or  the  season  of  the  year,  and  were  to 
last  from  1^  to  2 hours.  Lectures  were  given  orally,  as  it  was  forbidden  to 
bring  manuscripts  or  have  them  read  (by  others.)  But  an  oral  discourse  did 
not  mean  an  extempore  one  in  contrast  to  a dictation,  in  which  a uniform  cus- 
tom has  hardly  ever  existed  anywhere. 

The  lecture-halls  (schoJne)  were  in  the  houses  of  the  doctors  during  the  entire 
13th  century,  and  from  contracts  made  at  the  time,  it  appears  that  the  use  of 
halls  was  rented  out  to  other  teachers.  With  a great  number  of  hearers  the 
use  of  a public  building  undoubtedly  became  necessary,  as  is  mentioned  by 
Albericus.  In  the  14th  century,  public  halls  were  erected,  and  their  use  was 
afterwai'ds  always  presupposed  in  the  statutes.  The  doctors  had  an  unlimited 
right  to  tli(‘se  lialls;  the  bachelors  could  lecture  in  them  twice  every  week,  only 
during  afternoon  hours,  if  no  salaried  doctor  claimed  it  for  himself  at  that  same 
time.  ( ) 

I’he  doctors  in  the  more  important  positions  liad  their  own  attendants,  (hidel- 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


293 


fen,)  who,  partly  from  the  promotions,  partly  from  the  hearers,  received  special 
fees.  The  memory  of  a beadle  of  Azo,  by  the  name  of  Cxallopressus,  was  pre- 
served on  account  of  his  strange  name  and  his  deformity;  be  acquired  property 
to  the  amount  of  2,000  liras. 

In  regard  to  lecture-lecs,  {coUeciai,)  no  satisfactory  information  can  be  found. 
There  were  no  general  regulations,  but  a special  contract  was  alwa3's  made, 
and  the  teacher  generally  charged  one  of  the  scholars  to  make  it  for  him.  Some- 
times a total  sum  was  fixed,  for  which  all  the  hearers  in  common  were  respon- 
sible. Thus  Odofredus  received  for  one  lecture  400  liras,  from  which  one  of  the 
hearers  retained  for  himself  and  his  brother  36  liras;  also  in  1279,  Guido  de 
Suzaria  received  an  honorary  of  300  liras  for  reading  the  Digestum  Novum.  In 
other  cases  the  fee  was  fixed  for  each  hearer.  Thus  in  the  year  1294  Cabrinus 
Scregnanus  read  on  the  Insiiiutiones ; and  Petrus  Boaterius  leased  him  a hall, 
on  the  condition  that  every  scholar  living  in  the  house  of  Boaterius  should  not 
pa}'  more  than  8 soldi,  as  fee.  We  find  a similar  stipulation  in  the  year  1295, 
for  a collegium  of  logic,  in  which  it  is  stated  that  the  fee  will  probably  be  30 
soldi,  but  may  be  more  than  40.  In  1248  a student  of  Grammas  made  a con- 
tract, in  which  he  promised  for  board,  lodging,  and  instruction,  23  liras  per 
year.  In  a manuscript  of  the  Pandects  at  Stuttgard,  a student,  Nardus  de 
Clusio,  who,  judging  from  the  date  of  his  teachers,  Rainerius  and  Jacopus  de  Bel- 
visio,  must  have  studied  at  Bologna  between  1324  and  1335,  noted  the  following 
expenses  : 1 florin  for  the  salary  of  my  doctor,  10  soldi  for  being  received  into 
citizenship  and  into  the  collegium^  50  soldi  for  a repetition.  These  single  cases, 
however,  give  little  light  on  the  subject.  But  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  fees 
were  considerable,  from  the  great  wealth  collected  by  many  of  the  teachers. 
As  salaries  seem  to  have  resulted  from  these  fees,  it  is  possible  that  in  earlier 
times  at  least,  no  extra  fees  were  received  for  lectures  delivered  in  an  engage- 
ment at  fixed  salary. 

These  revenues  of  the  doctors  from  their  hearers  were  not  always  acquired 
with  entire  honesty.  Thus,  for  instance,  it  was  customary  to  loan  the  scholars 
money  and  then  take  higher  fees,  while  new  teachers  employed  these  means 
only  to  obtain  hearers  and  reputation,  in  reality  feeing  their  audience.  There- 
fore, in  1233,  Boniface  Bonconsilius  bequeathed  100  liras  to  the  poor,  for  the 
many  wrongs  he  had  committed  on  his  hearers,  by  which  he  meant  especially 
this  sort  of  usury.  Some  contracts  between  the  doctors  are  remarkable.  Thus 
vEgidius,  in  1279,  not  being  able  to  read  the  Decretum  on  account  of  sickness, 
let  his  hall  to  Garsias  for  one-half  of  the  fees ; this  was  not  only  for  the  use  of 
the  hall,  but  for  the  hearers  also,  who,  on  his  recommendation,  went  to  Garsias. 
Still  more  remarkable  is  an  agreement  between  two  philosophers  of  the  year 
1295  ; one  was  to  read  logic  for  three  years  and  give  one-fourth  pf  the  fees  to 
the  other;  the  latter,  to  read  philosophy  for  the  same  period  in  the  hall  of  the 
logician,  and  to  give  him  one-third  of  the  fees,  if  they  amounted  to  30  soldi  or 
less  per  scholar,  and  also  one-third  of  any  surplus  beyond  40  soldi.  It  was  not 
uncommon  to  recruit  hearers,  by  persuasion  or  pecuniary  advantages  offered, 
tliough  this  was  prohibited  under  a fine  of  10  liras,  with  the  exception  of  read- 
ing scholars,  who  in  the  beginning  of  their  lectures  were  at  liberty  to  request 
the  attendance  of  hearers.  All  fees  were  ordinarily  for  doctors  only ; reading 
scholars  could  accept  fees  only  by  permission  of  the  whole  university. 

In  addition  to  this  collection  for  fees,  two  other  collections  were  raised,  for 


294 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


the  attendants  or  beadles,  and  for  the  use  of  the  hall.  The  collection  for  bea- 
dles was  two-fold:  the  first,  levied  by  the  beadle  of  the  university  in  all  the 
lecture-halls,  4 soldi  from  each  scholar;  the  second,  collected  by  the  beadle  of 
each  teacher  from  the  hearers,  which  amounted  to  2 liras  from  the  students  in 
the  foremost  seats,  (nobility,)  and  4 soldi  from  the  others.  The  last  collection, 
for  the  use  of  the  hall,  was  levied  when  the  hall  was  in  a private  house ; for 
this  purpose  the  reading  scholars  were  allowed  to  take  5 soldi  from  each  hearer. 
The  relation  of  teacher  and  scholar  was  not  partial  and  temporary,  as  in  modern 
times ; every  scholar  adhered  exclusively  or  almost  exclusively  to  one  professor, 
whom,  in  a more  definite  sense  than  is  the  case  with  us,  he  could  call  his  own 
teacher.  This  more  intimate  personal  relation  is  presupposed  in  the  privilegium 
granted  by  Frederic  I,  which  places  each  scholar  under  the  jurisdiction  of  his 
teacher ; also  in  the  before-mentioned  contract,  by  whicli  one  teacher  transfers 
his  scholars  to  another. 

At  an  early  time  a distinction  was  made  between  ordinary  and  extraordinary 
lectures,  but  the  meaning  of  these  expressions  is  much  disputed.  According 
to  some  the  former  were  held  in  public,  the  latter  in  private  houses ; according 
to  others  the  former  only  were  paid  lectures ; but  both  views  are  wrong,  the 
first  because  this  distinction  appears  as  early  as  the  13th  century,  at  a time 
when  no  public  halls  existed,  while  in  the  statutes,  which  generally  take  for 
granted  the  use  of  public  halls,  that  ‘distinction  is  observed.  The  second  is 
erroneous,  because  paid  lectures  are  mentioned,  and  on  the  other  hand,  scholars 
who  gave  extraordinary  lectures  could  not  take  fees.  The  first  view  has  no 
support,  and  the  second  but  very  little,  in  a passage  of  Odofredus,  in  which  the 
latter  says  that  he  would  give  the  ordinary  lectures  next  year,  as  he  did  al- 
ways, but  no  extraordinary  lectures,  because  the  scholars  paid  so  little.  He 
could  not  have  spoken  thus,  if  the  ordinary  lectures  were  gratis ; but  it  is  pos- 
sible that  the  fees  for  these  were  more  secured  and  defined,  or  that  Odofredus, 
on  account  of  insufficient  remuneration,  had  no  desire  to  give  extraordinary 
lectures,  while  he  could  not  withdraw  from  the  ordinary  lectures,  without  dis- 
solving his  connection  with  the  school,  and  withdrawing  from  the  faculty. 

In  connection  with  the  lectures,  two  other  distinctions  are  made : that  of 
ordinary  and  extraordinary  books,  and  of  ordinary  and  extraordinary  teachers. 
Some  connection  undoubtedly  existed  between  these  related  terms,  the  only 
question  being  what  was  the  nature  of  that  connection.  The  basis  of  all  seems 
to  be  the  distinction  of  ordinary  and  extraordinary  books.  Ordinary  books,  in 
Koman  law,  were  the  Digestum  vetus  and  the  Codex ; in  canon  law,  the  Deere- 
turn  and  the  Decretaks — all  other  books  were  extraordinary.  All  lectures  on 
extraordinary  books  were  extraordinary ; those  on  ordinary  books  might  be 
ordinary  or  extraordinary,  which  depended  only  on  their  being  read  in  the 
morning  or  in  the  afternoon,  so  in  this  point  of  view  the  morning  hours  might 
be  considered  ordinary,  the  afternoon  hours  extraordinary. 

Hence  an  ordinary  lecture  was  one  read  on  an  ordinary  book  in  an  hour  of 
the  morning,  and  these  were  specially  reserved  as  a privilege  of  doctors  from 
native  families.  From  this  the  names  of  ordinary  and  extraordinary  teachers 
are  explained.  Ordinary  teachers  were  those  entitled  to  give  ordinary  lectures, 
though  they  may  have  given,  alone  or  in  connection  with  the  ordinary,  extra- 
ordinary lectures.  Extraordinary  teachers  were  those  who  could  give  none 
other  than  extraordinary  lectures.  Originally  this  distinction  was  identical 


UNIVERSITILS  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


295 


with  that  between  doctors  and  bachelors ; but  since  the  ordinary  lectures  were 
limited  to  Bolognese,  three  classes  were  distinguished : ordinary  reading  doc- 
tors, extraordinary  reading  doctors,  and  bachelors.  The  latter  could  give  only 
the  extraordinary  lectures,  except  the  paid  ordinary  lecture  on  the  Decretum, 
which  anomaly  is  explained  from  the  position  having  been  first  filled  by  a doc- 
tor and  afterwards  by  a scholar.  At  the  foundation  of  the  distinction  between 
ordinary  and  extraordinary  lectures,  there  was  an  opinion  that  ordinary  books 
were  more  important  and  necessary  than  others,  and  hence  the  first  and  best 
hours  of  labor  should  be  devoted  to  them.  To  this,  undoubtedly,  was  attached 
the  advantage,  that  as  chief  lectures  they  were  more  numerously  attended,  as 
all  scholars  without  exception  heard  the  ordinary  lectures,  while  many  selected 
arbitrarily  from  those  called  extraordinary,  which  were  even  declared  by  Odo- 
fredus  not  to  be  necessary.  At  the  same  time  the  ordinary  lectures  were  more 
remunerative  than  others,  and  from  these  real  advantages  we  understand  that 
selfishness  of  the  Bolognese,  so  fatal  to  the  school,  who  put  themselves  in  sole 
possession  of  these  positions.  The  reason  that  these  books  were  distinguished 
from  others  as  ordinary,  is  found  in  the  nature  of  the  canon  law,  since  the  De- 
creium  and  Decretales  were  its  most  essential  parts.  However,  in  the  Roman 
law  the  reasons  are  only  accidental,  as  will  be  shown  hereafter.  All  these 
contrasting  and  technical  expressions  had  different  meanings  in  different  places, 
as  the  organization  of  the  Padua  school  will  show.  Still  there  are  traces  of 
their  original  meaning  at  a date  hardly  to  be  expected,  as,  for  instance,  in  a 
plan  of  studies  of  the  16th  century,  for  Pisa,  the  ordinary  books  are  subjects 
of  lectures  of  ordinary  professors  only,  who  interpreted  them  during  the  hours 
of  the  morning. 

Besides  lectures,  regular  disputations  and  repetitions  were  held.  A repetition 
consisted  in  the  complete  interpretation  of  a text,  enumerating  and  criticising 
all  doubts  and  objections.  The  text  had  to  be  taken  from  the  subject  of  the 
lecture,  the  course  then  being  delivered  by  the  reader,  and  must  have  previously 
been  read  and  explained  in  that  course.  Disputations  could  only  be  held  by 
doctors  and  by  such  scholars  as  applied  for  a salaried  position.  All  bachelors 
were  required  to  be  present,  and  all  scholars  could  dispute.  The  subject  of  the 
disputation  was  a single  question  on  law,  {qu(2sUo^)  similar  to  theses  appended 
to  inaugural  dissertations  of  our  day ; only  these  questions  had  a more  prac- 
tical character,  and  were  either  original  or  taken  from  the  practice  of  the  courts. 
These  disputations  are  older  than  the  school  of  Bologna,  since  they  served  in 
the  ancient  grammar  schools  as  means  of  training  for  future  practice  of  law. 
Repetitions  and  discussions  were  partly  required,  partly  voluntary.  All  salaried 
doctors,  in  their  succession,  from  the  youngest  to  the  oldest,  were  obliged  to 
conduct  them.  Repetitions  were  held  from  the  beginning  of  the  scholastic  year 
until  Slirovetide ; disputations  from  that  time  until  Easter.  Every  week  one 
such  exercise  was  required,  upon  the  day  when  no  lectures  were  given,  and 
only  high  holidays  were  excepted.  The  rector  exercised  a superintendence 
over  the  strict  execution  of  these  rules,  and  if  there  were  not  sufficient  salaried 
doctors  in  number  to  fill  up  all  the  allotted  time,  the  rector  could  select  any 
doctor  to  hold  the  repetition  or  disputation.  The  text  of  the  repetition,  as  well 
as  the  question  of  the  disputation,  was  publicly  announced  several  days  before, 
and  within  a month  the  entire  arrangement  had  to  be  written  down  and  handed 
to  the  beadle  of  the  university. 


296 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE 


II.  PADUA. 

The  university  of  Padua  had  for  a long  time  salaried  historians.  Of  these 
was  Facciolati,  and  (since  1786)  Colie,  b.  1744,  d.  1815.  lie  had  been  a novice 
of  the  Jesuits;  then  became  historiograper  of  the  university,  and,  under  the 
foreign  domination,  state-counselor  in  Milan.  After  his  death,  Giuseppe  Ve- 
dova  obtained  the  manuscripts  of  his  work  and  published  it.  It  is  the  best  and 
most  complete  existing  history  of  this  university,  only  very  prolix,  especially 
the  three  last  volumes,  which  contain  principally  biographies  of  professors. 

The  law-school  of’ Padua  originated  about  the  year  1222,  through  the  emi- 
gration of  teachers  and  scholars  from  Bologna,  in  consequence  of  one  of  the 
disputes  before  described.  Such  emigrations  took  place  frequently,  and  it  was 
mere  chance  that  from  this  a flourishing  school  arose.  It  is  however  quite  erro- 
neous that,  as  some  assert,  the  quarrel  between  Frederic  II  and  the  city  of 
Bologna  led  to  the  removal  by  the  emperor  of  the  law-school  to  Padua.  No 
contemporaneous  document  confirms  it,  and  there  was  no  reason  for  preferring 
Padua.  It  would  have  been  much  more  natural  to  have  attempted  a removal 
of  the  school  to  Naples,  w here  Frederic  II  made  great  efforts,  in  later  years,  to 
establish  a brilliant  school.  The  oldest  definite  information  in  regard  to  the 
constitution  of  the  scholars,  which  has  remained  unknown  to  the  proper  histo- 
rians of  the  university,  is  in  a document  of  the  year  1228.  At  that  time  the 
scholars  had  four  rectors,  under  each  of  whom  they  were  placed,  according  to 
their  nations.  In  that  year  it  was  proposed  to  remove  the  school  from  Padua 
to  Vercelli,  but  it  is  not  known  with  what  result.  The  statutes  of  the  city  from 
the  year  1259  recognize  the  right  of  the  scholars  to  elect  rectors  and  to  enact 
statutes.  In  1260  the  universitjq  under  Gosaldus,  a Spaniard,  as  rector,  created 
the  earliest  known  statutes.  In  the  following  year  there  were  two  rectors,  a 
Cisalpine  and  a Transalpine. 

Scholars  and  teachers  of  the  liberal  arts  are  spoken  of  as  early  as  1262,  but 
for  a long  time  the  artistce  formed  no  university  of  their  own,  but  belonged  to 
the  law  university.  In  1360  they  obtained,  by  the  judgment  of  an  umpire,  their 
own  rector,  dependent,  however,  upon  the  jurists.  Their  rector  took  oath  upon 
the  statutes  of  the  jurists;  appeal  from  him  could  be  taken  to  the  rectors  of  tlie 
law  university,  which  also  drew  some  revenues  from  the  artistce.  From  this 
time  there  were  in  Padua  three  rectors,  two  of  the  law  university,  (for  tlie  Cis- 
alpines  and  the  Transalpines,)  and  one  for  the  artistce.  A new  umpire’s  decree, 
in  the  year  1399,  freed  the  artistce  from  this  subordination,  except  the  riglit  of 
appeal ; for  this  the  ruler  of  Padua,  Franciscus  de  Cararia,  presented  to  the 
jurists  a house,  500  ducats  in  value,  which  since  then  has  remained  the  uni- 
versity building.  In  the  university  of  the  artistce,  the  students  of  medicine 
were  most  numerous,  at  least  it  appears  from  their  statutes  that  their  rector 
was  required  to  be  a physician.  A school  of  theology  was  added  by  the  pope 
in  1363,  the  doctors  of  which  formed  a college  of  their  own,  but  its  scholars 
belonged  to  the  university  of  the  artistce.  Afterwards  the  jurists  had  frequently 
but  one  rector,  if  there  were  no  suitable  candidates  for  both  offices:  in  1473 
this  was  made  the  law,  so  that  even  the  statutes  no  longer  speak  of  two  uni- 
versities of  the  jurists,  but  only  of  one.  Still  later,  on  account  of  the  expenses, 
the  office  of  rector  was  abolished  altogether ; first  a vice-rector  took  the  place, 
then  a syndicus,  who  was  also  named  pro-rcctor,  and  sometimes  a pro-syndicus. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


297 


who  was  the  representative  of  the  German  nation.  Finally,  in  1738,  the  office 
and  its  authority  were  taken  from  the  scholars,  and  vested  in  the  professors,  so 
that  the  curatores  annually  elected  a professor  as  syndicus  and  pro-rector  of  the 
jurists,  and  one  also  for  the  ariist(je. 

As  i-cgards  the  statutes  more  particularly^,  a printed  preface  describes  many 
modifications,  and  gives  their  dates ; moreover,  in  the  first  edition  are  found 
distinct  traces  of  revision  in  the  year  14G6.  Changes  seem  to  have  been  more 
radical  tlian  in  Bologna,  so  that  the  original  form  can  be  scarcely  recognized. 
New  editions  deviate  very  much  from  the  first.  In  the  second  edition  the  order 
w'as  changed,  portions  were  omitted,  among  others  the  very  numerous  original 
documents  contained  in  the  first,  but  this  edition  has  remained  for  the  most 
part  unchanged,  later  amendments  being  merely  added.  Notwithstanding  these 
many  modifications,  it  is  evident  that  the  statutes  of  Bologna  were  the  basis ; 
for  they  often  agree  word  for  word,  though  more  frequently  in  the  first  than  in 
subsequent  editions ; the  verbal  arrangement  indeed  is  often  quite  the  same, 
while  by  minute  changes  in  the  expression  quite  another  sense  is  given. 

From  this  history  of  the  law-school  of  Padua  it  is  evident  that  in  general  the 
constitution  of  Bologna  was* adopted,  and  that  all  essential  changes  belong  to 
a later  period.  Tliis  relation  of  the  two  schools  should  not  be  lost  sight  of  in 
the  description  which  follows. 

Here  also  we  must  consider  the  corporation  and  the  school.  Members  of  the 
corporation  were  all  the  scholars,  all  the  teachers,  and  all  the  officers  of  the 
university  and  those  under  its  protection.  Scholars  must  bo  matriculated,  for 
which  generally  one  and  a half  liras,  and  by  the  nobility,  six  liras  were  paid. 
Those  students  who  were  natives  of  Venice,  or  of  the  city  of  Padua  and  its  de- 
pendencies, though  they  were  subject  to  the  university,  could  take  no  part  in 
its  acts  or  administration.  Likewise  the  lecturing  doctors  or  teachers  had  no 
active  membership,  but  owed  obedience  to  the  rector  and  the  universit3\  They 
were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  rector,  could  by  him  be  excluded,  and  could 
be  reinstated  only  by  the  entire  university,  on  payment  of  five  liras ; and  they 
were  obliged  to  swear  an  oath  of  allegiance  every  year.  The  two  universities 
■were  the  same  as  in  Bologna,  Cisalpine  and  Transalpine;  but  after  1473  they 
were  regarded  as  one.  Both  together  numbered  22  nations,  among  which  the 
Germans  had  two  votes,  the  first  rank,  and  great  privileges.  Collegia,  as  in 
Bologna,  were  not  of  great  importance. 

Among  the  officers  of  the  university  was,  first,  the  rector,  afterwards  syndicus 
and  pro-rector,  as  mentioned  before.  The  qualification  for  the  rectorate 
resembled  that  of  Bologna,  only  that  the  age  of  22,  instead  of  25  years,  was 
required.  In  later  years  the  procurator  was  taken  from  the  nobility,  and  his 
social  position,  as  in  Bologna,  was  very^  high. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  rector  or  pro-rector  extended  over  the  scholars,  ex- 
clusive of  the  teachers  and  those  under  the  patronage  of  the  university.  He 
could  try  civil  cases  only  when  both  parties  belonged  to  the  university  ; if  one 
was  a native  of  Padua,  only  when  the  other  party  was  a foreign  scholar.  An 
appeal  from  the  judgment  of  the  rector,  if  the  case  involved  more  than  a ducat, 
was  made  to  the  consiliarii;  afterwards,  when  the  amount  was  over  10  liras,  to 
the  podesta.  In  criminal  cases  the  jurisdiction  took  cognizance  only  of  infrac- 
tions of  the  laws  of  the  university,  and  of  small  offenses  against  scholars.  Pun- 
ishment consisted  in  fines  and  exclusion  {privaiio.)  Crimes  proper  belonged  to 


298 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


the  jurisdiction  of  the  city.  The  Germans  were  not  subject  to  the  rector,  but 
to  their  own  consiliarius,  whose  jurisdiction  extended  also  to  cases  in  which  the 
opponent  did  not  belong  to  the  university.  The  rector  of  the  artistcB  had  sim- 
ilar jurisdiction,  but,  according  to  the  statutes,  it  was  more  extended,  including 
criminal  punishments  short  of  death  or  maiming. 

Besides  the  rector  the  following  officers  are  named : the  consiliarii  of  the  na- 
tions ; the  syndicus,  who  became  also  pro-rector  after  1639,  and  whose  repre- 
sentative, in  case  of  his  absence,  was  the  consiliarius  of  the  Germans  ; a notary, 
who  received  17  ducats  annually;  a beadle  of  the  university,  who  was  at  the 
same  time  its  steward  {massarius^)  and  six  beadles  for  the  service  of  the  pro- 
fessors in  the  lecturing  halls.  The  beadle  of  the  university  levied  annually  two 
collections,  each  of  one  ducat,  from  every  scholar  on  the  first  seats,  of  8 soldi 
from  all  others.  Every  other  beadle  levied  three  annual  collections,  of  one 
ducat  and  8 soldi  respectively,  in  the  hall  which  he  superintended. 

The  scholars  were  guaranteed  equal  rights  with  the  citizens  of  Padua.  In 
regard  to  renting  of  rooms,  the  laws  were  similar  to  those  of  Bologna.  All 
subjects  of  Venice  must  have 'studied  in  Padua,  if  they  applied  for  any  state 
office.  The  scholars  held  annual  public  games,  for  which  the  teachers  had  to 
contribute  100  ducats.  The  superintendence  over  the  school  was  exercised  by 
three  Venetian  senators,  as  curators  of  the  university. 

At  to  the  school  itself,  we  will  first  consider  the  promotions.  Every  student 
of  civil  law  was  required  to  have  studied  Eoman  law  for  six  years,  but  three  or 
four  years  given  to  canon  law  counted  as  two  or  three  in  Roman  law ; likewise 
every  student  of  canon  law  must  have  studied  for  six  years,  five  years’  study 
of  Roman  law  being  equivalent  to  two  years  of  canon  law.  He  was  further 
required  to  hold  a repetition  or  discussion,  or  thirty  lectures,  before  he  could 
present  himself  for  the  degree  of  doctor.  The  examinations,  as  described  in 
the  statutes,  were  almost  exactly  like  those  in  Bologna,  and  consisted  of  two 
parts,  the  examination  proper  and  the  solemnities  (conventus)  in  church.  By 
the  examination  they  became  licentiates,  by  the  convention,  doctor.  The  ex- 
amination at  Bologna  was  recognized  in  Padua,  and  the  committee  conferring 
degrees  consisted,  in  1614,  of  four  members;  in  1630,  of  six.  The  oldest 
diplomas  known  are  dated  1379  and  1397.  The  right,  which  in  Bologna  was 
possessed  by  the  archdeacon,  was  given  to  the  bishop  of  Padua  by  voluntary 
act  of  the  doctors,  and  he  is  styled  in  documents  cancellarius^  though  this  name 
did  not  exactly  belong  to  his  office ; in  1263,  pope  Urban  IV  confirmed  what 
he  called  this  “ long  possessed  ” right  of  the  bishop.  The  fees  for  degrees  were 
formerly  very  high,  but  became  considerably  reduced  in  the  year  1460.  In  the 
statutes  of  1550  they  amount,  for  a simple  degree,  to  over  200  liras,  of  which 
130  came  to  the  doctors,  and  25  to  the  bishop.  The  ‘doctors  in  both  branches 
of  law  paid  double.  In  the  later  editions,  those  after  the  second,  the  taxes  for 
the  degree  are  fixed  at  150  liras  in  the  Roman  law  and  at  180  liras  in  both 
laws ; of  these,  each  of  the  six  giving  the  degree  received  in  both  cases  2 
ducats,  and  the  bishop,  in  the  first  case,  18  , liras,  12  soldi ; in  the  second  case, 
27  liras,  18  soldi.  The  colleges  of  doctors,  i.  e.  the  faculties  of  promotion,  were 
similar  to  the  Bolognese ; but  from  the  oldest  date  they  had  in  Padua  only  four 
faculties,  the  jurists  forming  but  one.  The  faculty  of  law  was  less  limited  than 
that  of  Bologna,  since  the  number  of  its  members  was  gradually  incre'ased  from 
12  to  30;  and  after  1382  their  number  was  not  limited.  The  faculties  were 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


299 


called  collegia  poniificia^  no  doubt,  because  their  right  of  promotion  was  errone- 
ously ascribed  to  a papal  edict  in  which  the  office  of  chancellor  was  recognized 
in  the  bishop.  The  faculty  of  law  was  the  Collegium  Judicum.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  nth  century,  two  new  faculties  of  degrees  were  added,  one  for  artvitce 
in  1616,  one  for  the  jurists  in  1635.  Both  gave  degrees,  not  by  pontifical 
authority,  but  in  the  name  of  the  republic  ( Collegia  Veneta.)  They  consisted  of 
professors  only,  while  the  old  faculties  were  composed  of  professors  and  doctors. 
The  true  origin  of  this  change  was  this:  In  the  year  1565,  pope  Paul  lY  or- 
dained that  every  one  who  desired  promotion  in  any  faculty  should  first  profess 
the  Catholic  faith.  This  decree  caused  great  excitement  in  Padua,  especially 
among  the  German  students.  The  bishop  held  strictly  to  the  decree,  and  the 
government,  though  it  favored  the  foreign  students,  dared  not  openly  disobey 
the  court  of  Rome.  In  some  cases  they  had  promotions  conferred  through  the 
podesta,  in  others  through  the  palatin,  in  order  to  escape  being  connected  with 
the  bishop.  Finally  they  resolved  upon  the  decisive  measure  above  referred  to, 
by  which  all  difficulties  were  forever  settled,  and  all  promotions  by  palatines 
were  forbidden. 

The  custom  of  engaging  and  remunerating  teachers  appears  to  have  existed 
in  Padua  at  an  earlier  date  and  more  generally  than  in  Bologna,  which  had  de- 
veloped more  by  itself,  and  therefore  did  not  need  outside  help.  In  1261  they 
made  their  own  statutes  on  the  election  of  professors,  since  here,  as  at  Bologna, 
it  was  taken  for  granted  that  the  right  of  election  belonged  to  the  university, 
as  having  certainly  the  deepest  interest  in  the  ability  of  its  teachers.  No  very 
early  information  as  to  the  salaries  of  professors  is  given ; but  their  number 
must  have  been  large,  since  for  every  new  need  they  established  a new  nominal 
professorship,  letting  the  older  ones  remain.  About  the  end  of  the  16th  cen- 
tury, some  nominal  chairs  were  abolished,  and  from  that  time  to  the  present 
the  condition  of  the  law  professors  seems  to  have  remained  without  any  essen- 
tial alterations.  The  principal  positions  were  filled  by  two,  a first  and  second 
professor,  {concurrentes^  to  which  a third  was  in  some  cases  afterwards  added ; 
these  positions  were  conferred  by  the  city  of  Padua,  on  natives  of  the  city 
only.  Upon  this  was  based  the  organization  of  the  body  of  law  professors, 
which,  as  before  stated,  took  place  in  the  16th  century,  and  which  formed  es- 
sentially the  foundation  of  the  earlier  constitution.  These  numbered,  in  all,  20 
professors,  exclusive  of  4 third  class  or  Paduan  positions.  The  principal  among 
these  were  a morning  and  evening  professorship  of  Roman  law,  each  filled  by 
three  teachers ; the  same  of  canon  law;  the  remaining  8 professorships  being 
those  of  criminal  and  feudal  law,  the  Insiitutes^  etc. 

From  the  oldest  time  all  positions  were  filled  by  annual,  sometimes  biennial, 
elections  by  the  scholars.  In  the  year  1443  the  right  to  vote  was  taken  from 
them,  but  afterwards  recovered  to  a limited  extent,  and  lost  again,  and  finally ' 
in  1560,  after  which  the  government  of  Venice  filled  the  chairs,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  that  of  the  third  professorship,  which  remaine'd  to  the  city  of  Padua. 
This  change  was  not  as  important  as  would  appear ; for  the  former  privilege  of 
the  scholars  was  naturally  limited  to  the  control  of  the  very  moderate  salaries 
which,  according  to  the  old  constitution,  were  attached  to  the  nominal  positions. 
"With  these  no  eminent  teacher  would  be  satisfied,  and  every  important  engage- 
ment made  necessary  special  negotiations  and  large  appropriations  from  the 
public  funds,  by  which  the  control  of  the  more  essential  positions  could  not  fail 
to  come  into  the  hands  of  the  government. 


300 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


The  qualification  for  a professorship  was  determined  in  this  manner:  The 
highest  positions  required  the  actual  possession  of  the  degree  of  doctor  in  both 
branches  of  law  ; for  positions  of  the  second  class  it  was  sufficient  if  the  can- 
didate possessed  one  of  the  degrees  or  was  near  promotion  ; the  lower  positions 
could  be  filled  by  scholars.  All  Yenelians,  nobility  and  citizens,  were  excluded 
from  all  professorships,  while  the  Paduans  had  the  exclusive  right  to  the  unim- 
portant third  class  positions,  and  in  respect  to  more  important  positions,  the}" 
were  limited  only  so  far  that  only  one  of  the  concurrentcs  could  be  a person 
born  in  the  city. 

Very  early,  substitutes  were  nominated,  in  case  a professor  was  prevented 
from  lecturing,  and  this  became  a regular  custom,  which,  however,  in  later 
years  quite  disappeared.  Remunerations  were  of  various  kinds.  The  right  of 
scholars  to  elect  referred  only  to  a number  of  positions  commanding  very  small 
salaries,  which  were  fixed  in  the  constitution  and  connected  with  certain  posi- 
tions. The  lowest  amounted  to  10  fiorins,  the  highest  to  51,  afterwards  to  61. 
Often  tlie  teachers  elected  were  satisfied  with  the  honor  of  their  position,  and 
claimed  no  salary.  However,  very  large  salaries  existed  even  at  an  early  day, 
which  were  separately  determined  by  contract,  and  in  this  point  Padua  had  the 
advantage  over  Bologna.  As  early  as  1213,  Cervottus,  son  ofAccursius,  was 
engaged  at  a salary  of  500  liras.  In  1310,  Jacopinus  de  Ruffinis  accepted  a 
position  with  400  liras.  In  1314,  Raynerius  Arisendus  received  600  ducats. 
During  the  15th  centurj^,  many  salaries  rose  as  high  as  800  to  1,000  ducats. 
Decius,  who  received  600  fiorins,  removed  to  a position  with  2,000  florins  in 
Pavia.  Throughout  the  16th  century,  salaries  frequently  amounted  to  1,000 
fiorins.  For  the  year  1598  the  salaries  are  classified:  from  the  lowest  of  20 
fiorins,  the  legal  remuneration  of  the  three  Paduan  professors,  to  the  highest  of 
1,680  florins,  that  of  Pancirolus.  Moreover,  the  rector  held  a position  as  teacher 
with  50,  afterwards  100  ducats,  which  was  really  paid  for  the  expenses  of  the 
rectorate,  a paid  professorship  only  in  name. 

Certain  taxes  were  early  designated  for  the  maintenance  of  the  university, 
but  soon  had  to  be  increased  by  large  contributions  from  the  state  treasury.  In 
1696  the  expenditure  of  the  school  amounted  to  from  70,000  to  80,000  liras;  in 
1651  to  about  20,000  florins. 

No  definite  information  on  the  form  of  lectures  in  the  early  centuries  can  be 
obtained.  During  the  16th  century,  dictating  had  become  so  general,  that 
scholars  frequently  engaged  others  to  write  for  them,  and  did  not  go  to  the  lec- 
tures themselves.  Afterwards  this  was  entirely  avoided,  and  the  professors 
took  no  manuscripts  to  the  lecture-hall,  but  delivered  their  discourses  from 
memory. 

The  course  of  lectures  was  formerly  like  that  at  Bologna.  Lectures  com- 
menced on  the  19th  of  October;  but  the  statutes  show  that  the  close  of  the 
course  was  much  earlier ; the  oldest  statutes  do  not  mention  the  date,  but  later 
statutes  fix.it  on  July  22d.  Holidays  were  precisely  defined.  At  a later 
period,  lectures  were  read  only  from  November  to  the  beginning  of  May,  and 
this  university-year  was  divided  into  two  quarterly  courses.  The  hours  were 
at  first  arranged  like  those  in  Bologna ; two  hours  for  a lecture  in  the  morning, 
one  hour  and  a half  in  the  afternoon.  Afterwards  lectures  were  limited  to  one 
and  even  to  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  while  the  jurists  took  five  lectures,  the 
others  six  per  day.  The  selection  of  seats  was  very  minutely  regulated,  espe- 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


301 


cially  aa  to  who,  aa  prcelatus^  should  have  the  privilege  of  the  first  two  benches. 
All  professors  were  forbidden  (about  1280)  to  accept  fees;  but  the  statutes  are 
silent  on  this  subject. 

Padua  had  ordinary  and  extraordinary  lectures  and  professorships,  but  tliea® 
distinctions,  though  borrowed  from  Bologna,  were  more  arbitrarily  applied,  and 
showed  the  order  of  precedence,  the  old  signification  being  forgotten. 

Repetitions  and  disputations  were  similar  to  those  of  Bologna,  only  wo  find 
here  the  following  peculiar  and  very  interesting  regulation  for  the  disputations. 
The  statutes  required  the  concurrentes  to  dispute  together  one  hour  daily,  from 
the  opening  of  the  course  to  Easter,  and  to  hear  also  the  questions  of  scliolars. 
This  custom,  originating  among  the  artMce,  was  adopted  by  the  jurists  and  by 
them  regulated  by  law  in  1414.  In  the  course  of  time  this  custom  was  limited 
to  the  period  before  December  20th,  allowing  hindrances  to  be  plead  as  an 
excuse  for  not  attending,  and  finally  ceased  altogether. 

III.  PISA. 

Very  early,  and  especially  in  the  13th  centurj'-,  persons  are  named  a.s  teachers 
of  law  in  Pisa.  Statutes  of  the  city  from  the  12th  century  are  distinguished 
by  their  use  of  Roman  law;  and  they  show  even  some  traces  of  a univLrsity 
of  scholars.  Add  to  this  the  letter  of  a friar  from  Marseilles,  (apparently  writ- 
ten about  the  year  1213,)  who  intended  to  study  Roman  law  in  a monasteiy  at 
Pisa,  yet  without  distinctly  speaking  of  a school!  A document  of  the  14th 
century  mentions  the  existence  of  a law-school  in  Pisa,  but  not  as  a “ generale 
siudiumy  The  city  granted  the  first  considerable  sums  for  salaries  in  the  year 
133G,  and  called  eminent  law  professors.  Pope  Clement  YI  issued  a decree  by 
which  he  established,  in  1344,  a generalt  studium  of  all  sciences  in  Pisa,  which 
seems  to  prove  that  no  university  had  existed  there  before.  The  archbishop 
received  the  right  to  confer  degrees,  but  even  then  the  condition  of  the  school 
was  far  from  being  permanent.  Want  of  money  sometimes  caused  a di.scontin- 
uance  of  the  salaried  profe.ssorships,  and  when  reestablished,  new  professors 
were  often  called.  After  the  city  came  under  the  government  of  Florence,  it 
suffered  severe  oppression  for  a long  time,  and  of  a school  at  this  time  we  can 
hardly  speak.  But  in  14'72  the  government  of  Florence  founded  a new  studium 
generate^  and  transplanted  the  school  of  Florence,  a few  branches  excepted,  to 
Pi.sa,  and  appropriated  6,000  florins  annually  for  salaries.  In  the  following 
year  the  statutes  of  the  Florentine  university  of  1387  were  introduced  at  Pisa, 
but  replaced  by  new  statutes  in  1478.  These  statutes,  the  oldest  of  this  school 
which  exist  in  print,  appear  at  first  glance  to  be  general ; but  they  do  not  in- 
clude the  faculty  of  theology,  as  this  formed  a separate  corporation  and  had 
special  statutes  (from  the  year  1475.)  New  statutes  were  again  enacted  in 
1543,  leaving  the  main  constitution  of  the  university  unchanged,  and  have  been 
maintained  to  the  present  time.  In  1744  the  university  of  scholars  was  abol- 
ished ; the  rectors  and  consiliarii  discontinued ; a professor,  as  pro-rector,  was 
to  preside  over  the  university,  the  position  being  given  to  the  one  who  had 
been  longest  in  service,  no  votes  being  taken. 

The  fundamental  principles  of  the  constitution,  as  contained  in  the  statutes 
of  1478,  which  undoubtedly  originated  at  an  earlier  date,  are  in  general  similar 
to  the  constitutions  of  Bologna  and  Padua.  The  scholars  constituted  the  uni- 
versity, except  in  the  faculty  of  theology,  where  the  university,  from  the  begin- 


302 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


ning,  was  composed  of  the  teachers  alone.  The  jurists  and  artistoe.  were,  it 
seems,  never  separated ; but  the  Cisalpines  and  the  Transalpines  formed  two 
universities,  lor  in  1340  mention  is  made  of  a Citramontane  rector.  The  stat- 
utes of  1478  speak  of  but  one  rector,  who  was  elected  alternately  from  the  Cis- 
alpines and  the  Transalpines.  Pisans  and  Florentines  could  neither  vote  nor 
be  elected,  so  that  here  also  the  university  proper  consisted  of  foreign  scholars. 
Tlie  rector  had  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction,  except  in  cases  of  murder  and 
theft.  After  1473,  he  received  a salary  of  40  florins,  which  was  increased  to  GO 
and  then  100. 

At  the  head  of  the  school  was  the  archbishop  as  chancellor.  The  law-faculty 
conferring  degrees  consisted  of  the  professors  and  some  doctors  appointed  by 
the  chancellor.  The  fee  for  promotion  in  both  departments  of  law  amounted  to 
37 1 florins,  the  single  fee  to  25.  The  faculty  could  give  no  opinions  in  law  at 
a less  charge  than  25  florins.  The  statutes  prescribe  daily  disputations  after 
the  lectures,  by  the  professors,  which  has  been  continued  to  modern  times. 
Annually  four  salaried  positions  were  given  to  the  scholars;  two  to  jurists,  two 
to  artislcE  and  students  of  medicine:  the  first  with  30,  the  others  with  20  florins. 

IV.  VICENZA. 

In  the  year  1204,  a number  of  teachers  and  scholars  removed  from  Bologna 
to  Vicenza.  This  new  school  never  prospered,  and  was  broken  up  in  1209; 
still  it  has  a place  in  the  history  of  university  constitutions.  Old  documents 
prove  the  existence  of  several  rectors,  as  in  most  universities,  and  a document 
of  the  year  1205  mentions  four  rectors — one  Englishman,  one  Proven^ale,  one 
German,  and  one  Cremonese.  Thus  (if  a permanent  arrangement)  the  consti- 
tution divided  the  university  of  the  Transalpines  (as  it  existed  in  other  cities) 
into  three  distinct  universities,  under  three  rectors ; an  arrangement  which  was 
carried  out  still  further  in  the  school  of  Vercelli. 

V.  VERCELLI. 

The  school  of  Vercelli  also  was  without  influence  on  learning,  and  is  im- 
portant only  for  the  light  it  sheds  on  the  oldest  constitution  of  universities  and 
the  history  of  Padua.  In  the  year  1228,  deputies  of  the  city  of  Vercelli  came 
to  Padua  and  concluded  a contract  with  the  authorities  of  the  university,  valid 
for  eight  years,  to  establish  a school  in  Vercelli.  The  city  promised  to  furnish 
500  first  class  lodgings,  the  amount  of  rent  to  be  fixed  by  a mixed  commission, 
not  to  exceed  in  any  case  19  liras;  also  10,000  liras  as  an  advance  for  needy 
students,  on  which  interest  should  be  paid  at  2 denares  for  the  two  first  years, 
and  3 denares  per  lira  for  the  next  six  years,  (|  and  | per  cent.)  The  capital 
was  to  be  paid  out  in  Venice,  and  was  undoubtedly  destined  to  relieve  the 
scholars  of  their  debts  in  Padua.  Above  all  the  city  engaged  to  make  appro- 
priation for  fourteen  salaried  positions : one  professor  of  theology,  three  of  civil 
law,  four  of  canon  law,  two  of  medicine,  two  of  dialectics,  and  two  gramma- 
rians. The  salaries  were  to  be  regulated  by  a commission  of  two  scholars  and 
two  citizens,  the  positions  to  be  filled  by  the  annual  election  of  four  rectors : in 
consideration  of  this,  citizens  and  subjects  of  the  city  should  pay  no  fees.  The 
scholars  promised  on  their  part  to  transplant,  if  possible,  the  entire  school  to 
Vercelli,  or  at  least  a sufficient  number  of  scholars  to  fill  the  500  lodgings. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


303 

About  the  constitution,  these  remarkable  documents  give  the  following  inform- 
ation : 

Four  rectors  were  elected  for  the  new  school  when  the  professorships  were 
assigned:  for  the  French,  the  Italians,  the  Germans,  and  the  Provencals.  This 
number  and  division  of  nations  agrees  with  that  at  Vicenza ; nor  was  this 
organization  invented  for  Vercelli,  but  had  been  introduced  from  Padua.  On 
the  part  of  the  scholars  of  Padua,  three  corporations  or  rtctorioi  appear,  the  one 
represented  by  their  rector,  two  by  procurators:  1.  French,  English,  and  Nor- 
mans; 2,  Italians;  3.  Provencals,  Spaniards,  and  Catalonians.  From  this  it  is 
clear  that  the  above-named  universities  existed  early  in  Padua,  but  that  the 
contract  was  made  with  only  three  of  them,  not  with  the  Germans.  From  this 
argument  it  becomes  very  probable  that  the  four  universities  formed  the  old 
type  of  the  organization  of  scholars  in  Italy,  certainly  in  Bologna,  the  model 
for  the  other  schools;  so  that  about  the  middle  of  the  13th  century  the  three 
Transalpine  rectorice.  were  every  where  united  into  one  university.  As  in  Paris 
also  the  division  was  into  four  nations,  one  might  be  led  to  believe  that  Italy 
had  imitated  the  former ; but  this  is  contradicted  by  the  complete  difference  in 
the  division  and  organization  of  these  nations,  and  the  number  only  could  have 
been  thus  copied. 

The  jurisdiction  of  Vercelli  subjected  the  scholars  to  the  rector  in  civil  cases, 
and  to  the  city  magistrate  in  criminal  cases.  The  jurisdiction  of  tlie  rector  is  not 
represented  as  a new  privilege,  but  as  an  old  right  of  the  scholars,  and  the 
criminal  jurisdiction  of  the  city  as  an  exception  to  this  privilege : an  expres- 
sion which  can  only  mean  that  the  rectors  in  Padua  possessed  at  that  time 
complete  jurisdiction. 

It  is  not  known  whether  this  contract  was  actually  carried  out.  There  are, 
in  the  13th  century,  some  traces  of  the  existence  of  a school  in  Vercelli;  but 
it  can  never  have  attained  any  great  and  permanent  success. 

VI.  AREZZO. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  13th  century,  a law-school  existed  in  Arezzo,  at 
which  the  celebrated  Roffredus  of  Benevent  taught  (1215.)  Statutes  of  this 
school,  from  the  middle  of  this  century,  exist — the  oldest  in  print  of  any  uni- 
versity. These  statutes  were  drawn  up  by  all  the  teachers  in  1255,  and  they 
elected  one  of  their  number  rector  (Martinus  de  Fano.)  Brief  as  these  statutes 
are,  they  leave  many  things  obscure,  especially  in  regard  to  the  repetitors,  who, 
as  in  many  modern  universities,  seem  to  occupy  a position  between  teachers 
and  students,  and  in  others  are  never  mentioned.  The  most  distinct  regulations 
are  these:  No  one  could  read  ordinarie  in  grammar,  dialectics,  and  medicine, 
unless  he  had  acquired  the  degree  of  doctor.  Doubtless  this  prevailed  as  a 
matter  of  course  among  the  jurists.  No  teacher  should  allow  the  scholars  of 
another  teacher  to  attend  his  lectures  more  than  four  times ; the  scholars  of 
another  teacher  being  those  who  had  heard  that  teacher  during  a week.  Any 
one  who  slighted  this  rule  was  fined  10  soldi  for  instruction,  3 for  use  of  hall, 
and  5 soldi  for  the  rector.  Every  teacher  made  three  collections : one  for 
rent  of  hall,  one  for  his  fees,  and  one  for  the  beadle.  If  this  document  is  taken 
as  the  statutes  of  the  university,  they  deviate  from  all  others  in  this,  tliat  the 
authority  seems  vested  in  the  teachers  exclusively.  But  this  is  not  probable, 
and  to  judge  from  the  contents,  they  appear  to  be  the  regulations  for  the  college 


304 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


of  doctors,  whose  president  is  accidentally  named  rector,  while  the  name  of 
prior  is  commonly  used  in  other  places.  This  accepted,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  usual  university  of  scholars,  with  rectors  and  jurisdiction,  existed  here 
also. 

In  the  year  1356,  Charles  V gave  to  the  school  of  Arezzo  the  privileges  of  a 
sludium  fjentrale.  In  the  decree  it  is  said  that  this  privilege  had  been  given 
before  by  tlie  emperor,  but  had  been  lost  during  the  civil  wars.  From  a doctor’s 
diploma  of  1373  it  appears  that  the  bishop  was  cliancellor  of  the  school,  and 
based  his  right  to  this  office  on  a grant  from  the  pope,  but  of  this  no  direct 
evidence  exists.  Frederic  III  renewed  (1456)  the  privileges  of  the  school  and 
gave  the  right  of  promotions,  not  to  the  bishop,  but  to  the  city,  which  exercised 
it  through  its  gonfalonier,  as  is  shown  by  several  diplomas  of  doctors  from  that 
time. 


V]I.  FERRARA. 

In  this  city  a school  was  in  existence  as  early  as  the  13th  century.  There 
is  no  reason  to  believe  that  it  was  established  by  Frederic  II,  in  1241 ; but  the 
statutes  of  the  city  after  the  jmar  1264  guarantee  exemption  from  military  ser- 
vice to  the  teachers,  as  did  also  Bologna.  In  1391,  pope  Boniface  IX  gave  to 
this  school  tlio  privilege  of  stiidium  generate,  and  appointed  the  bishop  chan- 
cellor. Here  also  is  found  the  common  constitution  of  the  scholars.  The  jurists 
and  ariistoi  formed  separate  universities,  each  governed  by  rectors,  who  were 
elected  from  the  scholars.  All  the  statutes  of  the  artistce  of  the  15th  century 
have  been  preserved  ; but  not  those  of  the  jurists.  The  statutes  of  1613,  which 
have  remained  in  force  to  modern  times,  relate  more  to  the  system  of  instruc- 
tion than  to  the  constitution,  and  prescribe  sixteen  professors  of  law,  namely : 
one  ordinary  for  civil  law,  two  for  canon  law,  two  for  the  Institutes,  one  for 
Bartolus,  one  for  criminal  law,  and  six  extraordinary,  lor  occasions  of  pomp. 
All  information  of  a more  remote  date  in  regard  to  teaeherships  and  salaries  is, 
as  usual,  very  imperfect.  In  1450  there  were  9 jurists  and  13  artistce  among 
the  professors:  the  former  receiving  from  22  to  225  liras,  the  latter  from  4 to 
150  liras.  In  1473,  23  jurists  are  mentioned,  with  salaries  of  25  to  600  liras, 
and  29  artistce,  with  salaries  of  23  to  800  liras.  Tliere  were  also  some  positions 
with  higlier  salaries ; thus  Carolus  Ruini  was  paid,  in  1509,  a salary  of  2,000 
liras;  in  1602,  Turaminus,  and  in  1607,  Fachiiieus,  1,000  scudi  each. 

VIII.  ROME. 

It  is  not  generally  known  that  Rome  also  possessed  a university  with  the 
ordinary  constitution.  Pope  Innocent  IV  established  a law-school  about  the 
middle  of  the  13th  century,  and  the  scholars  received  all  privileges  usually 
connected  with  the  studium  generate,  especially  the  right,  if  they  possessed  cler- 
ical benefices,  to  enjoy  their  income  during  their  stay  at  the  school  of  Rome. 
More  detailed  information  is  found  in  the  statutes  of  the  city,  which  are  re- 
markable and  rare.  A special  chapter  treats  on  tlie  law-school,  and  refers  to  a 
subjoined  bull  of  pope  Eugenius  lY,  in  the  year  1431,  which  confers  i\\Q  studium 
generate  and  other  j)rivilegcs.  Annexed,  i ) 

Foreign  scholars  had  a privilege  of  jurisdiction  in  all  cases,  civil  or  criminal, 
(murder  excepted,)  and  could  bo  tried,  as  they  chose,  either  by  their  teacher  or 
the  cardinal  vicar,  or  by  the  rector  of  the  university.  The  rector  was  elected 
by  the  doctors  and  scholars. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


305 


This  school  attained  its  highest  success  in  the  year  1514,  of  which  Marini 
{Ldtera  dell'  Ab.  Gael.  Marini)  has  published  a catalogue  (of  teachers.)  The 
privileges  of  the  scholai-s  wore  then  again  confirmed.  Cardinal  Camerlingo 
was  chancellor  of  the  school,  and  four  eminent  Romans  constituted  a board 
of  supervision.  It  numbered  88  professors,  (among  them  31  jurists,)  and  13 
other  teachers;  a number  which  was  never  again  reached;  14,000  florins  were 
expended  upon  salaries. 

School  of  the  City. 

The  learned  work  of  Renazzi,  {Storia  dell'  universita  degli  studi,  Eoma,  4 
t)ok,  1803  to  1806,)  with  many  original  documents,  completes  and  corrects  our 
information  on  the  ancient  history  of  this  school.  A school  {schola  palaiina) 
was,  in  very  remote  time,  always  attached  to  the  court  of  the  popes.  ,It  was 
this  school  that  Innocent  IV  enlarged,  provided  with  professors  of  law,  and  to 
which  he  gave  the  privilege  of  studium  generale^  together  with  the  right  of  con- 
ferring degrees,  and  it  followed  the  papal  court  every  where  outside  of  Rome, 
especially  to  Avignon,  and  was  in  active  operation  throughout  the  15th  century. 
It  is  probable  that  Leo  X united  it  with  the  school  of  the  city,  and  thus  discon- 
tinued its  separate  existence.  The  school  of  the  city  was  founded  in  1303  by 
Boniface  VIII,  and  declared  a studium  generate.  The  doctors  and  scholars  of 
this  school  elected  a rector,  who  exercised  jurisdiction.  But  the  right  of  giving 
degrees  was  not  possessed  until  John  XXV  added  it  in  1318.  In  the  14th  cen- 
tury the  school  declined.  The  statutes  of  the  city  in  the  year  1370,  (in  manu- 
script,) order  its  reestablishment,  and  that  three  teachers,  each  with  a salary  of 
200  florins,  should  be  engaged.  However,  after  a second  decline,  EugeniusIV, 
in  1431,  reorganized  it,  and  to  this  reorganization  must  be  referred  those  stat- 
utes of  the  city  above  mentioned,  in  regard  to  the  constitution  of  the  university. 
In  1458  the  university  was  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  electing  a rector,  and 
the  papal  government  resumed  this  right.  The  supervision  over  both  schools, 
especially  the  right  of  conferring  degrees,  was  vested  in  the  camerlingo,  (cham- 
berlain,) and  only  during  the  absence  of  the  pope  from  Rome.  The  supervision 
of  the  cit}’-  school  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  papal  vicar.  This  school  still 
continues,  under  the  name  of  Archigymnasium  Romanum. 

IX.  NAPLES. 

The  school  of  Naples  differed  from  all  Italian  schools  hitherto  described,  in 
its  origin  as  well  as  its  organization.  It  did  not  spring  up  of  itself  and  by  the 
natural  demands  of  teachers  and  students  already  present,  but  was  founded  in 
accordance  with  the  will  of  Frederic  II,  who  loved  knowledge  and  desired  that 
his  subjects  should  no  longer  visit  foreign  schools.  So  he  resolved,  in  1224,  to 
open  in  Naples  a school  of  all  branches  of  learning,  on  an  extensive  plan,  as  to 
which  the  four  letters  of  Petrus  de  Vineis  give  special  information.  Students 
were  promised  great  liberties  and  conveniences ; a mixed  commission  should 
flx  the  price  of  lodgings,  and  no  rent  higher  than  two  ounces  of  gold  should  be 
charged.  The  best  teachers  in  every  branch  were  to  be  engaged.  At  the  same 
time  all  subjects  were -strictly  forbidden  to  visit  foreign  schools,  or  to  teach  or 
even  study  outside  of  the  city  of  Naples,  except  in  common  schools.  As  Fred- 
eric never  favored  corporations,  there  is  no  trace  here  of  a university  of  the 
scholars,  nor  of  a rector ; but  the  scholars  had  their  own  jurisdiction.  They 

20 


306 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


were  under  a judge,  appointed  by  the  king  expressly  for  the  school ; and  in 
civil  cases,  scholars,  whether  plaintiffs  or  defendants,  could  choose  between  this 
judge,  their  teacher,  and  the  archbishop.  In  criminal  cases  also  this  judge 
alone  presided  over  the  trial.  The  same  privilege  was  given  to  professors,  witli 
the  natural  modification,  that  they  could  choose  between  the  judge  and  arch- 
bishop only.  The  royal  grand-chancellor  exercised  the  highest  autliority  over 
the  university,  so  that  promotions,  engagement  of  teachers,  and  the  order  of 
lectures,  were  regulated  by  him.  After  the  close  of  the  13th  century,  a rector 
appears,  as  assistant  and  representative  of  the  chancellor,  in  his  relation  to  the 
school,  the  rectorate  being  permanent  and  attached  to  a professorship.  During 
the  15th  century  the  supervision  was  taken  away  from  the  cliancellor  and  vested 
in  the  rector;  the  control  of  promotions  being  left  with  the  chancellor.  In  tlie 
statutes  of  1610  the  rector  holds  a totally  different  position;  lie  was  a student, 
elected  for  one  year  only,  and  his  duty  was  to  see  that  the  lectures  were  regu- 
larly delivered. 

Degrees  were  conferred  directly  by  the  king  or  the  great-chancellor  during  the 
first  two  centuries;  for  each  case  the  persons  who  were  to  examine  and  grant 
a degree  to  the  candidate,  were  appointed  at  pleasure  by  him.  Tlio  remarkable 
consequence  was  that  not  only  was  the  promotion  repeated  at  will,  as  will  be 
seen  from  a remarkable  example,  but  when  a new  grand-chancellor,  whose  rules 
were  stricter,  was  appointed,  he  reexamined  all  doctors  and  revoked  the  de- 
grees given  to  many.  As  the  university  thus  isolated  itself  more  and  more 
from  all  others,  the  natural  result  was  that  its  degrees  were  nowhere  recog- 
nized, while  the  king,  to  revenge  himself  or  to  maintain  the  right  of  his  sove- 
reignty, refused  recognition  to  foreign  doctors,  and  caused  them  to  be  reexam- 
ined and  promoted,  when  they  desired  to  teach  in  Naples.  Dor  example. 
Jacobus  de  Belvisio  had  lectured  as  bachelor  in  Bologna  for  several  years,  when 
he  asked  an  honorable  position  from  Charles  II,  of  Naples.  He  presented  him- 
self to  the  king  at  Aix,  in  Provence,  in  1297,  and  was  made  a doctor  by  the 
great-chancellor,  in  the  royal  palace.  Subsequently  the  examination  was  re- 
peated and  the  degree  again  conferred  in  Naples  by  another  great-chancellor. 
When  afterwards  he  intended  to  lecture  in  his  native  city  of  Bologna,  the 
degree,  twice  given,  was  not  recognized,  though  the  king  himself  interfered  in 
liis  favor.  It  seemed  without  doubt  that  a new  examination  and  prom.otion 
were  necessary ; but  even  this  was  refused  for  a long  time,  but  was  finally 
obtained  after  much  trouble,  making  the  third.  Franciscus  de  Thelesia  had 
been  promoted  by  Guido  de  Suzaria  and  other  doctors  in  Eeggio ; but  when  he 
appeared  in  Naples,  the  king  did  not  recognize  the  degree,  and  ordered  it  to  be 
again  formally  conferred.  Tliis  uncommon  system  was  abolished  in  1428,  by 
establisliing  in  Naples  a faculty  of  degrees,  such  as  existed  in  all  other  univer- 
sities, which  should  examine  and  confer  degrees  after  certain  rules,  and  upon 
which  the  grand-cliancellor  exercised  only  a general  supervision.  All  the  mem- 
bers of  this  faculty  possessed  a separate  jurisdiction  under  the  chancellor  or  the 
archbishop,  according  as  they  belonged  to  the  clergy  or  laity. 

The  engagement  of  salaried  professors  was  for  a long  time  made  by  the  high 
chancellor.  By  the  statute  of  1610,  competition  was  introduced,  i.  e.  an  exam- 
ination of  all  applicants  by  the  faculty,  and  the  filling  the  positions  by  election. 
This  custom,  French  in  its  origin,  had  passed  into  Spain  and  was  transplanted 
to  Naples  by  the  Spanish  government. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


307 

■\Vitli  this  peculiar  org-anization,  and  the  great  efforts  made  by  the  govern- 
ment to  elevate  the  school,  it  is  remarkable  that  it  has  accomplished  less  than 
any  other  university  in  Italy.  Its  historian,  Origlia,  though  acknowledging  the 
inferiority  of  its  present  condition,  tries  to  represent  its  first  period  as  one  of 
great  prosperity,  and  goes  so  far  as  to  call  it  the  only  true  university  at  that 
time  in  Europe.  But  his  work  shows  distinctly  that  the  reputation  and  influ- 
ence of  this  university  were  at  all  times  very  insignificant,  and  that  even 
Frederic  II  could  not  overcome  the  effects  of  a defective  organization. 

X.  PERUGIA, 

A teacher  of  law  and  a few  teachers  of  other  branches  came  to  Perugia  in 
1276,  and  the  city  made  provision  for  the  establishment  and  support  of  a school. 
A papal  decree  of  1307  recognized  the  studium  generale,  and  another  of  the 
year  1318  conferred  the  right  of  giving  degrees,  the  bishop  of  the  city  having 
the  same  power  as  the  archdeacon  of  Bologna.  Charles  IV  also  gave  a diploma 
to  this  university  in  1355,  running  as  if  it  were  about  to  be  established.  Here 
also  the  university  consisted  of  the  scholars  only,  they  electing  the  rector,  who 
is  first  mentioned  in  1322.  The  professors  were  elected,  in  part  by  the  city 
authorities,  and  in  part  by  the  scholars.  For  a long  time  no  native  of  the  city 
could  obtain  a professorship,  so  that,  when  Bartolus  obtained  citizenship,  an 
exception  to  the  law  liad  to  be  made  in  his  favor.  The  course  of  leetures,  as 
in  Bologna,  was  for  one  year,  beginning  on  the  19th  of  October.  The  endow- 
ment of  the  university  amounted  at  first  to  1,500  florins,  afterward  to  2,000, 
and  still  later  to  2,500.  In  1389,  Antonio  de  Butrio  was  engaged  with  a salary 
of  300  florins;  he  competed  for  this  position  with  Petrus  de  Ubaldis,  which 
custom  of  competitions  had  been  introduced  here.  The  doctors,  as  elsewhere, 
formed  a college,  the  oldest  statutes  of  which,  from  the  year  1407,  are  in  print. 
A peculiar  restriction  was  laid  on  scholars  in  Perugia ; if  they  obtained  the 
degree  of  doctor  at  any  other  school,  it  was  declared  void,  and  they  became 
incapable  of  filling  any  office  requiring  this  degree. 

XL  OTHER  UNIVERSITIES  IN  ITALY. 

Besides  the  universities  already  named,  other  institutions  existed  in  Italy 
during  the  13th,  14th,  and  15th  centuries;  mostly  law-schools. 

Piacenza,  it  is  mentioned,  had  a sehool  in  the  1 2th  century,  at  which  Koge- 
rius  and  Placentinus  taught,  and  this  school  obtained  the  papal  privilege  of 
siudium  generale  as  early  as  1248. 

Modena  is  known  as  a school  of  the  12th  century  from  the  history  of  Roge- 
rius,  Placentinus,  and  especially  of  Pillius.  The  latter  relates  that  he  was  called 
from  Bologna,  and  that  he  received  about  100  marks  of  silver  (50  pounds 
weight.)  This  would  seem  incredible  as  a salary,  and  must  mean  capital.  Such 
a loan  would  not  be  improbable  nor  without  example.  In  1260,  Guido  de 
Suzaria  received  the  sum  of  2,250  liras  at  Modena,  also  as  capital,  for  which  all 
citizens  should  have  free  tuition;  a fine  of  1,000  iiras  to  be  paid  by  the  party 
breaking  the  contract.  The  school  disappears  at  the  beginning  of  the  14th 
century,  though  the  statutes  of  1328  prescribe  salaries  of  150  and  50  liras  for  a 
teacher  of  law  and  for  a teacher  of  a notary’s  duties  and  of  the  institutes. 

Reggio  gives  proof  of  the  existence  of  a school  in  the  12th  century.  It  was 
very  flourishing  in  the  13th  century  and  had  many  eminent  teachers.  This 
school  also  was  closed  about  the  middle  of  the  14th  century.  A diploma  of 
doctor,  issued  by  this  faculty  in  the  year  1276,  is  preserved,  which  is  the  oldest 


308 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


existing.  The  two  examinations  were  like  those  of  Bologna,  but  the  professors 
appear  only  as  examiners  and  as  advisers,  and  the  bishop,  upon  the  recommend- 
ation of  the  professors,  confers  the  degree. 

Pavi.a.  obtained  a privikgium  of  Charles  IV  in  1361.  As  early  as  1362, 
Galeaz  Visconti  forbade  his  subjects  visiting  schools  outside  of  Pavia,  in  which 
he  undoubtedly  imitated  the  former  action  of  Naples.  Subsequentl}’^,  great 
efforts  were  made  to  enlarge  this  school,  as  appears  from  a published  catalogue, 
which  contains  the  names  of  all  teachers  who  filled  the  two  superior  positions ; 
among  these  are  celebrated  names,  and  the  salaries  were  equal  to  those  of  the 
wealthiest  universities.  Thus  Baldus,  in  1397,  received  1,200  fiorins;  Jason, 
in  1492,  received  2,250  florins;  Alciat,  between  1536  and  1540,  had ‘1,000 
scudi,  and  between  1544  and  1550  received  7,500  liras  as  his  salary. 

Turin  was  privileged  by  the  pope  in  1405;  by  imperial  decree  in  1412; 
there  are  no  earlier  indications  of  this  school.  There  was  there,  as  is  common  in 
Italy,  a university  of  scholars,  who  elected  their  rector,  the  latter  exercising 
jurisdiction.  Criminal  jurisdiction  was  reserved  to  the  civil  courts,  but  the 
rector  had  a seat  in  court.  The  organization  of  the  faculty  and  the  order  of 
promotion  was  almost  the  same  as  that  of  Bologna  and  Padua.  The  bishop  of 
Turin  was  chancellor. 


NOTES. 

(1.)  This  constitution  seems  to  us  very  objectionable,  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  stu- 
dents of  Bologna  were  widely  different  from  those  of  our  times. 

(2.)  It  is  very  remarkable  that  almost  all  the  other  Universities  in  France  followed  rather  the 
example  of  Bologna  than  of  Paris,  and  moreover  they  were  preeminently  schools  of  law,  bearing 
the  name  universites  des  loix.  In  similar  manner  the  students  at  several  South  German  univer- 
sities were  called,  in  the  usual  language,  jurists,  even  though  they  belonged  to  the  other  faculties. 

(3.)  So  uncritical  was  this  work  that  it  has  not  been  suffered  to  appear  in  print. 

(4.)  After  the  charter  of  foundation,  in  the  charter-book  of  the  archives,  is  an  admonitory  letter 
from  Ambrosius  to  the  emperor.  No  doubt  this  was  regarded  as  the  cause  and  interpretation  of 
the  previous  foundation. 

(5.)  This  reason  is  so  natural  that  it  is  hardly  conceivable  how  other  reasons,  without  historical 
proof,  can  be  given  ; e.  g.  the  emperor  bestowed  the  privilegium  out  of  jealousy  towards  Paris, 
and  to  keep  the  students  in  their  own  country, 

(6.)  This  decision  of  course  assumes  that  as  a rule  every  student  has  attached  himself  to  one 
single  teacher.  Cf.  Baldus  ad  Cod.,  Auth.  Habita,  num.  75 : “I  ask  what  is  to  be  said  of  the 
case  of  a student  who  attends  various  lectures,  if  the  case  is  brought  before  one  of  his  teachers, 
can  he  choose  another?  and  I answer,  if  one  is  higher  in  rank,  he  ought  to  consider  him  as  his 
judge,  otherwise  he  can  have  his  choice.’’  _ 

(7.)  That  explanation  by  which  dominus  is  used  for  the  jurists,  ana  magistcr  for  the  other  pro- 
fessors, is  without  proof,  and  is’ improbable,  as  there  was  then  no  need  to  provide  for  any  school 
but  that  of  law.  Decidedly  erroneous  is  the  opinion  of  some  later  writers  who  understand  by  dom- 
inu.^  either  the  city  magistracy  or  the  rector. 

(8.)  It  is,  however,  quite  possible  and  not  improbable  that  in  the  earliest  times  there  were  more 
than  two  universities. 

(9.)  In  later  times  twenty  years  were  demanded  for  entire  alterations  only,  while  single  changes 
might  be  made  every  five  years. 

(10.)  Under  these  names,  us  the  proper  members  of  the  university,  they  appear  in  the  statutes. 

01.)  8!o,  e.g.,  the  eight  statuarii  must  be  half  legist<B,  half  decrctalistm. 

(12.)  Fines  occur  frequently  in  the  statutes;  they  were,  for  instance,  imposed  for  violations  of 
the  ordinances  pertaining  to  dress. 

(13.)  Generally  20  soldi,  if  the  expelled  individual  was  a member  of  the  university,  but  double 
for  a foreigner.  If  doctor,  he  paid  generally  20  liras,  sometimes  100. 

(14.)  The  decisive  passage  on  this  point  is  in  the  Stat.  Bon.  lib.  2,  p.  40.  The  real  meaning  of 
the  |)assage  is  this:  Every  one,  who  teaches  without  being  a doctor,  is  bachalarius,  with  which 
agree  the  passages  from  the  original  documents,  in  which  doctorcs  and  bachalarii  are  mentioned 
as  comprising  the  whole  staff  of  instructors.  But  since  it  might  seem  doubtful  in  what  case  and 
after  what  time  a person  was  to  be  looked  upon  as  really  instructing,  the  statutes  decided  this 
more  exactly.  The  etymology  of  the  word  is  doubtful. 

(15.)  'rimrsday  was,  by  old  custom,  set  apart  for  attention  to  the  person.  It -was  considered  the 
day  for  the  bath.  But  if  a church  holiday  occurred,  the  Thursday  of  the  same  week  lost  its  priv- 
ilege, to  avoid  omitting  too  many  lectures. 

(Ifi.)  If  lectures  were  delivered  upon  the  Sextus,  the  Clementini,  or  the  Volitmen,  then  more 
than  two  lectures  the  week  were  allowed  ; the  university  could  dis[)ense  with  this  limitation. 

(17.)  (S'iatrrta  /iom.,  lib.  3.,  c.  90,  to  which  the  bull  belongs  ns  an  addition.  The  capital 
itself  says  that  the  old  imperial  school  at  Rome  had  been  improved  by  Boniface  VIII,  that  it  then 
entirely  died  out  during  the  unfavorable  times,  and  was  at  last  restored  by  Eugenius  IV,  There 
are  also  earlier  traces  of  a law-school,  as,  e.  g.,  in  a charter  of  1277,  entitled  Mngelus  Legum 
Hcolaris.  Marini  papiri,  p.  38. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


309 


11.  UNIVERSITIES  OF  FRANCE. 

I.  PARIS. 

In  Paris,  as  in  Bologna,  the  historical  accounts  of  the  fame  and  prosperity  of 
the  university  reach  much  farther  back  than  the  date  of  a definite  constitution. 
As  early  as  the  12th  century,  several  very  eminent  teachers  of  theology  and 
philosophy  were  connected  with  the  cathedral  school  or  with  several  convent 
schools,  especially  those  of  St.  Genevieve  and  St.  Victor.  (^®) 

The  oldest  genuine  documents  on  the  constitution  of  this  school,  (for  there  is 
one,  really  written  in  the  middle  of  the  13th  century,  but  falsely  attributed  to 
Boethius,  referring  to  this  school,)  are  two  decrees  of  pope  Alexander  III.  In 
the  first,  dating  from  1180,  he  ordains  that  no  person  in  France  shall  accept 
money  for  the  permission  to  teach,  i.  e.  for  the  degree.  Previous  to  this  order 
the  cliancellor  received  one  mark  of  silver  for  conferring  the  degree.  The  other 
decree  makes  a personal  exception  to  this  rule  in  favor  of  Peter  Comestor,  chan- 
cellor at  that  time. 

More  important  than  the  decrees  is  the  privilegium  of  king  Philip  Augustus, 
in  the  year  1200,  which  man}’-  have  been  tempted  to  consider  (though  wrongly) 
the  act  of  foundation  of  the  university,  or  at  least  the  beginning  of  a definite 
constitution.  At  that  time  several  scholars  had  been  killed  in  a riot,  and  an 
officer  of  the  king  was  very  much  to  blame.  The  king  then  made  the  following 
rules : If  scholars  {i.  e.  teachers  or  students)  committed  a crime  {f or ef actum,) 
the  provost  of  Paris  could  arrest  them,  but  should  deliver  them  forthwith  to 
the  clerical  court  for  investigation  and  punishment ; the  rector,  however,  he 
could  not  arrest.  When  scholars  were  attacked,  the  citizens  witnessing  were 
not  to  go  away,  but  to  seize  the  disturbers  and  surrender  them  to  the  courts, 
and  give  evidence  in  the  case.  To  a faithful  observation  of  these  orders  the 
provost  and  other  officers  and  citizens  were  bound  by  oath.  After  that  time 
the  provost  of  Paris  was  considered  as  belonging  to  the  university  and  was 
called  conservator  of  the  royal  privileges. 

A concordat  of  the  scholars,  divided  into  the  four  nations,  in  1206,  over  the 
election  of  the  rector,  has  not  been  preserved,  but  its  mere  existence,  wliich, 
from  very  old  documents,  is  not  to  be  doubted,  proves  the  great  antiquity  of  the 
division  into  nations.  A decree  of  Innocent  III,  in  the  beginning  of  the  13th 
century,  is  less  remarkable  for  its  contents  than  for  the  first  known  use  of  the 
word  “university.” 

The  Paris  school  was  in  many  points  distinguished  from  all  others.  No  other 
school  maintained  for  so  long  a time  its  reputation  and  importance,  nor  exer- 
cised such  influence  on  church  and  state.  It  called  itself  the  eldest  daughter 
of  tlie  king,  and  guarded  its  rank  with  jealous  care ; but  often  the  noble  senti- 
ment of  dignity  degenerated  into  pride  and  arrogance.  If,  in  any  dispute  with 
the  civil  power,  the  university  could  not  maintain  its  rights,  it  employed,  as  an 
extreme  means,  the  resolution  to  suspend  all  lectures  and  sermons  by  its  mem- 
bers. This  so  excited  the  populace  that  they  could  be  appeased  only  by  yield- 
ing to  the  university.  As  late  as  1588,  deputies  of  the  university  took  seats  in 
the  diet  at  Blois.  What  rendered  them  especially  powerful,  even  dangerous, 
was  their  poverty.  The  university,  the  faculties,  the  nations,  all  were  poor, 


310 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


and  even  the  colleges,  though  their  expenses  were  great,  could  not  be  called 
wealthy.  The  university  possessed  no  building,  and  its  meetings  were  held  in 
the  convents  of  friendly  orders.  By  this  their  existence  and  power  became 
spiritual,  and  secured  a permanent  independence  of  the  worldly  power,  whicli 
would  have  been  lost  in  the  possession  of  great  wealth. 

The  constitution  of  the  university  seems  not  to  have  been  based  on  complete 
statutes.  A complete  code  was  never  enacted,  but  only  an  occasional  statute, 
as  the  condition  of  things  demanded. 

In  the  year  1215  the  university  received  statutes  from  the  pontifical  legate, 
cardinal  Eobert  de  Courzon,but  these  decide  only  a few  points  and  give  no  idea 
of  the  then  existing  condition  of  the  universit}^  A statute  of  the  artisioi  of  the 
year  1344  has  been  preserved,  which  exhorts  the  teachers  to  greater  caution  in 
their  contradictious  to  the  texts  on  which  they  based  their  lectures.  There  are 
remaining  some  minor  statutes  of  the  theologians,  canonists,  and  artistoi,  partly 
of  the  year  1370,  which  determine  the  days  for  leeturing  and  disputation,  holi- 
days, church  festivals,  etc.  More  extended  were  the  statutes  of  cardinal  de 
Estouteville  in  1452  ; but  these  also  were  directed  only  against  certain  abuses. 
Of  similar  import  was  the  reformation  of  the  artistce  in  the  year  1534.  Later 
statutes,  indeed,  which  were  published  by  the  royal  commissioners  in  1598,  and 
by  De  Thou  in  1600,  resemble  the  statutes  of  other  universities : in  fact,  all  are 
more  or  less  limited  to  general  good  instructions,  or  are  directed  to  doing  away 
with  existing  abuses,  and  give  no  clue  to  the  constitution  of  the  university. 
Neither  do  they  apply  to  the  entire  university,  but  are  special  statutes  for  the 
four  different  faculties. 

From  the  constitution  itself  it  is  seen  that  the  Paris  university  was,  from  the 
earliest  time,  a unit,  and  that  no  independent  corporations  were  formed,  as  in 
Italy,  by  the  distinction  between  the  jurists  and  artistce^  or  by  nations.  But  this 
peculiarity  is  less  distinctive  than  the  other,  which  vested  all  authority  in  the 
teachers,  without  giving  any  to  the  scholars.  The  general  assembly  of  the 
university  consisted  at  first  of  all  who  possessed  the  degree  of  doctor  or  mag- 
ister,  and  these  titles  were,  for  a considerable  time,  given  only  to  the  actual 
teachers  of  the  university.  But  when  it  had  become  a common  occurrence  to 
acquire  the  degree  without  entering  the  profession  of  teaching,  a modification 
was  made,  first  by  custom,  then  by  law.  As  a rule,  only  actual  teachers  and 
professors  {magistri  regenies)  had  a seat  and  vote  in  the  assembly;  in  extraor- 
dinary cases,  however,  other  graduates  could  participate  on  special  invitation, 
but  no  trace  exists  of  any  influence  having  ever  been  given  to  the  scholars. 
Bulseus  indeed  considers  that  there  was  a larger  general  convention,  including 
the  scholars,  but  his  reasons  are  not  convincing.  He  can  instance  no  one  case 
where  such  a convention  was  held. 

This  constitution  was  the  main  basis  of  the  greater  power  and  influence  of 
this  university,  which  the  Italian  schools  never  could  acquire,  having  no  other 
object  than  to  increase  the  freedom  and  often  to  add  to  the  license  of  the 
scholar,  and  to  attract  distinguished  teachers.  The  Paris  university  obtained 
more  special  importance  by  its  connection  with  learned,  and  especially  theolog- 
ical disputes ; and  though  the  judgment  did  not  always  proceed  from  the  whole 
university,  but  from  one  faculty,  yet  the  connection  of  the  whole  with  its  parts 
was  so  close  that  the  latter  could  give  to  these  decisions  tlic  weight  of  the  whole 
university,  and  not  seldom  such  decisions  and  interpretations  of  a single  faculty 
were  considered  as  the  action  of  the  whole  university. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


311 


The  divisions  of  the  Paris  school  are  not  so  easily  understood  as  those  of 
other  universities.  From  the  earliest  period  only  four  nations  existed,  and  this 
number  continued  the  same.  These  nations  were  the  French,  the  English  or 
Germans,  the  Picards,  and  the  Normans,  each  having  subordinate  provinces. 
In  the  first  nation  there  was,  among  others,  a province  of  Bourges,  which  in- 
cluded also  Spain,  Italy,  and  the  Orient.  The  second  embraced,  besides  Eng- 
land and  Germany,  also  Hungary,  Poland,  and  the  Northern  kingdoms;  it  was 
first  called  English  nation,  but  changed  to  German  in.  1430.  The  third  nation 
included  the  Netherlands.  To  these  nations  belonged  professors  and  scholars, 
according  to  their  native  country,  without  distinction  of  studies.  About  the 
middle  of  the  13th  century,  the  university  became  involved  in  a long  and  severe 
dispute  with  the  new  mendicant  friars,  who,  supported  by  the  popes,  demanded 
positions  at  the  university,  but  were  not  admitted.  This  quarrel  caused  all  the 
doctors  of  theology  to  separate  from  the  university  and  form  a special  college ; 
their  example  was  followed  by  the  canonists  and  doctors  of  medicine.  Hence- 
forth the  university  consisted  of  seven  unequal  parts,  the  three  above-named 
faculties,  and  four  nations.  The  faculties  were  conducted  and  represented  by 
their  deacons,  the  nations  by  their  procurators.  The  four  nations  were  in  truth 
the  old  university,  and  went  by  that  name.  They  remained  in  exclusive  pos- 
session of  the  rectorate  and  jurisdiction ; and  the  bachelors  and  scholars  of 
theology,  of  canon  law  and  medicine,  remained  with  them,  as  the  faculties  con- 
sisted only  of  the  doctors  in  these  studies.  In  the  course  of  time  a complete 
change  took  place.  The  four  nations  together  were  considered  as  a fourth  fac- 
ult}’-  (of  artistcn)  and  gradually  deprived  of  their  former  position,  but  even  then 
they  retained  the  rectorate.  Every  faculty  had  its  own  lecture-rooms,  for  the 
exclusive  use  of  its  teachers ; also  a church  in  common.  So,  for  example,  the 
canonists  had  the  church  of  S.  Jean  de  Lateran,  where  they  not  only  attended 
divine  service  together,  biit  held  their  meetings,  and  gave  degrees. 

The  colleges  demand  special  notice,  as  they  were  more  numerous  and  more 
influential  than  those  of  Italy.  Originally  intended  only  for  the  support  of  poor 
scholars,  who  lived  in  them  under  special  supervision,  the  number  of  teachers 
in  them  increased,  and  the  colleges  soon  became  not  only  foundations  for  the 
poor  scholars,  but  pensionates  for  the  wealthy,  so  that  almost  the  entire  body 
of  students  belonged  to  the  colleges,  and  as  early  as  the  15th  century,  those 
outside  of  the  colleges  were  as  exceptions,  characterized  by  a special  name 
(martinets.)  The  oldest  and  most  reputed  of  these  colleges,  the  Sorbonue, 
founded  in  1250,  has  often  been  confounded  with  the  faculty  of  theology,  from 
which  it  was  essentially  distinct,  though  afterwards  the  same  persons  were 
members  of  both  corporations. 

The  rector  was  always  the  head  of  the  university,  and  this  dignity,  even  after 
the  new  organization  of  the  university,  remained  the  exclusive  possession  of 
the  four  nations  or  the  faculty  of  philosophy.  The  doctors  of  the  three  facul- 
ties could  not  become  rectors,  nor  participate  in  their  election ; both  privileges 
were  reserved  to  the  magisters  and  artistcu.  Even  if  the  rector,  during  his  term 
of  office,  wanted  to  take  the  degree  of  doctor,  he  was  required  to  resign  the 
rectorate.  At  first  he  was  elected  by  the  procurators  of  the  nations,  but  after 
1280  by  four  electors  appointed  for  this  purpose.  The  electors  must  be  thirty 
years  of  age,  but  for  the  rector  this  limitation  was  not  prescribed.  An  election 
was  held  every  four  or  six  weeks  in  early  times;  but,  after  1219,  only  once  in 


312 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


three  months.  The  rector  could  not  be  a married  man ; but  he  was  not  re- 
quired to  belong  to  the  clergy. 

Besides  the  rector,  two  conservators  were  chosen  as  superior  officers  of  the 
university.  The  provost  of  Paris  was  conservator  of  royal  privileges  and  stood 
in  close  relation  to  the  university.  The  last  oath  of  tins  officer  occurred  in 
1592  ; after  which  time  the  office  declined  and  afforded  no  longer  any  protec- 
tion to  the  university.  On  the  contrary,  the  dignity  of  a conservator  of  pon- 
tifical privileges  was  rather  an  honorary,  and  rarely  considered  an  actual  office. 
In  earlier  years  this  dignity  was  arbitrarily  and  temporarily  conferred  on  theo- 
logians ; afterwards,  however,  it  was  limited  to  tlie  three  bishops  of  Meaux, 
Beauvais,  and  Senlis,  one  of  whom  was  nominated  by  the  university.  After 
the  close  of  the  I’Gth  century,  this  office  also  was  abolished. 

The  jurisdiction  over  the  university  of  Paris  and  its  members  seems  very  in- 
tricate, and  the  statements  of  eminent  historians  are  unsatisfactory.  As  a 
whole  the  university  was  formerly  under  jurisdiction  of  the  king  in  person ; 
after  the  middle  of  the  15th  century,  under  that  of  the  parliament  of  Paris.  The 
criminal  jurisdiction  over  members  was,  by  privilege  about  the  year  1200, 
vested  in  the  spiritual  court  {i.  e.  the  Officialat)  of  Paris;  but  as  early  as  the 
15th  century  the  university  sought  to  free  itself  from  it,  and  the  increasing 
power  of  parliament  soon  absorbed  this  power.  In  regard  to  the  ordinary  civil 
jurisdiction,  there  is  more  doubt.  Though  the  privilegium  of  Frederic  I was 
given  only  for  the  university  of  Bologna,  in  the  kingdom  of  Lombardy,  it  would 
not  be  surprising  to  find  some  application  of  it  in  Paris,  since  it  appears  that  it 
was  thouglit  that,  from  internal  reasons,  the  decisions  therein  were  universally 
applicable.  Distinct  traces  of  a jurisdiction  of  teachers  over  their  own  scholars 
are  found,  though  this  may  not  have  been  exercised  frequently  nor  continued 
very  long.  The  principle,  however,  is  expressed  in  a decree  of  pope  Alexander 
III,  not  for  the  Paris  university,  but  in  reference  to  the  cathedral  school  at 
Eheims,  and  is  found  more  clearly  expressed  in  the  statutes  of  Paris  of  the  year 
1215.  The  bishop’s  court  also  had  in  all  probability  civil  jurisdiction,  and  seems 
to  have  exercised  it  ordinarily ; as  is  seen  in  the  resemblance  of  the  civil  to  the 
criminal  jurisdiction  of  this  court ; also  from  a decree  of  pope  Celestine  III,  of 
the  year  1194,  which  indeed  does  not  speak  expressly  of  the  Paris  university, 
but  is  very  probably  to  be  referred  to  that.  Some  cases  and  trials  are  men- 
tioned, in  which  the  clerical  court  exercised  such  jurisdiction.  But  in  1340, 
civil  jurisdiction  was  committed  to  the  provost  of  Paris.  At  that  time  the  king 
gave  important  privileges  to  the  university,  namely,  that  its  members  could 
appeal  to  the  laws  in  Paris,  as  plaintiffs  or  defendants,  without  regard  to  the 
courts  of  their  native  country.  Here  at  first  only  the  local  jurisdiction  was 
meant,  and  the  new  extended  right  might  also  have  been  intrusted  to  the  Paris 
Officialat,  but  since  the  king  assigned  to  the  provost  the  carrying  out  of  the 
whole  order,  the  whole  civil  jurisdiction  passed  over  to  him  at  the  same  time. 
This  is  the  court  of  the  Chatelet,  which  maintained  itself  after  the  provost  no 
longer  presided  over  it,  and  whicli  yet  continues. 

Very  different  from  this  was  the  jurisdiction  belonging  to  the  university  itself. 
This  covered  no  criminal  trials  nor  ordinary  civil  cases,  but  only  matters  rela- 
ting to  the  school ; e.  g.  the  office  of  teacher,  whether  it  caused  disputes  be- 
tween teachers,  or  between  teacher  and  scholars ; offenses  against  the  rector 
on  the  part  of  members  of  the  university ; the  discipline  of  scholars:  finally 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


313 


disputes  on  questions  of  house-rent,  books,  writing  materials,  in  which  a 
member  of  the  university  appeared  as  prosecutor  or  defendant.  This  court  had 
power  to  exclude  teachers  from  the  university.  In  regard  to  the  discipline  of 
scholars  there  was  a great  contrast  between  Paris  and  the  Italian  schools ; for 
flagellation  with  a rod  was  a very  common  punishment,  inflicted  on  the  bare 
back  of  the  culprit,  in  presence  of  the  rector  and  the  procdi'ators.  This  pun- 
ishment was  taken  for  granted  in  the  year  1200,  and  was  still  very  common  in 
the  15th  century ; it  was  applied  to  haclialarien  as  well  as  to  scholars.  In  older 
times  the  university  exercised  this  jurisdiction  by  special  deputies,  i.  e.  commis- 
sioners selected  for  each  case ; but  as  the  disposition  and  management  of  all 
current  affairs  came  to  the  rector  and  the  procurators  in  1275,  it  included  also 
this  jurisdiction ; and  as  in  aU  affairs  the  three  deacons  belonged  to  this  com- 
mission, they  likewise  formed  part  of  the  court.  In  this  form  the  jurisdiction  is 
recognized  by  the  statutes  of  the  year  1600,  and  has  so  continued  up  to  the 
latest  times.  Appeal  could  be  taken  from  the  rector  to  the  university,  from  the 
university  to  the  parliament,  when  the  former  had  in  vain  attempted  to  main- 
tain its  dignity.  The  conservator  of  pontifical  privileges  had  also  a kind  of 
jurisdiction,  in  criminal  and  civil  cases,  but  only  those  in  which  clerical  privi- 
leges had  been  impaired,  and  in  such  cases  he  was  regarded  as  a permanent 
commissary  of  the  pope,  who  otherwise  would  himself  have  rendered  decisions. 

Degrees  were  given  in  all  cases  with  the  approbation  of  the  cathedral  chan- 
cellor, or,  in  the  philosophical  department,  of  the  chancellor  of  St.  Genevieve,  so 
that  in  this  faculty  the  applicant  could  choose  between  the  two.  In  older  times 
this  held  good  for  all  faculties.  It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  in  the  12th 
century  the  pope  forbade  the  chancellor  receiving  fees  for  promotion,  and  per- 
mitted it  again  by  personal  dispensation,  after  which  this  point  was  always  a 
subject  of  dispute.  In  regard  to  the  fees  and  expenses  of  promotion,  no  com- 
plete information  can  be  found.  Formerly  they  cost  41  bursen^  and  a burse 
generally  amounted  to  the  necessary  expenses  of  a week,  which  varied  very 
much,  according  to  rank  or  wealth.  In  the  statutes  of  1452  this  tax  was  con- 
tinued, with  this  limitation,  that  a bachelor  should  not  pay  more  than  7,  a licen- 
tiate not  above  12  gold  hus  d'or. 

In  regard  to  the  learning  required  for  promotion,  the  statute  of  the  canonists 
contains  the  following  provisions,  from  the  year  1370  : Those  who  had  already 
obtained  the  degree  of  licentiate  of  Roman  law  were  examined  no  further ; all 
others,  after  having  heard  lectures  on  canon  law  for  forty-eight  months  in  the 
space  of  six  years,  and  read  lectures  during  forty  months  within  five  years, 
could  become  licentiates.  If  they  had  studied  both  systems  of  law,  it  was 
enough  to  lecture  sixteen  months  within  two  years.  The  scholar  was  required 
to  obtain  a quarterly  certificate  from  his  teacher  in  regard  to  his  attendance  at 
the  lectures,  and  the  bachelor  from  the  doctor  under  whom  he  read,  or  from  the 
dean  of  the  faculty.  In  early  days,  celibacy  was  required,  not  only  of  all  theo- 
logians, who  of  course  were  of  the  clergy,  but  of  all  professors  also,  as  the 
whole  university  was  considered  a clerical  institution.  In  1452,  physicians 
were  exempted  from  this  rule;  and  afterward  by  the  statutes  of  the  year  1600, 
the  canonists  also ; but  for  the  artistce  it  continued  even  to  the  most  recent 
times.  The  faculty  of  the  canonists  consisted  of  six  professors.  Vacancies 
were  filled  by  a general  election  among  the  remaining,  after  having  examined 
all  the  candidates.  In  the  year  1541,  the  jurists,  three  hundred  in  number,  de- 


314 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


raanded  the  same  privilege  in  filling  professorships  as  the  constitution  granted 
to  other  universities,  and  they  petitioned  parliament,  but  without  success. 

With  reference  to  the  principal  work  of  the  university,  the  lectures,  the  sub- 
ject of  Roman  law  first  presents  itself.  It  should  be  recollected  that  in  the 
early  mediaeval  period  the  Roman  clergy  showed  a great  veneration  for  the 
Roman  law  and  were  governed  by  it,  and  knowledge  of  it  was  preserved  and 
diffused  chiefly  by  the  clergy,  but  in  the  12th  century  this  study  was  no  longer 
considered  suited  to  their  profession.  Not  that  the  Roman  law  itself  was  dis- 
approved, or  its  pagan  origin  thought  offensive  ; the  cause  lay  in  the  entirely 
new  direction  taken  in  religious  studies.  Theology  on  the  one  hand,  jurispru- 
dence on  the  other,  w'ere  enthusiastically  cultivated;  and  many  distinguished 
men  devoted  all  their  energies  to  one  or  the  other  science,  gain  in  one  being 
considered  a loss  in  the  other.  Theology  naturally  appertained  to  the  clergy, 
and  if  any  of  its  members,  from  the  universal  taste  of  the  age  or  temporary 
advantages,  devoted  themselves  entirely  to  Roman  law,  they  were  loudly  cen- 
sured. Thus  St.  Bernhard,  about  the  middle  of  the  12th  century,  complained 
that  in  the  pontifical  palace  the  law  of  Justinian  was  heard,  but  not  the  law  of 
the  Lord,  and  hence  proceeded  all  that  legislation,  now  to  be  described.  This 
explains  also  how  the  canon  law,  as  a beneficent  medium  between  the  conflict- 
ing interests,  found  a welcome  reception. 

Most  of  the  legislation  above  referred  to  the  clergy  as  a whole,  or  to  some 
branches  of  the  clerical  service.  The  council  at  Rheims,  in  1131,  prohibited 
the  friars  from  studying  Roman  law  or  medicine.  Besides  the  reasons  before 
stated,  another  was  added,  namely  that  they  were  obliged  to  leave  their  con- 
vents for  a long  period  in  order  to  pursue  these  studies.  This  prohibition  was 
repeatedly  renewed ; in  1139,  at  the  second  council  of  the  Lateran ; in  1163,  at 
Tours,  and  in  1180,  in  the  decrees  of  pope  Alexander  III.  It  was  further  ex- 
tended in  1219  by- a decree  of  Ilonorius  III,  which  we  possess  in  three  parts; 
the  part  with  which  we  are  concerned  included  all  priests  also  in  this  prohibi- 
tion. Another  part  of  the  same  decretal  assigns  the  above  grounds,  an'd  com- 
mands that  the  number  of  theological  professorships  be  increased.  However, 
the  law  in  this  form  could  not  be  strictly  enforced,  and  the  parish  priests  were 
soon  again  exempted  from  its  operation.  Yet  more  important  were  the  very 
frequent  dispensations  granted  by  the  pope  to  certain  schools,  and  by  the  decree 
of  pope  Innocent  IV,  the  scholars  of  the  Roman  law-school  might  retain  their 
foreign  benefices.  When,  later,  Bindus  de  Senis  taught  Roman  law  in  Rome 
in  1285,  Ilonorius  IV  permitted  all  the  clergy  to  hear  him,  excepting  only 
bishops,  abbots  and  friars.  A similar  dispensation,  and  as  it  seems  without  any 
reserve,  was  granted  to  the  school  of  Bologna  in  1310,  and  reenacted  in  1321 
and  1419.  So  to  the  university  of  Pisa,  in  1344.  The  dispensations  generally 
passed  beyond  the  prohibition,  since  they  not  only  permitted  the  study,  but 
allowed  the  clergy  to  draw  their  prebendary  income  while  absent. 

This  law  of  Paris  was  based  on  similar  considerations.  The  third  article  of 
the  decree  of  pope  Ilonorius  III,  in  1220,  prohibited,  for  Paris  and  its  vicinity, 
all  lectures  on  Roman  law,  because  it  was  never  employed  in  the  courts.  The 
general  character  of  this  law  shows  that  it  was  not  limited  to  the  clergy.  Its 
cause  is  not  doubtful.  The  university  of  Paris  was  mainly  a theological  school, 
and  tliereforo  it  was  logical  to  apply  the  same  prohibition  which  had  already, 
in  another  part  of  the  document,  been  given  to  consecrated  priests,  and  to  those 


UiNlVEUSITIIJS  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


315 


scholars  who  were  destined  for  the  ministry.  Tt  is  possible  that  two  parties 
may  have  contributed  to  this  result,  who  at  any  rate  were  much  interested  in 
its  success,  viz.,  the  Parisian  theologians  and  artistoe,  to  whom  the  students  of 
Roman  law  could  do  a great  deal  of  injury,  and  secondly,  the  other  law-schools, 
especially  that  of  Bologna,  the  influence  of  which  in  Rome  was  very  consider- 
able. In  favor  of  this  view  is  the  circumstance  that  the  execution  of  this  law 
was  carefully  watched  by  both  sides.  Thus  in  the  16th  century  the  Paris 
canonists  desired  to  teach  Roman  law  also,  when  the  other  faculties  prevented 
it  by  resolutions,  or  through  parliament.  In  1572  the  Paris  canonists  were 
tried  before  parliament,  at  the  instance  of  several  French  law-schools,  because 
they  taught  and  gave  degrees  in  Roman  law,  and  parliament  decided  against 
the  canonists.  Neither  can  this  law  be  considered  an  arrogant  action  on  the 
part  of  the  pope,  for  the  Paris  school  was  known  as  the  chief  controler  of  all 
instruction  in  theology,  was  therefore  considered  a clerical  institution,  and  had 
been  placed  under  the  special  care  of  the  pope  ; and  if  the  latter  could,  through 
his  legate,  in  the  13th  and  15th  centuries,  proclaim  new  statutes  for  the  uni- 
versity without  contradiction  from  the  king,  and  with  the  express  sanction  of 
the  university,  no  doubt  could  be  raised  against  the  legality  of  that  provision. 
Not  long  after  enacting  this  prohibition.  Innocent  IV  sought  to  extend  it  over 
France,  England,  Scotland,  Spain,  and  Hungary,  with  the  approbation  of  their 
princes.  The  reasons  for  this  new  prohibition  are  not  known  ; for  in  some  of 
those  countries  it  was  unnecessary,  and  others,  especially  France  and  Spain, 
seem  not  to  have  been  affected  by  it. 

The  real  fate  of  the  Roman  law  in  the  Paris  university  is  not  yet  fully 
known.  Theology  and  philosophy  had  always  been  the  main  studies,  but  in 
the  12th  century  the  Roman  law  also  was  zealously  cultivated.  Giraldus  Cam- 
brensis,  who  studied  in  Paris  about  1180,  after  which  he  became  teacher,  heard 
lectures  on  Roman  law.  Still  more  distinctly  are  lectures  on  the  Pandects  men- 
tioned by  another  Englishman,  Daniel  Merlacus.  A historian  about  the  j^ear 
1200  gives  a glowing  picture  of  the  condition  of  the  school,  in  the  description 
of  which  ho  expressly  speaks  of  the  Roman  law.  So  that  the  prohibition  of 
Honorius  III  was  very  important,  because  it  not  only  prevented  the  future 
formation  of  a school  of  Roman  law,  but  suppressed  the  existing  one,  and  con- 
tinued in  force  through  several  centuries ; for  though  the  canonists  often  en- 
deavored to  draw  the  Roman  law  into  their  sphere  of  studies,  and  though  it 
was  actually  taught  in  some  few  cases,  this  instruction  was  not  based  upon  a 
complete  law-school,  and  no  learned  degrees  could  be  conferred.  In  the  year 
*1433  the  university  vainly  opposed  the  establishment  of  the  university  of  Caen, 
and  offered  to  adopt  the  Roman  law;  which  proves  that  the  said  prohibition 
was  still  observed.  The  vain  attempts  to  introduce  the  Roman  law  in  the  16th 
century  have  been  referred  to  before.  As,  however,  civil  disturbances  rendered 
traveling  to  other  universities  dangerous,  parliament  in  1568  permitted  Roman 
law  to  be  temporarily  taught  in  Paris.  In  the  year  1576  it  gave  this  liberty  to 
Cujacius,  through  personal  esteem,  and  allowed  him  also  to  confer  the  degree 
of  doctor  of  Roman  law.  Three  years  afterwards,  the  diet  of  Blois  renewed  the 
prohibition.  Also  in  the  statutes  of  1600  it  is  clearly  premised  that  the  recog- 
nized subjects  of  study  included  no  other  law  than  canon  law.  Finally  the  old 
law  was  abolished  by  an  edict  in  1679,  and  the  university  obtained  equal  rights 
with  any  other  in  this  respect. 

What  Ms  incomprehensible  in  this  exclusion  of  Roman  law  is  that  there  con- 


316 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  JMIDDLE  AGES. 


stantly  existed  a faculty  of  canonists,  although  canon  law  can  never  be  under- 
stood without  the  Roman  law.  But  the  statute  of  the  canonists  of  1370 
expressly  orders  that  one  shall  have  the  power  to  obtain  the  degree  and  to  lec- 
ture, without  having  studied  Roman  law;  but  this  can  only  mean  that  it  should 
not  be  necessary  to  go  through  a complete  course  at  another  university.  In- 
troductory lectures  on  Roman  law  were  certainly  delivered  at  Paris,  and  the 
law  could  have  no  reference  to  them,  but  only  to  extended  courses  upon  the 
law-books  themselves,  that  is,  the  connected  course  necessary  for  a degre'e. 

Public  lecture-rooms  were  very  numerous  and  of  different  kinds ; they  be- 
longed in  part  to  the  various  faculties  and  were  destined  for  the  common  use 
of  members  and  in  part  for  single  collegia. 

Fees  are  not  mentioned,  except  in  modern  statutes  of  the  artistce;  and  were 
to  be  given  voluntarily,  consequently  not  by  the  poor,  and  should  not  exceed 
six  gold  dollars  to  each  teacher  annually. 

NOTE. 

Prof  de  Yiriville  in  his  History  of  Public  Instruction  in  Europe  gives  the  fol- 
lowing list  of  the  ancient  French  Universities  with  their  dates  and  founders : 

CHRONOLOGICAL  LIST  OF  THE  ANCIENT  FRENCH  UNIVERSITIES. 

1100  to  1200 — Paris — First  legislator  known,  Philip  Aug.,  King  of  France. 

1180  (about) — Montpellier — First  founder,  William,  Lord  of  Montpellier,  con- 
firmed by  Pope  Nicholas  IV.  in  1289. 

1292 — Gray — The  Emperor  Otho  transferred  to  Dole  in  1423.  (See  Dole.) 

1223 — Toulouse — Pope  Gregory  IX. 

1246  to  1270 — Angers — St.  Louis,  at  the  instigation  of  Chas.  I.,  Count  of  Tou- 
louse. 

1303 — Avignon — Boniface  VII.,  Pope.  Chas.  II.  of  Sicily. 

1305 — Orleans — Clement  V.,  Pope.  Philip  the  Fair,  of  France. 

1332 — Caliors — Jean  XXII.,  Pope. 

1339 — Grenoble — Humbert  II.,  dauphin,  transferred  to  Valencia  by  Louis  XL 
when  dauphin  in  1452. 

1364 —  Anjou — Louis  TI.,  Duke  d’ Anjou. 

1365 —  Orange — Raymond  V.,  Prince  of  Orange. 

1409 — Aix  (Provence) — Alexander  V.,  Pope. 

1423 — Dole  (Franche- Comte) — Philip-the-Good,  Duke  of  Bourgoyne,  joined  to 
Besan^on,  by  Louis  XIV.  in  1691. 

1431 — Poitiers — Pope  Eugene  IV.,  Charles  VII.  of  France. 

1436 — Caen — Henry  IV.  of  England,  confirmed  in  1450  by  Charles  VII. 

1452 — Valence  (Dauphiny) — See  1339  Grenoble. 

1460 — Nantes — Pius  II.,  Pope,  Frangois  II.,  Duke  of  Bretagne. 

1464 — Besangon — Philip-the-Good,  Duke  of  Bourgoyne.  See  1423  Dole. 

1469 — Bourges — Louis  XL  of  France. 

1472 — Bordeaux — Louis  XI.  of  France. 

1548 — lilieims — Henry  11.  of  France. 

1572 — Douay — Philip  11.  King  of  Spain. 

1572 — Pont-a-Mousson — Charles  IL,  Duke  of  Lorraine. 

1722 — Pau-en-Bearn — Louis  XV.  of  France. 

176 9 — Nancy — “ “ 

To  this  list  of  the  principal  universities  must  be  added  the  following,  of  a 
secondary  rank : 

Nimes — College,  or  University  of  Art,  founded  in  1539  by  Francis  1. 

Rennes — University,  or  Society  of  Law,  formed  from  a division  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Nantes,  transferred  to  Rennes  in  1734. 

Faumur — Academy  or  Protestant  University  existing  in  1664. 

Slrasburg — 1 Protestant  University^  founded  in  1538,  enlarged  in  1566,  and 
endowed  with  four  faculties  in  1621.  2 Catholic  University,  established  at 

Moisheim  in  1618.  and  transferred  to  Strasburg  in  1701. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


.317 


II,  MONTPELLIER, 

According  to  the  common  tradition,  pope  Nicolas  IV  founded  the  university 
of  Montpellier  in  1289,  and  placed  it  under  the  supervision  of  the  bishop  of 
the  diocese.  This,  however,  can  not  be  regarded  as  the  origin  either  of  the 
school  or  of  its  constitution  as  a university,  nor  of  the  riglit  of  the  bishop.  The 
oldest  documentary  evidence  refers  to  the  school  of  medicine.  To  the  scholars 
of  this  faculty,  William,  Lord  of  Montpellier,  promised  in  the  year  1180  that  he 
would  grant  to  no  one  the  exclusive  right  of  teaching,  but  would  allow  liberty 
of  instruction  to  all.  New  statutes  were  given  to  this  faculty  of  medicine  by  a 
papal  legate  in  1220,  which  still  exist.  The  qualification  for  teaching  is  made 
dependent  on  the  examination  and  the  approbation  of  the  bishop  of  Maguelonne, 
who  was  to  gather  teachers  about  him. 

King  Louis  IX,  of  France,  gave  to  the  bishop  of  Maguelonne,  in  1230,  the 
privilege  of  administering  the  oath  to  all  licentiates  and  doctors  of  canon  or 
Roman  law,  when  they  received  their  degree.  Nothing  is  said  of  a superin- 
tendence over  the  promotion,  but  it  shows  clearly  that  a faculty  of  jurisprudence 
existed,  and  that  degrees  were  conferred  by  it.  In  the  year  12G8,  James  I,  of 
Arragonia,  under  whose  rule  Montpellier  was  at  that  time,  appointed  a pro- 
fessor of  law.  The  bishop  excommunicated  this  teacher  and  all  who  sliould 
hear  him,  because  he  alone  could  give  license  to  teach,  and  defended  his  course, 
not  upon  preceding  exercise  of  that  right,  but  on  the  ground  of  his  relation  to 
other  faculties,  declaring  that  it  was  only  accidental  that  this  right  had  not  been 
extended  over  the  faculty  of  jurisprudence.  Pope  Clement  lY  wrote  to  the 
king  in  support  of  the  bishop. 

In  1242  the  artistx  received  statutes  from  the  bishop,  but  this  was  with  the 
consent  of  the  university,  the  doctors  as  well  as  the  scholars.  These  statutes 
recognize  the  right  of  the  bishop  to  license  teaching,  and  also  incidentally  men- 
tion the  rector.  These  events  were  followed  in  1289  by  the  bull  of  Nicolas  lY, 
which  declared  that,  as  the  city  of  Montpellier  was  distinguished  and  wortliy 
of  a school,  it  should  in  future  have  a university  of  canon  and  Roman  law,  of 
medicine  and  the  liberal  arts  (all  the  faculties,  theology  excepted.)  Promotions 
in  every  faculty  were  to  be  made  by  the  bishop,  after  an  examination,  and  the 
bishop  should  accept  the  aid  and  advice  of  the  professors.  A mere  glance  at 
this  instrument  would  give  the  impression  that  the  pope  founded,  in  reality,  a 
new  school  here,  or  at  least  gave  to  the  bishop  new  rights  over  the  same.  But 
both  are  completely  contradicted  by  the  commencement  of  the  bull,  in  which 
an  already  existing  school,  a university,  is  expressly  implied.  In  fact,  then,  it 
could  only  have  been  the  purpose  of  the  pope  to  bring  forward  hero  the  new 
views  by  which  all  universities  were  to  be  confirmed  to  the  papacy,  and  to  con- 
firm himself  in  the  possession  of  these  rights.  The  only  practical  part  of  the 
bull  is  that  it  extended  the  authority  of  the  bishop  over  the  faculty  of  jurispru- 
dence also,  where  it  had  been  disputed;  but  in  1339  vexatious  disputes  broke 
out  between  the  bishop  and  the  rector  of  the  law  university.  Cardinal  Ber- 
trand, archbishop  of  Embrun,  (died  1355,)  was  instructed  by  the  pope  to  act  as 
mediator,  and  with  six  delegates  of  the  university  he  drew  up  new  statutes, 
which  were  proclaimed,  July  20th,  1339,  and  have  ever  since  remained  the 
foundation  of  the  constitution. 

There  was  a school  of  theology  here,  at  least  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the 


318 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AOES. 


14tli  century,  for  in  the  year  1350  king  John  permitted  the  raagisters,  bachelors 
and  scholars  of  the  theological  faculty  in  the  university  of  Montpellier,  to  be 
preceded  in  procession  by  beadles  with  silver  sceptres.  Pope  INlartin  V recog- 
nized this  institution,  whicli  needed  such  a recognition  most  of  all,  as  late  as 
1421,  by  uniting  it  to  the  university  of  the  jurists.  At  the  same  time,  statutes 
for  the  faculty  of  theology  were  enacted  in  the  form  of  a contract  between  the 
university  of  jurists  and  the  teachers  of  theology,  in  which  the  relations  be- 
tween the  former  and  the  new  faculty  were  determined.  The  school  of  theology 
belonged  to  the  four  mendicant  orders,  and  was  named  after  them. 

In  this  manner  the  organization  of  the  school  was  established  and  was  as 
follows : There  were  two  universities,  that  of  medicine,  which  formed  a unit 
by  itself,  and  that  of  law,  which  may  be  called  the  general  university,  as  the 
artisfce.  and  tlieologians  formed  no  special  university,  but  were  included 
with  tlie  law-school.  As  this  differs  from  the  perfect  constitution  of  Italian 
universities,  and  agrees  with  their  oldest  condition,  it  will  need  further  proof. 
Only  one  rector,  as  the  head  of  the  entire  university  of  Montpellier,  is  men- 
tioned, who  was  the  rector  of  the  jurists,  and  was  alternately  designated  by 
one  or  the  other  name.  But  quite  decisive  evidence  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  the 
pope  combined  the  faculty  of  theology,  teachers,  and  scholftrs,  with  the  law 
university,  and  subordinated  th.em  to  its  rector.  Now  this  university  had  in 
general  a constitution  similar  to  the  Italian,  the  scholars  alone  having  the  full 
right  of  citizenship.  Considering  these  two  circumstances,  the  preponderance 
of  the  jurists  and  that  of  the  scholars,  in  which  respect  the  constitution  was 
quite  unlike  that  of  the  Paris  university,  it  becomes  evident  that  the  university 
of  Montpellier  was  organized  after  the  models  of  Italy,  and  this  must  have  been 
at  a time  when,  in  Bologna  and  Padua,  the  artistce  did  not  constitute  a separate 
university.  It  may  be  said  of  all  ancient  French  universities,  strange  as  it  may 
seem,  that  they  were  not  modeled  after  that  at  Paris,  and  with  few  exceptions, 
all  had  the  title  of  universites  de  loix,''  i.  e.  of  law.  The  popes  liberated  the 
university  of  Montpellier  at  an  early  day  from  the  legal  restrictions  in  regard  to 
the  clergy,  so  that  all  ecclesiastics,  even  monks,  could  there  study  medicine  and 
law. 

The  scholars  of  law  thus  formed  the  university  proper,  as  the  artistce,  and 
tlieologians  had  been  adopted  into  the  corporation  only,  and  the  doctors  of  all 
branches,  as  in  Italy,  possessed  only  limited  privileges,  though  they  shared  the 
duties  of  the  scholars.  The  latter  divided  themselves  into  three  nations : Pro- 
ven gales,  Burgundians,  and  Catalonians. 

The  rector,  as  the  head  of  the  university,  was  elected  for  one  year,  alternately 
from  one  of  these  nations,  and  confirmed  and  sworn  in  by  the  bishop.  He  M^as 
required  to  be  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  to  belong  to  the  clergy.  Doctors 
were  not  qualified  for  this  office.  The  rector  preceded  in  rank  all  officers  of 
the  university  and  all  doctors,  and  in  the  16th  century  he  was  so  honored  that 
when  he  appeared  in  the  street  the  scholars  followed  as  retinue.  The  rector’s 
council  consisted  of  twelve  members ; one  of  them  was  the  canon  of  the  ca- 
thedral of  Maguelonne ; one  an  inhabitant  of  Montpellier ; the  ten  others  were 
taken  from  the  provinces  of  the  nations.  Every  councilor  must  be  twenty-five 
years  of  age  and  belong  to  the  clergy.  The  election  of  a rector  was  made  by 
the  councilors,  not  by  the  scholars,  in  which  the  constitution  appears  more  aris- 
tocratic than  that  of  Bologna.  A relative  majority  was  required  and  the  retiring 
rector  had  the  deciding  vote  in  case  of  a tie.(‘'^^) 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


319 


As  sub-officers  the  statutes  name  a generalis  hidellus  (beadle)  and  as  many- 
ordinary  beadles  as  there  were  ordinary  doctors.  Moreover,  pope  Martin  V,  in 
1421,  gave  to  the  university  three  conservatores,  the  archbishop  of  Narbonne, 
the  abbot  of  Aniane,  and  the  provost  of  Maguelonne,  with  authority  to  appoint 
their  alternates.  Soon  afterwards,  pope  Nicolas  V connected  this  privilege 
with  the  university  by  giving  the  latter  power  to  nominate  the  representatives 
of  the  conservators.  Entirely  different  from  this  was  the  constitution  of  the 
university  of  medicine.  One  of  the  professors,  with  the  title  of  medical  chan- 
'cellor,  who  filled  the  position  during  life,  presided  over  it,  and  was  elected  by 
the  bishop  and  three  professors.  Moreover,  they  had  two  conservators,  the 
bishop  and  the  governor  of  the  city. 

The  jurisdiction  was  arranged  as  follows : The  bishop  exercised  criminal 
jurisdiction  in  the  law  university.  King  John  had,  in  1350,  given  the  civil 
jurisdiction  to  a royal  officer  {judex  ^jarvi  sigilli;)  but  pope  Martin  V turned  it 
over  to  the  above-named  conservators,  i.  e.  their  representative,  and  this  order 
is  recognized  in  a roj'al  privilege  of  1437.  In  the  university  of  medicine,  the 
bishop  likewise  had  criminal  jurisdiction  ; in  civil  cases  its  chancellor  acted  as 
judge,  with  appeal  to  the  bishop.  As  in  Paris,  all  had  the  privilege  of  trial  in 
Montpellier,  as  defendants  under  all  circumstances,  as  plaintiffs  only  when  their 
opponent  lived  within  six  days’  journey  of  this  city. 

The  degree,  in  all  fiiculties,  depended  on  the  approval  of  the  bishop,  who  for 
this  reason  was  named  chancellor  {cancellariusj)  and  must  not  be  confused  with 
the  cancellarius  of  the  medical  school.  The  jurists  held  the  examination  before 
the  solemn  ceremony  in  the  church.  As  a rule  one  could  become  bachelor  after 
six  years  of  study,  and  bachelors  could  apply  for  the  degree  of  doctor  after  five 
years’  additional  study.  The  form  of  promotion  was  similar  to  that  of  Eologna, 
consisting  in  a private  examination,  to  which  all  the  doctors  were  invited,  and 
the  public  examination  in  the  church.  In  connection  with  the  latter,  the  desk, 
book,  cap,  kiss  and  blessing  are  mentioned  as  insignia ; at  the  same  time  the  first 
solemn  address  upon  some  law  was  delivered  by  the  new  doctor,  in  the  church 
{solenne  principium.)  The  bull  of  1289  had  decreed  that  no  money  should  be 
paid  for  degrees,  and  the  statutes  repeat  this  injunction,  also  prohibiting  the 
customary  doctors’  dinner,  and  according  to  the  well-known  papal  order,  fixing 
a maximum  of  expenses  for  pomp.  Every  faculty  of  promotion  had  a chairman, 
called  among  the  jurists,  dean  (decanus)  among  the  others.  But  the  jurists 
formed  only  one  faculty,  in  which  students  of  canon  and  civil  law  were  united. 
Of  salaries,  those  of  the  medical  faculty  only  are  mentioned.  In  1490,  two 
royal  professorships  were  established,  each  with  250  livres,  -which,  in  1564,  was 
increased  to  550  livres. 

The  statutes  contain  exact  regulations  pertaining  to  the  lectures,  which  show 
a zealous  supervision  of  instruction.  Every  one  was  entitled  to  lecture  who 
had  received  the  degree  of  doctor  in  Montpellier  or  at  any  other  studium  gen- 
erale;  also  bachelors,  and  even  scholars  about  the  time  of  receiving  the  degree 
of  bachelor.  Four  hours  daily  w'ere  fixed  for  the  lectures:  ;^rima  maiutina, 
ieriice,  nonce,  and  vesper  arum,  7 and  10  A.  M. ; 3 and  5 P.  M.  The  lectures  on 
Roman  law  were  thus  distributed : the  first  was  hora  doctoralis,  in  which  only 
the  doctores  ordinarie  legentes  could  read.  From  year  to  year  alternately  they 
explained  in  this  hour  the  Codex  and  the  Digestum  veins.  As,  however,  one 
year  was  no  longer  sufficient  for  an  understanding  of  these  books,  the  following- 
plan  was  adopted.  The  regular  teacher  brought  forward  only  fourteen  books 


320 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


of  the  Digestum  vetus,  Books  1 to  8,  12,  13,  19  to  22,  with  the  exception  of  two 
titles  of  the  1st  and  one  of  the  21st,  and  the  remainder  by  one  or  more  spe- 
cially elected  doctors  or  bachelors  during  the  hora  vesperarum.  The  same  order 
was  followed  in  regard  to  the  Codex.  In  the  morning  a part  of  the  1st  and  7th 
books,  and  books  2,  3,  4,  G entire,  the  rest  in  the  evening.  During  the  two 
hours  between,  the  bachelors  always  read  that  ordinary  book,  which  was  not 
read  by  tlie  ordinary  teachers  in  that  year,  i.  e.  the  Digestum  vetus  or  the  Codex. 
Moreover,  the  Institutes^  and  finally  the  Infortiatum  and  Digestum  Novum  occu- 
pied these  hours.  Owing  to  the  great  mass  of  material,  the  same  difficulty 
occurred  here,  and  each  of  these  books  was  divided  between  two  teachers.  One 
half  was  called  the  Ordinarium  digesti  novi,  although  the  whole  was  a Liher 
Extraordinarius,  tlie  other  the  Extraordinarium  of  the  same ; the  first  comprising 
books  1,  3,  4,  G,  7,  8,  12,  the  second  the  rest.  So,  too,  the  Infortiatum  had  its 
Ordinarium^  to  which  belonged  the  title  solutio  matrimonio^  and  books  4 to  9 
and  11 ; the  rest  was  Extraordinarium.  The  evening  hour  was  given  to  com- 
pleting the  ordinary  lectures,  also  to  the  tres  libri,  the  autJienticum,  and  feudal 
law.  No  other  lectures  could  be  given  at  these  hours.  The  beginning  and  end 
of  the  lectures  were  distinctly  fixed  in  the  statutes,  though  differing  according 
to  the  various  books  used.  Those  over  the  Digestu7n  vetus  lasted  from  Oct.  19 
to  Sept.  29;  over  the  Codex,  from  Oct.  19  to  Aug.  31.  Ordinary  teachers,  and 
those  who  completed  the  ordinary  lectures  in  the  evening  hour,  were  required 
to  read  for  fourteen  da3^s  secundum  puncta,  assigned  to  them  by  tlie  rector  and 
counselors.  No  doctor  was  permitted  to  communicate  in  writing  the  contents 
of  his  lecture,  except  in  those  cases  where  controversies  could  not  be  fully 
treated  in  the  remarks.  Lectures  were  held  every  da}",  excepting  on  specified 
holidays,  so  Thursdays  were  not  holidays.  The  doctors  were  also  required  to 
hold  repetitions ; bachelors  were  not  allowed  to ; foreign  doctors,  while  travel- 
ing through,  could  hold  repetitions,  and  the  natives  were  compelled  to  give 
them  a chance.  All  doctors  being  entitled  to  lecture,  an  unlimited  competition 
was  opened. 

As  to  fees,  they  were  expressly  recognized  in  the  statutes  (1220-1242)  re- 
specting the  artistce  and  students  of  medicine.  The  statutes  of  the  jurists  pre- 
scribed two  collections  for  every  ordinary  lecture,  one  for  the  teacher  and 
another  for  the  hall,  the  first  amounting  to  1 0 sous,  the  latter  to  5 sous,  or 
whatever  more  might  be  voluntarily  given.  Nothing  was  paid  for  other  lec- 
tures, except  by  special  agreement,  and  then  only  8 sous.  The  extraordinary 
evening  lectures  were  free  of  charge,  unless  by  special  agreement.  Every 
doctor  had  a beadle  who  superintended  the  hall  and  the  books,  and  received  12 
deniers  from  each  hearer. 

In  regard  to  the  loaning  of  manuscripts,  the  following  was  prescribed : The 
general  beadle  was  obliged  to  keep  on  hand  all  the  text  and  glossaries  on 
canon  and  Roman  law,  the  Lectura  Hostiensis,  the  Commentary  of  Innocentius, 
Johann  Andrea  on  “ Sextus  and  the  Clementines.”  Also  whoever  chose,  espe- 
cially the  sub-beadles,  were  allowed  to  loan  books,  but  if  the  latter  contained 
falsifications  or  errors,  they  could  be  confiscated  for  the  benefit  of  the  univer- 
sity to  be  amended,  and  if  they  could  not  be  amended  they  were  burnt.  The 
hire  for  books,  if  they  were  to  be  copied  outside  of  Montpellier,  amounted  to 
two  deniers,  double  the  price  in  the  city.  If  a manuscript  already  in  existence 
was  to  be  corrected  from  them,  the  rent  was  less. 

In  the  statutes  of  the  theological  faculty,  equal  privileges  of  rank  were  pre- 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


321 


scribed  between  the  prior  of  the  jurists  and  the  dean  of  the  theologians; 
between  the  doctors  of  law  and  the  magisters  of  theology.  The  prior  preceded 
ill  all  solemnities  of  the  jurists,  and  the  dean  in  those  of  the  theologians.  In  the 
third  place  the  precedence  was  alternated  from  year  to  year.  It  was  expressly 
decided  that  the  theologians  could  pronounce  from  memory  or  read  from  manu- 
script. None  of  the  mendicant  friars,  consequently  no  teacher  of  theolgy,  could 
become  counselor  of  the  university. 

In  the  faculty  of  medicine  the  remarkable  arrangement  existed  that  four 
bachelors  should  be  annually  elected  to  assist  the  scholars  in  their  studies  and 
to  recommend  the  best  text-books  to  the  professors.  Many  other  interesting 
glimpses  at  the  customs  of  the  14th  century  can  be  found  in  the  statutes,  e.  g. 
in  the  provisions  concerning  dress,  play,  arms,  the  prohibition  against  breaking 
into  houses  during  carnival,  to  steal  meat ; and  that  against  disturbing  the  lec- 
tures. Scholars  belonging  to  the  nobility,  according  to  ancient  custom,  were 
equal  in  rank  to  the  doctors,  and  preceded  the  licentiates.  A regulation  of  the 
year  1424  described  the  style  of  living  necessary  for  one  who  would  be  consid- 
ered a nobleman. 

The  following  is  the  original  statute  concerning  the  election  of  the  rector  and 
counsellors  at  the  University  of  Montpellier : 

The  rector  is  always  to  be  a clergyman,  born  in  wedlock ; he  as  well  as  the 
counsellors  is  to  be  a prudent  and  peaceful  man,  of  mature  age,  of  tried  probity 
rather  than  of  noble  birth.  About  the  middle  of  the  month  of  January  the 
rector  calls  together  all  the  counsellors,  and  when  they  are  assembled  he  in- 
forms them  that  the  object  of  their  meeting  is  to  elect  a new  rector  and  new 
counsellors.  After  imposing  an  oath  that  they  will  vote  for  such  rector  and 
such  counsellors,  as  they  believe  will  be  an  honor  and  benefit  to  the  University, 
and  that  till  the  rector  and  the  new  counsellors  are  publicly  announced,  they 
will  not  reveal  their  vote  to  any  one;  the  rector  takes  the  balot,  first  of  those, 
from  whose  nation  tlie  rector  and  counsellors  are  to  be  elected  this  year,  and 
then  of  the  others;  if  there  are  two  candidates  for  the  rector’s  place,  with  an 
equal  number  of  votes,  the  rector  is  authorized  to  choose  the  one  whom  he  con- 
siders the  most  eligible,  and  if  there  are  three  or  more,  with  an  equal  number  of 
votes,  the  rector  may  elect  whom  he  thinks  best ; if  he  cannot  arrive  at  any 
decision  on  that  day,  then  the  second  or  third  day.  When  the  rector  and  the 
counsellors  have  been  elected,  their  names  are  inscribed  in  a book  kept  for  that 
purpose. 

In  other  particulars  the  statutes  and  practices  of  this  school  are  the  same  as 
those  of  Paris. 


(IH.)  Riilaiis  throHjrhout  considers  Charlemagne  ns  the  founder  of  the  Paris  university,  and 
starts  in  its  dates  from  him;  but  this  opinion  is  without  proof.  For  however  much  Charles  was 
interested  ia  the  cause  of  schools,  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  had  any  connection  with  this 
university. 

(19.)  His  reasons  appear  tube:  1,  an  accidental  remark  in  a manuscript  of  unknown  time  or 
origin,  that  students  also  had  been  convocated  ; 2,  the  very  general  formula  Univer.<itas  magis- 
trorum  et  scholnrium.  These  prove  nothing,  because  the  students  belonged,  of  course,  to  the 
university,  whether  tliey  had  any  voice  in  its  government  or  not.  This  explanation  is  confirmed 
by  a document  beginning  with,  Rector  et  Uinvcrsita.c,  mao-istror:.m  ct  scholarhim,  and  closing 
with  Dat  m Parisiis  in  nostra  congregatione  generali  jilagistrornm  tavi  rege.vtium  quam  non 
regenti  m.  Moreover  we  sometimes  have  the  formtila  rnnnins  Univer^itns  Mngistrorum. 

(20.)  This  filling  the  professorships  by  election,  was  in  the  latest  times  introduced  again  in  the 
French  universities. 

(21)  P.  Hebutfi  complains  of  the  indiscretion  of  many  rectors,  who  on  trifling  pretexts  went 
into  the  streets,  and  so  disturbed  the  lectures.  He  himself  had  lost  much  time  in  following  these 
processions.  Finally  tliis  obligation  was  expressed  iu  the  outli  of  the  students. 

21 


322 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


III.  ORLEANS. 

A school,  in  all  probability  a law-school,  existed  at  Orleans  at  a very  early 
day.  The  first  distinct  indication  of  this  is  found  in  tlio  account  of  a violent 
fight  between  citizens  and  scholars  in  the  year  1236,  in  which  several  foreign 
students,  of  noble  families,  were  killed.  A pontifical  priviltgium  was  granted 
by  Clement  Y,  in  1305,  which  states  that  the  reputation  of  this  school  had  been 
for  a long  time  great  in  both  branches  of  the  law,  especially  in  Eoman  law, 
and  the  pope  was  indebted  to  it  for  his  education  ; he  therefore  recognized  it 
publicly,  giving  to  it  the  privilege  of  promotion  and  the  privih-gia  of  Toulouse 
(the  same  as  of  Paris.)  The  king  confirmed  this  foundation  in  1312,  with  a 
remarkable  condition.  It  is  strange  that  this  school  of  Homan  law  originated 
so  early  in  Orleans,  in  a portion  of  France  in  which  the  Homan  law  had  no  au- 
thority, and  for  this  reason  the  king  expressly  declared  that  this  confirmation 
of  the  law-school  should  make  no  change  in  the  system  of  law  there  used. 
Thus  only  a law-school  was  established,  which  it  has  remained  ever  since.  The 
addition  of  a faculty  of  theology  and  philosophy  was  impossible  on  account  of 
the  jealousy  of  the  neighboring  university  of  Paris. 

The  scholars  were  divided  into  ten  nations,  which,  in  1538,  were  reduced  to 
four,  and  at  the  head  of  each  nation  was  a procurator.  The  assemblies  of  the 
university  consisted  of  the  professors  and  procurators  of  the  nations.  The 
German  nation  had  special  privileges,  its  members,  without  distinction,  enjoying 
the  privileges  of  nobility.  They  possessed  a considerable  hbraiy,  and  their 
affairs  were  conducted  by  twelve  senators,  half  of  whom  were  required  to  be 
Germans  proper,  the  other  half  Netherlanders ; also  one-half  Catholics,  and  the 
other  Protestants.  Among  others,  this  nation  had,  as  late  as  the  1 8th  century, 
the  singular  right  of  free  entrance  to  the  theatre  and  to  the  first  seats  in  the 
same. 

A rector  presided  over  the  university,  who  at  first  was  elected  bj^  the  pro- 
fessors and  procurators;  afterwards  b}'  the  professors  and  the  procurator  of  the 
Germans.  It  is  nowhere  recorded  whether  scholars  could  obtain  the  office  of 
rector,  but  in  1307  and  1320,  doctors  appear  as  rectors. 

Two  royal  officers,  as  conservators  of  the  university,  the  bailiff  and  provost, 
administered  the  civil  jurisdiction.  The  members  of  the  Germ.an  nation,  by 
special  privilege,  were  subject  to  the  bailiff  Criminal  jurisdiction  was  first 
vested  in  the  bishops,  but  after  1520  in  the  royal  officers  also.  The  jurisdiction 
of  the  rector  related  without  contradiction  only  to  matters  of  the  school  or  of 
discipline. 

Professors  were  appointed  by  election,  after  a competitive  examination  of 
candidates,  in  which  the  ro}^!  and  city  officers  had  an  advisoiy  voice.  In  1512 
there  were  among  the  ordinary  professors  five  of  civil  and  three  of  canon  law; 
afterwards  this  number  was  reduced  to  five.  Until  the  year  1583  they  received 
no  salary  ; afterwards  GOO  and  800  ecus  annually. 

The  promotions  were  under  the  supervision  of  the  dean  of  the  cathedral, 
whom  pope  Clement  Y had  first  appointed  chancellor  of  the  university.  There 
are  no  more  detailed  accounts  of  the  earlier  period.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
17th  century  it  was  in  great  favor,  on  account  of  its  cheapness,  and  many  Ger- 
mans obtained  their  degrees  there. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


323 


IV.  TOULOUSE,  VALENCE,  AND  OTHER  UNIVERSITIES  IN  FRANCE. 

There  are  but  few  of  the  other  French  universities  whose  history  and  consti- 
tutiou  are  at  all  known. 

Toulouse. 

The  university  at  Toulouse  was  founded  by  pontifical  decree  in  1233,  for  the 
purpose  of  suppressing  the  Albigenses.  Count  Rairnund  IV,  of  Toulouse,  had 
protected  them,  but  in  his  submission  was  obliged  to  give  the  sum  of  4,000  sil- 
ver marks,  to  be  expended  to  found  a new  university,  for  the  support  of  four 
teachers  of  theology,  two  of  law,  six  artistoe,  and  two  teachers  of  grammar. 
For  a theologian,  50  marks  yearly  were  assigned;  fora  decretist,  30;  for  one 
of  tlie  artistce,  20;  for  a grammarian,  10.  This  bull  therefore  established  a 
university  for  all  the  sciences,  (none  being  specially  named  or  excepted,)  and  it 
gave  to  the  new  institution  all  the  privileges  of  Paris,  especially  the  clerical 
jurisdiction  in  all  cases  where  its  members  appeared  as  complainant  or  de- 
fendant. According  to  a pontifical  decree  of  the  year  1245,  the  chancelor  of 
the  cathedral  was  at  the  same  time  chancelor  of  the  university.  He  was 
charged  with  a minute  personal  examination  of  the  theological  and  law  stu- 
dents, but  over  other  degrees  he  had  only  that  general  supervision  possessed  at 
other  universities.  One  might  easilj^  believe  that  the  Roman  law  was  purposely 
excluded,  but  this  was  not  the  case,  there  being  no  provision  for  that  depart- 
ment simply  because  it  was  foreign  to  the  direct  aim  of  the  foundation,  though 
not  at  variance  with  it.  Hence  the  original  act  of  foundation  included  all  sci- 
ences without  exception,  and  the  edict  of  1245  clearly  proves  this.  Su^h  a 
university  has  always  existed  at  Toulouse,  and  there  is  no  trace  of  any  later 
organization  of  it. 

Valence. 

The  time  and  manner  of  the  origin  of  the  faculty  of  Valence  is  unknown. 
However,  it  had  a free  constitution  of  the  scholars,  which  maintained  itself  up 
to  very  recent  times.  For  Cujacius  delivered  two  addresses  in  1572  and  1573, 
on  the  installation  of  new  rectors,  and  both  rectors  must  have  been  students, 
for  at  the  second  installation  it  was  stated  that  in  the  election  the  former  cus- 
tomary consultation  with  the  professors  had  been  omitted,  from  which  one 
may  infer  that  great  liberty  was  possessed  by  the  students. 

Bourges. 

The  Bourges  university  was  founded  in  1464.  It  had  five  faculties  and  the 
dean  of  the  cathedral  acted  as  chancelor  of  the  university.  The  bailiff’s  lieu- 
tenant, as  royal  conservator,  lield  jurisdiction.  The  rectorate  changed  every 
three  months,  and  probably  there  was  also  a free  constitution  of  the  students. 

Lyons. 

Distinct  traces  show  that  law-schools  existed  in  the  13th  century  which 
afterwards  disappeared  altogether.  Thus  in  1290  a dispute  arose  between  the 
archbishop  and  chapter  of  Lyons,  as  to  who  was  authorized  to  license  canonists 
and  civilists,  which  presupposes  the  existence  of  a law-school.  Likewise  a 
German  poet  speaks  of  a number  of  legists  in  Vienne,  which  also  points  to  a 
prosperous  school  of  jurisprudence. 


324 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


III.  TJNIYERSITIES  IN  SPAIN,  PORTUGAL,  AND  ENGLAND. 

SALAMANCA. 

Salamanca  was  founded  in  the  13tli  century,  and  received  its  statutes  in  the 
year  1422,  out  of  which  was  developed  the  following  constitution.  The  rector, 
with  eight  consiliarii,  all  students,  who  could  appoint  their  successors,  admin- 
istered the  university.  The  doctors  render  the  oath  of  obedience  to  the  rector. 
The  domscholaster''  is  the  proper  judge  of  the  school;  but  he  swears  obedi- 
ence to  the  rector.  A bachelor  of  law  must  have  studied  six  years,  and  after 
five  years  more  he  could  become  licentiate.  In  filling  a paid  teachership,  the 
doctor  was  chosen  next  in  age  of  those  holding  the  diploma,  unless  a great 
majority  of  the  scholars  objected,  in  which  case  the  rector sand  council  decided. 
This  liberal  constitution  for  the  scholars  is  in  harmony  with  the  code  of  Al- 
phonzo  X,  soon  after  1250,  in  which  the  liberty  of  instruction  was  made  a gen- 
eral principle  of  law.  This  constitution  continued  in  Salamanca  into  the  17th 
century,  for  Retes  speaks  of  a disputation  which  the  rector  held  at  that  time 
under  his  presidency. 

ALCALA. 

Alcala  university  was  established  by  cardinal  Ximenes,  in  1510,  for  the 
promotion  of  tlie  study  of  theology  and  philosophy,  for  which  reason  it  con- 
tained a faculty  of  canon,  but  not  of  civil  law.  The  center  of  the  university 
was  the  college  of  St.  Ildefons,  consisting  of  thirty-three  prebendaries,  who 
could  be  teachers  or  scholars,  since  for  admission  were  required  only  poverty, 
the  age  of  twenty,  and  the  completion  of  the  course  of  the  preparatory  col- 
leges. These  thirty-three  members  elected  annually  a rector  and  three  coun- 
cilors, wh.o  controlled  the  entire  university.  Salaried  teachers  were  elected, 
not  by  the  rector  and  council  alone,  but  by  all  the  students.  It  had  wide  repu- 
tation. When  visited  by  Francis  I,  while  a prisoner  of  Spain,  he  was  welcomed 
by  11,000  students. 

COIMBRA. 

The  Coimbra  university,  in  Portugal,  received  statutes  in  1309,  from  king 
Dionysius,  with  a constitution  similar  to  those  just  mentioned. 

OXFORD  AND  CAMBRIDGE. 

The  foundation  of  the  two  great  English  universities  is  uncertain ; that 
of  Oxford  being  about  1130,  and  that  of  Cambridge  about  1257.  Their  con- 
stitution was  formed  after  that  of  Paris,  and  concentrated  all  the  power  in  the 
teachers,  placing  the  students  under  strict  subordination.  However,  tliese  uni- 
versities managed  to  secure  a greater  independence  of  the  royal  power  than 
tlie  school  of  Paris  ever  possessed. 

* According  to  Prof,  de  Viriville,  the  earliest  Christian  University  in  Spain  was  instituted  in 
1209,  by  Alfonzo  VlII,  king  of  Leon,  at  Palencia,  from  which  it  was  transferred  in  1239  by  his 
grandson,  Ferdinand,  to  Salamanca.  Prior  to  this  date,  schools  of  the  highest  learning  existed  in 
Cordova,  under  the  government  of  the  Moors,  to  which  Christian  princes  sent  their  sons.  Sala- 
manca had  at  one  time  twenty-four  colleges,  and  in  no  country  did  the  rector  receive  more  public 
respect. 

t In  the  original  constitution  of  the  Universities  of  Scotland,  viz.,  of  St.  Andrew,  by  Papal 
Bull  in  1413  by  Benedict  III,  and  the  second  erection  of  St.  Mary’s  College  in  1553 ; of  Kings 
College,  (Aberdeen.)  in  1494,  by  the  bull  of  Alexander  VI ; of  Glasgow,  ratified  by  Pope  Nich- 
olas V in  1451 ; the  faculties  of  canon  and  civil  law  are  expressly  enumerated  with  those  of  the- 
ology and  arts.  In  the  original  charter  of  Edinburgh,  granted  by  King  James  VI,  in  15F2,  law  is 
not  included,  although  law  was  taught  at  Edinburgh  ns  early  as  1592. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


325 


Remarks  on  t3ie  Universities. 

Some  general  remarks  on  the  nature  of  the  superior  schools  of  the  Middle 
Ages  and  their  titles  will  be  offered  in  conclusion. 

The  Name. 

The  name  universitas  does  not  designate  the  school  as  such,  but,  in  a true 
Homan  sense,  the  corporation  formed  on  founding  the  school.  Who  composed 
this  corporation,  who  ruled  over  it  and  held  office,  depended  on  the  particular 
constitution  of  each  school.  Hence  in  Bologna  the  name  of  universitas  scho- 
larum  was  in  common  use ; while  in  Paris  it  was  universitas  magistrorum. 
Hobody  then  ever  thought  of  the  modern  use  of  the  word,  having  reference  to 
a universality  of  studies  and  instruction.  Such  an  idea  was  impossible  at  a time 
when  many  schools  contained  a universitas  juristarum^  and  by  the  side  of  it  a 
universitas  artistarum. 

The  school,  as  such,  was  named  schola,  and  after  the  13th  century,  generally 
named  studium.  The  honorary  title  of  a superior  school  was  studium  generate. 
This  expression  has  by  many  been  considered  as  referring  to  a system  of  in- 
struction upon  all  departments  of  learning,  which  again  is  wrong ; first,  because 
such  generality  was  never  considered  the  main  object  of  any  of  these  re- 
nowned schools,  so  that  this  name  {generate  studium)  was  sometimes  limited  to 
one  faculty,  or  could  be  taken  away  from  any  single  faculties  without  being  any 
less  studium  generate;  and  again,  because  this  name  often  designates  one  fac- 
ulty. It  was  rather  intended  to  indicate  the  general  or  broad  nature  of  the 
highest  schools,  since  in  the  first  place  they  admitted  both  natives  and  foreign 
scholars  from  all  parts  of  the  earth,  and  secondly  conferred  a degree  of  doctor, 
which  was  universally  acknowledged  by  all  governments  and  other  high- 
schools.  The  extent  of  each  of  these  two  depended  necessarily  upon  the 
school’s  having,  by  a sufficient  number  of  famous  teachers,  obtained  the  neces- 
sary respectability. 

As  regards  the  origin  of  these  schools,  this  is  intimately  connected  with  the 
meaning  of  the  title.  Wherever  a sufficient  number  of  teachers  congregated, 
who  were  able  to  establish  their  reputation,  there  the  school  actually  existed, 
without  needing  any  act  of  foundation  by  magistrac}^,  pope,  or  emperor.  With 
respect  to  public  authorities,  their  cooperation  may  be  thought  to  have  been 
necessary  in  providing  means  to  meet  expenses,  or  in  obtaining  leave  to  teach, 
but  they  had  at  first  no  expenses  to  defray,  since  they  paid  no  salaries,  and  it 
was  not  thought  necessary  to  ask  special  permission,  because  the  school  brought 
honor  and  advantage  to  the  city.  , 

Authority  of  the  Pope. 

It  has  been  often  said  that  the  pope,  according  to  the  original  views  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  had  the  exclusive  right  of  founding  universities.  In  this,  three 
points  should  be  distinguished : the  foundation  of  the  school  in  general ; the 
establishment  of  the  office  of  chancellor,  and  the  erection  of  a faculty  of  the- 
ology. Least  of  all  for  the  foundation  in  general  could  such  pontifical  power  or 
right  be  considered  to  exist.  Paris,  Bologna,  and  Padua  never  obtained  any 
letter  of  foundation,  and  in  those  granted  to  Montpellier  and  Orleans,  it  is 
expressly  stated  that  they  v/ere  an  acknowledgment  for  their  long  existence  as 
schools  of  high  reputation.  Now,  since  the  pope  never  contradicted  their  legal- 


326 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


ity,  it  is  evident  that  he  never  regarded  the  grant  by  himself  as  necessary  to 
their  full  and  legal  existence.  That  in  the  course  of  time  many  pontifical  de- 
crees for  the  foundation  of  universities  were  issued,  is  accounted  Ibr  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner.  When  a new  school  grew  up  by  tlie  side  of  old  and  renowned 
faculties,  it  must  have  been,  for  a long  time,  doubtful  whether  it  could  actually 
claim  the  rank  of  university,  and  especially  whether  the  degrees  by  it  conferred 
would  be  universally  respected.  To  the  teachers  of  such  a school,  therefore, 
nothing  could  be  more  desirable  than  for  the  pope  to  declare  it  a studium  gen- 
erale,  since  such  official  acknowledgment  was  recognized  in  all  countries 
belonging  to  the  Roman  Church.  The  pope,  on  his  part,  willingly  availed  him- 
self of  this  means  of  extending  his  authority  into  distant  countries.  It  is 
therefore  an  error  to  suppose,  as  Meinere  does,  that  the  pontifical  approbation 
was  necessary  to  establish  a legal  superior  school,  and  that  the  foundation  of 
one  in  Naples,  by  Frederic  II,  in  1224,  was  an  infringement  of  papal  rights; 
especially  as  the  earliest  (that  of  Toulouse)  papal  decree  of  foundation  for  any 
school  bears  date,  1223. 

Office  of  Chancellor. 

The  establishment  of  the  office  of  chancellor  rests  on  much  the  same  basis. 
The  two  Paris  chancellors  never  asked  or  received  the  confirmation  of  the 
pope,  and  they  did  not  need  it,  since  the  university  had  grown  out  of  their 
foundation  schools,  which,  according  to  the  canon  law,  required  a license  from 
the  clerical  authorities.  In  Bologna  the  pope  filled  this  position,  not  that  legal 
promotion  could  proceed  from  him  only,  for  he  did  not  dispute  the  legality  of 
former  promotions,  but  because  he  considered  the  measure  necessary  to  avoid 
abuses.  In  Padua  the  professors  elected  a chancellor,  and  the  pope  limited 
himself  to  his  confirmation.  Likewise  in  Montpellier  there  was  a chancellor 
long  before  it  became  customary  for  the  pope  to  give  confirmation.  In  the 
decrees  for  the  foundation,  the  pope  always  appointed  the  chancellor  also ; but 
clearly  not  with  any  other  intention  than  for  that  purpose  for  which  he  had 
been  originally  requested  to  found  the  school,  namely,  to  secure  to  the  degrees 
conferred  by  that  school  a universal  acknowledgment. 

Faculty  of  Theology. 

It  was  different,  however,  with  faculties  of  theology,  wdiich,  in  Bologna  and 
Padua  for  example,  were  first  established  and  founded  by  the  pope,  while  all 
the  rest  was  independent  of  such  a foundation.  But  here  also  the  direct  inter- 
ference of  the  pope  resulted  from  the  nature  of  the  matter,  and  indeed  one 
might  readily  expect  that,  however  free  were  the  other  branches  of  study,  no 
other  theological  instruction  whatever,  but  such  as  was  approved  by  the  pope, 
would  be  allowed.  Nevertheless,  not  even  in  theology  was  the  principle  fully 
carried  out,  since  the  school  of  Paris  never  received  any  consent;  and  that  of 
Montpellier  existed  long  before  the  pope  acknowledged  its  standing. 

Authority  of  the  Emperor. 

Similar  to  the  papal  relation  was  the  relation  of  the  emperor  to  these  schools. 
If  he  too  granted  the  privilege  of  studium  generale^  it  followed  in  the  nature  of 
things  that  the  promotions  of  the  faculty  were  universally  honored  and  ac- 
knowledged, so  that  the  confirmation  of  the  emperor  had  the  same  effect  as  that 
of  the  pope,  but  neither  of  them  was  absolutely  necessary.  Another  principle 
was  afterwards  adopted  in  the  constitution  of  German  universities ; but  we  are 
now  considering  only  the  original  conditions  and  customs  outside  of  Germany. 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


327 


LAW-LECTURES  IN  THE  EARLY  UNIVERSITIES. 

THE  GLOSSATORS  AS  TEACHERS. 

In  giving  the  history  of  the  universities,  attention  wj^s  paid  to  the  lectures 
only  from  their  general  and  formal  side.  At  present  we  must  set  forth  the  far 
more  important  relation  in  which  they  stood  towards  law.  The  inquiry  must 
be  directed  to  two  objects;  firstly  towards  the  division  of  the  subject  among 
different  lecturers,  and  the  relation  of  single  teachers  and  students  thereto; 
secondly,  towards  the  conduct  of  the  courses  bj’^  the  teachers,  and  the  habits 
of  the  students  in  regard  to  them.  Great  difficulties  lie  in  the  way  of  the  whole 
investigation,  owing  to  our  imperfect  information.  Panzirolus’  account  is  com- 
pletely unreliable,  since  in  it  partly  opinions  prevalent  in  his  time,  partly  iso- 
lated incidents  taken  from  earlier  writers,  are  woven  into  a whole,  no  regard 
being  paid  to  the  fact  that  difierent  regulations  prevailed  at  different  times  and 
places. 

Very  useful  in  this  investigation  arc  those  oldest  descriptions  of  the  systems 
adopted,  which  remain,  partly  in  the  shape  of  monographs  written  for  the  pur- 
pose, partly  in  preface  to  other  writings  or  lectures.  I will  cite  tliese  to  servo 
as  a guide  to  future  investigations  in  my  path. 

In  the  first  class  comes  tlie  very  small  and  too  general  notice  of  Martinus  do 
Fano.  Also  the  Modus  studmdi  in  uiroque  jure  of  J.  Baptista  Caccialupus  Lev- 
erinas,  and  on  the  same  subject,  a book  by  J.  J,  Camis,  published  as  early  as 
14T6,  and  often  since  then. 

In  the  second  elas.s,  note  especially  the  introduction  to  a Summary  by  Her- 
golinus,  upon  the  Pandects,  and  the  never-published  introduction  of  Odofredus 
to  his  lectures  upon  the  Digesium  veius. 

In  these  books,  litera  denotes  the  text,  lectura  an  oral  interpretation;  legere 
refers  to  the  mode  of  interpretation. 

The  lectures  tlieinselves,  at  Bologna,  and  undoubtedly  in  other  places,  were 
restricted  to  the  five  parts  of  the  Corpus  Juris^  so  that,  as  a rule,  five  principal 
lectures  were  given,  among  which  two  might  be  “ordinary,”  the  three  others 
always  “extraordinary.”  That  all  these  lectures  were  really  delivered  can  be 
at  once  shown  in  most  cases,  since  lectures  of  Odofredus  upon  the  three  Digests^ 
and  upon  the  nine  books  of  the  Codex^  jmt  remain,  and  are  in  print. 

Similar  lectures  upon  the  Volumen  as  such  no  longer  exist,  but  their  exist- 
ence can  be  conjectured  from  the  gloss  upon  all  its  parts  upon  the  summary  of 
Johannes  to  the  Authenticum,  and  from  the  printed  lectures  of  Odofredus  upon 
the  three  last  books  of  tlie  Codex.  It  becomes  certain,  however,  from  the  fact 
that  such  lectures  appear  in  the  statutes  of  the  university  at  Bologna  in  yet 
later  times,  when  such  an  inconvenient  junction  of  dissimilar  subjects  into  one 
course  would  have  been  dispensed  with,  instead  of  being  newly  adopted.  Along 
with  this  regular  arrangement  we  find,  however,  many  very  early  deviations 
from  it.  For  example,  in  the  13th  century  occur  separate  lectures  upon  the 
Institutes,  although  they  were  also  contained  in  the  Volumen,  and  were  by  the 
statutes  expressly  connected  with  the  common  lectures  upon  the  Volumen.  At 
first  each  of  these  main  courses  of  lectures  lasted  a complete  term,  which  was 
one  year  in  duration,  wdiile  the  disparity  in  the  extent  of  subjects  was  obviated 
by  beginning  earlier  and  ending  later,  or  by  giving  more  lectures  in  a week. 


328 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


In  earlier  times,  a course  occupied  only  one  hour  a day,  and  it  is  doubtful  if, 
even  in  later  times,  a different  arrangement  was  made.  No  teacher,  however, 
limited  himself  to  one  subject,  but  took  them  up  in  order,  which  explains  how 
students  were  able  to  connect  themselves  with  single  teachers,  during  their 
whole  period  of  study^.  Nor  was  it  unusual  for  one  teacher  to  deliver  several 
'courses  at  once,  during  tlie  same  season.  Complete  information  in  regard  to 
later  changes  in  this  arrangement  is  wanting.  I will  bring  together  here  what 
I have  ascertained  upon  the  subject. 

At  Bologna  the  statutes  contain  the  following  provisions:  Each  of  the  three 
Digests  and  the  Cudex  were  read  by  two  doctors  at  the  same  time.  One  read 
the  first  lialf,  the  other  the  second,  and  each  occupied  with  his  part  tliat  whole 
year’s  course,  which  had  been  originally  assigned  to  the  whole  for  one  lec- 
turer. Whence  it  follow's  that  the  time  for  the  lectures  was  doubled,  and,  not- 
withstanding, in  this  system  arrangements  w^ere  made  so  that  every  scholar 
could  hear  the  whole  Diyestum  vetus  in  a year.  The  Volumen  was,  as  in  former 
days,  to  be  explained  by  one  person  alone,  and  if  possible,  entirely.  If  any 
part  of  it  remained,  the  teacher  was  to  go  over  this  part  at  the  beginning  of 
the  next  course.  Similar  provisions  were  made  for  the  sources  of  the  canon 
law.  However,  this  whole  arrangement  can  not  have  an  earlier  date  than  the 
second  half  of  the  fourteenth  century,  since  it  was  necessary  tliat  salaried 
teachers  should  be  provided  for  these  places;  the  majority  of  salaries,  however, 
begin  to  be  paid  at  this  time.  Besides,  it  is  evident  that  the  exclusive  relation- 
ship of  students  to  a particular  teacher  was  already  completely  abandoned. 

The  teacherships  appointed  for  the  students  have  no  connection  with  this 
investigation,  since  they  evidently  were  intended  more  for  the  profit  and  drill- 
ing of  these  students  than  as  a material  addition  to  the  corps  of  instructors.  A 
similar  arrangement,  for  similar  purposes,  was  entered  into  at  Montpellier  by 
the  statutes  of  1339.  Here  also  was  each  Digest,  and  also  the  Codex^  to  be 
intrusted  to  two  teachers  at  once  in  the  same  year.  Here,  however,  it  was  not 
considered  sufficient,  as  at  Bologna,  to  simply  divide  each  original  wmrk  into  a 
first  and  second  volume,  but  a somewdiat  more  elaborate  mode  of  division  was 
adopted,  and  the  Codex  was  so  divided  into  the  Ordinarium  and  Extraordina- 
rium  that  each  of  the  two  had  particular  books  and  even  parts  of  books  as- 
signed to  him.  This  elaborate  arrangement,  prevailing  at  Montpellier,  appears 
to  have  been  then  adopted  by  other  schools. 

In  regard  to  the  arrangements  at  Padua  in  the  second  half  of  the  15th  cen- 
tury, Caius  gives  the  following  information. 

The  complete  course  of  instruction  in  Roman  law  lasted  four  years ; one  year 
for  the  Inditute^y  two  years  for  the  Bigestum.  vetus  and  Infortiatum,  two  years 
for  the  Codex  and  Bigestum  Novum.  The  Bigestum  vetus  was,  for  the  whole 
two  years,  read  in  the  morning,  the  Infortiutum  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  same 
regulation  was  ob.served  for  tlie  Codex  and  the  Bigestum  Novum.  But  the 
Volumen  was  no  longer  in  use.  In  the  statutes  of  Padua,  and  yet  more  in  de- 
tail in  the  Fasti  of  FacHjiolati,  are  mentioned  a great  number  of  nominal  pro- 
fessors, and  it  is  not  clear  what  lectures  were  really  delivered  and  were  con- 
sidered as  essential  parts  of  a complete  course  of  instruction  in  Roman  law. 
Among  others,  appears  a particular  professorship  for  the  AutTienticum^  one  for 
Tres  Lihri  Codin's,  one  for  the  book  of  feudal  law.  In  the  year  1544,  besides 
the  coui’ses  already  existing,  were  also  instituted  especial  courses  upon  Text, 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


329 


Gloss,  and  Bartolus,  for  which  five  professorships  were  established,  two  in  the 
morning,  two  in  the  evening,  and  one  Tertia.  The  most  important  professor- 
ship, however,  was  that  established  in  the  year  1422,  for  the  Codex  Gregori- 
anus,  Ilermogenxanus  el  Tlieodosianus,  which  position  is  said  to  have  never  been 
filled  after  1687.  So  much  zeal  for  studies  upon  legal  history  is  nowhere  again 
encountered,  even  in  later  times,  and  is  all  the  more  remarkable  as  happening 
at  that  period.  It  is,  however,  not  improbable  that  the  whole  story  rests  upon 
an  erroneous  basis. 

It  is  instructive  to  see  to  what  fatal’excesses  this  extension  of  material  led 
at  last.  Alciat  complains  that,  in  his  day,  only  a few  passages  were  explained 
every  year,  so  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  study  upon  the  sources  was  left  to 
private  diligence.  In  yet  stronger  terms  does  Panzirolus  describe  the  abuses 
of  his  time ; the  lecturers  had  continually  departed  more  and  more  from  the 
text,  and  busied  themselves  with  the  glosses,  and  the  trouble  had  gone  so  far 
that  in  the  principal  lectures  only  five  parts  of  the  Corpus  Juris  were  treated 
of  in  the  entire  year,  and  even  these  no  longer,  since  very  important  parts  of 
the  law  were  considered  only  as  subjects  for  extraordinary  lectures. 

In  Pisa,  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  16th  century,  a curriculum  was  by 
law  established,  which  was  certainly  based  upon  previous  practice.  By  this, 
only  a few  titles  from  each  part  of  the  Digests  were  to  be  explained  in  a year. 
It  is  almost  incredible  that  at  Pisa  and  Sienna  the  same  arrangement  prevails 
to-day. 

As  to  the  particular  courses  attended  by  particular  students,  our  information 
is,  as  might  be  expected,  even  more  imperfect.  As  essential,  were  regarded 
only  the  lectures  upon  the  regular  books.  Doubtless  these  books  were  studied 
by  all  without  exception,  the  other  books  by  many  who  made  arbitrary  selec- 
tion among  them ; only  those  who  were  particularly  earnest  and  zealous,  hear- 
ing all.  Petrarch,  for  instance,  heard  the  whole  Corpus  Juris. 

Connected  with  this  is  the  time  which  a student  was  to  devote  to  these 
studies.  Rules  were  laid  down  only  for  such  students  as  desired  degrees,  or  at 
least  wished  to  give  lectures,  and  it  was  natural  that  for  these  cases  a longer 
time  than  the  usual  period  of  study  should  be  demanded. 

At  the  time  of  Odofredus,  the  course  appears  to  have  been  longer  than  five 
years.  However,  the  statutes  of  Verona,  in  a manuscript  of  1228,  demand 
only  three  years  of  law  study  from  those  who  were  to  become  the  magistrates 
of  that  city.  Petrarch  studied  seven.  In  the  15th  century,  the  full  course  of 
Roman  law  at  Padua  was  already  limited  to  four  years.  A regular  succession 
in  the  lectures  heard  does  -not  appear  to  have  been  thought  necessary ; they 
were  rather  so  arranged  as  to  be  at  once  useful  to  beginners  and  advanced  stu- 
dents. One  cause  of  this  was  the  constant  connection  between  a student,  dur- 
ing his  whole  course  of  study,  and  a single  teacher,  making  it  necessary  for  the 
latter  to  adapt  his  lectures  to  all  classes  of  hearers. 

As  to  the  age  at  which  the  students  commenced  their  studies,  it  can  only  be 
said  that,  in  general,  a riper  age  than  in  our  times  was  expected,  from  which 
circumstance  alone  the  then  existing  constitution  of  the  universities  is  to  be 
explained.  This  riper  age  was,  moreover,  demanded  in  the  case  of  foreigners 
by  the  long  and  often  dangerous  journeys  necessary  to  reach  the  universities ; 
but  the  case  may  have  been  otherwise  with  natives.  But  even  among  the  for- 


330 


UNIVERSITIES  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES. 


eigners  were,  at  an  early  period,  some  remarkable  exceptions.  Petrarch  began 
at  his  fifteenth  year,  and  in  a strange  city. 

As  a rule,  the  student  limited  himself  to  the  lectures  upon  Roman  law,  or 
added  lectures  upon  canon  law  only ; to  connect  other  studies  with  these  was, 
at  first,  very  unusual.  Only  the  lectures  upon  the  art  of  a notary  may,  excep- 
tionally, have  been  attended  by  jurists  also.  The  notaries  formed,  in  all  impor- 
tant cities,  their  own  guilds,  choosing  their  own  officers,  and  being  especially 
careful  that  new  members  should  be  qualified.  Such  a guild  of  notaries  may 
have  already  existed  at  Bologna  at  a veTy  early  period.  But  here  it  happened, 
through  imitation  of  the  famous  law-school  in  the  same  place,  that  they  also 
took  the  form  of  such  a school,  had  their  own  lectures,  and  gave  the  degree  of 
doctor.  As  now  their  business  stood  in  close  connection  with  the  jurists 
proper,  their  school  may  very  readily  have  been  looked  upon  as  a part  of  the 
law-school;  they  even  read  the  Institutes  often,  and  it  is  probable  that  in  the 
same  manner,  many  jurists  attended  their  lectures,  which  may  have  been  re- 
garded as  a practical  branch. 

Let  us  now  inquire  into  the  mode  of  conducting  a single  lecture.  The  teacher 
was  accustomed  to  give,  at  first,  a summary  of  the  whole  chapter ; in  each  pas- 
sage he  first  read  the  text,  according  to  his  opinion  of  the  correct  form  of  it;  to 
a complete  exposition  of  the  text  belonged  first  its  casus;  then  the  explanation 
of  apparent  contradictions  in  other  places;  the  general  law  principles  therein 
involved;  finally,  real  or  fictitious  cases  to  which  it  applied,  which  last,  if  they 
were  to  occupy  too  much  time,  were  referred  to  the  “ repetitions.”  This  was 
the  general  plan,  which,  however,  was  not  strictly  carried  out  in  individual 
cases,  as  the  printed  lectures  of  Azo  and  Odofredus  show,  but  was  modified 
according  to  the  demands  of  each  particular  case.  Odofredus  boasts  of  himself 
that  he  explained  the  whole,  without  omission,  and  the  glosses,  as  well  as  the 
text.  As  to  the  delivery  of  the  lectures,  general  rules  can  be  given  for  those 
times  no  more  than  for  ours.  With  many  lectures,  however,  it  is  evident  at  a 
glance  that  they  must  have  been  delivered  with  perfect  freedom ; e.  g.  the  lec- 
tures of  Odofredus,  in  which  the  vivacity  and  familiarity,  and  at  the  same  time 
the  carelessness  of  oral  delivery  are  not  to  be  overlooked.  Carefully  polished 
lectures  are  common  enough,  but  such  polish  was,  as  will  be  readily  seen,  not 
given  to  the  whole  course,  but  to  the  exposition  of  particular  passages. 

As  to  the  students’  occupation  in  the  lecture-rooms,  it  appears  that  taking 
notes  was  just  as  general  as  at  present,  of  which  we  have  evidence  in  the  fre- 
quent printing  of  the  same.  In  this  respect  differing  from  the  German  customs, 
the  students  could  interrupt  and  ask  questions  during  the  lectures,  but  this  was 
not  usual,  though  sometimes  practiced  in  the  morning,  i.  e.  during  the  regular 
lectures.  But  at  the  present  day,  in  Italy,  a student  will  sometimes  ask  the 
lecturer  if  he  has  rightly  understood  some  word. 


P-UBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FRANCE. 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  Empire  of  France,  [exclusive  of  the  colonies,]  on  an  area  of 
206,676  English  square  miles  in  1866,  had  a population  of  38,067,- 
094.  In  1856,  there  were,  among  a total  population  of  36,012,669: 
19,064,071  employed  in  agriculture,  10,469,961  in  mechanical  arts, 
and  1,632,331  in  commercial  pursuits. 

The  total  expenditure  in  1867  amounted  to  1,902,111,370  francs, 
of  which  sum  28,344,121  francs  were  expended  for  public  instruc- 
tion under  the  following  ministries,  and  with  the  following  statistics : 

First. — Under  the  Ministry  of  Public  Instruction: 

1.  Primary  Instruction. 

53,957  Public  Schools,  in  37,548  Communes,  with  2,461,492  pupils. 

16,714  Private  Elementary  Schools,  with  978,258  pupils. 

3,669  Infant  Schools,  with  432,141  pupils. 

32,383  Adult  Courses,  with  829,555  scholars. 

Total.,  106,723  Schools,  with  4,701,446  scholars. 

2.  Secondary  Instruction. 

83  Lyceums,  with  36,306  students. 

253  Communal  Colleges,  with  32,453  students — making  a total  of  336 
government  schools,  with  68,759  students,  of  whom  17,209  follow 
the  Special  Secondary  Course. 

934  Non-governmental  Secondary  Schools,  with  77,906  students. 

Total.,  1,270  Institutions,  with  146,664  students. 

3.  Superior  Instruction. 

8 Faculties  or  Schools  of  Theology,  with  46  professors. 

11  Faculties  of  Law,  with  100  professors  and  4,895  students. 

16  Faculties  of  Science,  with  119  professors. 

16  Faculties  of  Literature,  with  102  professors. 

22  Preparatory  Schools  of  Medicine  and  Pharmacy,  with  190  professors. 

3 Higher  Schools  of  Medicine,  with  66  professors  and  1,780  students. 
Total.,  76  Institutions  of  the  highest  instruction,  with  603  professors. 

4.  Special  Schools. 

1 Normal  School  for  Teachers  in  Infant  Asylums  at  Paris. 

1 Superior  Normal  School  for  Professors  in  Lyceums  and  the  Faculties 
of  Letters  and  Science  at  Paris,  with  110  pupils  and  23  professors. 

1 Normal  School  for  Secondary  Special  Instruction  at  Cluny. 

81  Primary  Normal  Schools  for  male  teachers,  with  449  professors. 

12  Primary  Normal  Schools  for  female  teachers. 

1 Primary  Normal  Course  for  male  teachers,  with  12  professors. 

49  Primary  Normal  Courses  for  female  teachers. 

3 Schools,of  Living  Oriental  Tongues,  with  9 professors. 

1 Course  of  Archaeology  in  connection  with  Cabinet  of  Medals. 

1 French  School  of  Archaeology  and  Greek  Literature  at  Athens. 

1 Imperial  School  of  Records  \ecole  des  chartes)  at  Paris,  to  prepare  pu- 
pils for  librarians  and  keepers  of  public  archives. 

1 Museum  of  Natural  History  at  Paris,  with  16  professors. 

1 School  of  Sacred  Music  at  Paris. 

1 Imperial  College  of  France,  with  31  professors. 


SPECIAL  INSTRUCTION  IN  FRANCE. 


1  Special  School  of  Drawing  for  Young  Women  at  Paris. 

1 National  Conservatory  of  Music  at  Paris  : 87  professors. 

6 Provincial  Schools  of  Music : 6 professors,  (at  Dijon,  Nantes,  Metz, 
Lille,  Toulouse,  Marseilles.) 

1 Institution  for  the  Blind  at  Paris,  besides  6 provincial  schools. 

2 National  Institutions  for  Deaf-mutes  at  Paris  and  Bordeaux,  besides 

41  private  mid  municipal  schools. 

1 Central  Correctional  House  of  Education  at  Paris. 

Second. — Ministry  of  Agriculture,  Commerce,  and  Public  Works: 

3 Imperial  Schools  of  Agriculture  at  Grand-Jouan,  Grignon,  and  La 

Saulsaie,  with  24  professors. 

9 Agricultural  Courses,  with  11  professors. 

1 National  Agronomic  Institute  at  Versailles. 

VO  School-farms. 

1 Practical  School  of  Irrigation  and  Drainage  at  Lizardeau ; 2 professors. 
1 National  School  of  Horse-breeding. 

3 Imperial  Sheep-folds  and  Cow-houses  {hergeries  and  vacJieries.) 

3 Schools  of  Veterinary  Surgery  at  Alfort,  Lyons,  Toulouse,  with  18 
professors. 

1 Superior  School  of  Commerce  at  Paris ; 1 School  of  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce at  Paris. 

1 Imperial  School  of  Bridges  and  Eoads  at  Paris  ; 22  professors. 

3 Imperial  Schools  of  Mines,  viz.,  at  Paris,  15  professors  ; at  St.  Etienne, 
3 professors  ; af  Alais,  1 professor. 

1 Imperial  Conservatory  of  Arts  and  Industry  at  Paris;  19  professors. 

1 Central  School  of  Arts  and  Manulactures  at  Paris ; 28  professors. 

3 Imperial  Schools  of  Arts  and  Industry,  at  Aix,  Angers,  Chalons-sur- 
Marne ; 32  professors. 

School  of  Watchmaking  at  Cluses  (Savoy,)  besides  several  provincial 
schools. 

Third. — Ministry  of  War  : 

1 Imperial  Polytechnic  School  at  Paris  ; 22  professors,  19  assistants,  and 
350  pupils. 

1 Special  Military  School  at  St.  Cyr;  33  professors. 

1 Staff-school  iecole  du  corps  d' etat-major)  at  Paris  ; 19  professors. 

1 School  of  Artillery  and  Military  Engineering  [ecole  o'  application  de 
Vartillerie  et  da  genie\  at  Metz,  with  28  professors. 

1 Imperial  School  of  Cavalry  at  Saumur  ; 40  professors. 

1 Cavalry-musicians’  school  [ecole  de  trompettes']  at  Saumur. 

1 Imperial  School  of  Military  Medicine  and  Pharmacy  at  Paris  ; 13  pro- 
fessors. 

1 Imperial  School  for  the  Sanitary  Service  at  Strasburg  ; 12  professors. 

• 1 Normal  Shooting-school  {ecole  normals  de  Ur  ;)  11  teachers. 

1 Normal  School  of  Military  Gymnastics  at  Vincennes  ; 3 teachers. 

1 Imperial  Prytaneum  (orphans  of  officers)  at  LaFleche  ; 25  professors. 
11  Regimental  Schools  of  Artillery. 

3 Regimental  Schools  of  Engineering. 

5 Military  Gymnasiums. 

1 Military  Musical  Gymnasiurh  at  Paris. 

1 Bureau  of  Longitudes  ; 6 professors. 

1 Imperial  Observatory  ; 18  professors,  assistants  and  calculators. 
Regimental  schools  for  the  infantry  of  the  line  exist  in  all  the  corps. 

Fourth. — Ministry  of  Marine  and  the  Colonies  : 

1 School  of  Naval  Architecture  at  Paris,  with  30  pupils  ; 3 professors. 

1 Practical  School  of  Maritime  Engineering  at  L’Orient ; 9 professors. 

1 Imperial  Naval  School  at  Brest ; 11  professors. 

42  National  Schools  of  Hydrography  ; 42  professors. 

3 Imperial  Schools  of  Naval  Pharmacy  and  Medicine  at  Brest,  Roche- 

fort, and  Toulon  ; 15  professors. 

6 Nautical  School-ships;  5 Naval  Apprentice  Schools;  2 Schools  for 

Naval  Engineers  and  Stokers  ; 2 Naval  Drawing  Schools. 

Fifth. — Ministry  of  Finance  : 

1 Imperial  School  of  Forestry  at  Nancy;  8 professors. 

1 School  of  the  Manufacture  of  Tobacco  at  Paris  ; 7 professors. 

Sixth. — Ministry  of  the  Fine  Arts  and  the  Imperial  Household  : 

4 Imperial  Schools  of  the  Fine  Arts ; at  Paris,  Rome,  Lyons,  and  Dijon. 
1 National  Special  School  of  Drawing  and  Mathematics  applied  to  the 

Industrial  Arts,  at  Paris. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FRANCE. 


333 


IV.  SUPERIOR  AND  PROFESSIONAL  INSTRUCTION. 

(1.)  General  Organization— Faculties  and  Institutions.  (2.)  Letters  and  Sciences.  (3.)  Theology. 

(4.)  Law.  (5.)  Medicine  and  Surgery.  (6.)  Institutions  outside  of  the  Faculties.  (7.)  Lab- 
oratories and  New  Practical  School  of  Higher  Studies.  (8.)  Proposed  Re-organization. 

Superior  Instruction  in  France  is  administered  by  the  State  in: 
1.  Faculties,  each  with  its  corps  of  professors  and  teachers  sufficient  to 
impart  instruction  to  the  number  of  students  in  letters,  sciences,  theology, 
law,  or  medicine ; 2.  Institutions  devoted  to  higher  studies  and  original 
j-esearch;  3.  Institutions  devoted  to  science  and  special  public  service; 
4.  Institutions  to  promote  discoveries  in  science  and  the  highest  culture 
in  art. 

The  five  Faculties,  in  their  original  constitution  parts  of  a local  uni- 
versity, are  noAV  situated  in  the  chief  centers  of  population  in  the  several 
academies  (18  since  1868,)  into  which,  for  educational  administration,  the 
86  departments  (into  which  the  whole  of  France  is  divided  -for  civil  pur- 
poses,) are  grouped.  Although  each  faculty  is  »ot  represented  in  any  one 
center,  except  in  the  Academy  of  Paris  and  Strasbourg,  there  are  a suffi- 
cient number  of  each,  with  an  adequate  teaching  force,  at  convenient* 
localities,  to  meet  in  the  main,  the  demands  of  the  population  ;■  and  where 
there  is  not,  large  towns  are  authorized,  under  certain  guarantees  of  build* 
ings  and  salary,  to  establish  auxiliary  colleges  of  superior  instruction. 

Each  faculty  has  its  own  halls  for  lectures  and  material  equipment  of 
instruction,  its  dean,  professors,  and  teachers  of  different  grades,  varying 
in  different  academies,  but  all  equipped  to  teach  physics,  chemistry,  math- 
ematics, and  natural  history.  Each  academy,  embracing  several  faculties, 
has  its  own  rector,  council,  and  inspector,  and  all  are  subordinate  to  the 
IVIinister  of  Public  Instruction,  who,  since  1824,  has  performed  all  the 
functions  of  the  headmaster  of  the  University. 

(2.)  The  faculty  of  letters,  of  which  there  is  one  in  each  academy  district, 
has  a varying  teaching  force ; in  Paris,  eleven  full  professors,  four  adjunct 
professors,  and  several  associates,  or  fellows,  who  are  candidates  for  vacant 
chairs,  and  in  the  snjaller  academy  centres,  not  half  this  number ; but  in 
each  faculty,  provision  is  made  for  philosophy,  history,  ancient  literature 
and  modern  literature,  both  French  and  foreign. 

The  faculty  of  sciences,  of  which  there  is  one  in  each  academy,  pos- 
sesses, in  Paris,  seventeen  full  professors,  and  seven  associate  teachers  of 
different  grades,  and  in  less  populous  centers,  from  five  to  six  chairs.  In- 
struction in  pure  and  applied  mathematics,  physics,  chemistry,  geology, 
mineralogy,  and  other  natural  sciences,  must  be  given  in  all. 

(3.)  Theologyt  has  seven  seats  of  faculties,  five  for  the  Catholics  and  two  for  the 
Protestants.  The  seats  of  the  two  Protestant  faculties  are  Montauban  and  Stras- 

* This  portion  of  the  French  System  of  Public  Instruction  is  treated  in  its  historical  derelop- 
ment  and  present  detail  of  organization,  studies,  professors,  methods,  discipline,  degrees,  &c., 
in  the  Special  Treatise  on  Universities  and  other  Institutions  of  Superior  Instruction  in  Different 
Countries. 

t We  follow,  in  this  summary,  Prof.  Arnold  in  his  chapter  on  Superior  Instruction  in  Schools 
and  Universities  on  the  Continent. 


334 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FRANCE. 


burg.  The  chairs  of  these  faculties  arc  nowhere  more  than  seven  or  fewer  than 
five.  Tlie  sulijects  common  to  them  all  are  dogmatte  theology,  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory, and  (I  here  use  the  French  titles)  eloipience  sacree,  and  ruomle  evamjtUque. 
The  faculty  of  theology,  which  has  in  all  42  chairs,  is  the  least  important  of  all 
the  faculties  In  France,  because  the  Church  of  Rome  does  not  recognize  its  de- 
crees, and  they  have  no  canonical  validity.  Of  course,  for  those  who  aspire  to 
be  professors  in  this  faculty,  its  degrees  and  attendance  at  its  lectures  are  indis- 
pensable ; and  by  an  ordinance  of  the  Government  of  1830  its  degrees  are  re- 
(piired  for  all  ecclesiastical  preferment  down  to  the  post  of  cure  de  chef-lieu  de 
canton  inclusive. 

(4.)  Law  has  eleven  seats  of  faculties,  with  98  chairs.  The  great  chairs  in  this 
faculty  are  those  for  the  Code  NapoUon,  Roman  law,  civil  procedure,  commercial 
1 iw,  administrative  law.  The  Code  NapoUon  has  to  itself  six  chairs  at  Paris 
and  three  in  each  of  the  other  ten  seats  of  faculties.  Two  of  these  ten,  Nancy 
and  Douai,  have  been  recently  added,  and  the  reader  may  like  to  knoAv  how  an 
additional  faculty,  when  wanted,  is  provided.  The  town  of  Nancy,  already  the 
seat  of  an  academy,  of  a faculty  of  sciences,  and  of  a faculty  of  letters,  desired 
a faculty  of  law  also,  Lorraine  having  formerly,  under  its  old  sovereigns,  pos- 
sessed one.  The  State  agreed  to  establish  one  there,  the  municipality  of  Nancy 
undertaking  on  its  part  to  raise  every  year  and  pay  to  the  treasury  a sum  reim- 
bursing the  State  for  its  outlay  on  the  new  faculty,  its  professors,  agregh,  and 
courses  of  lectures.  Douahgot  its  foculty  of  law  on  the  same  terms.  The  State 
gives  the  character  of  a national  institution,  the  guarantee  of  publicly  appointed 
teachers,  and  the  privilege  of  conferring  degrees;  and  the  town  is  abundantly 
willing  to  pay  for  this. 

No  one  in  France  can  practice  as  a barrister  {avocat)  without  the  degree  of 
licentiate  of  law.  No  one  can  practice  as  a solicitor  [avoue]  without  the  certlficat 
de  capacite  en  droit.  A licentiate  of  law  must  first  have  got  the  degree  of  bach- 
elor of  law.  To  get  this  he  must  have  the  degree  of  bachelor  of  letters,  have 
then  attended  two  years’  lectures  in  a faculty  of  law  and  undergone  two  examin- 
ations, one  in  Justinian’s  Institutes,  the  other  in  the  Code  Napoleon,  the  Penal 
Code,  and  the  Codes  of  Civil  Procedure  and  Criminal  Instruction.  Dues  for 
lectures,  examinations,  and  the  diploma,  make  the  diploma  of  bachelor  of  law 
cost,  when  the  candidate  has  obtained  it,  nearly  25/.  The  new  bachelor  must 
then,  in  order  to  become  licentiate,  follow  a third  year’s  lectures  in  a faculty  of 
law,  undergo  two  more  examinations,  the  first  on  the  Institutes  of  Justinian 
again,  the  second  on  the  Code  NapoUon,  the  Code  of  Commerce,  and  adminis- 
trative law,  and  must  support  theses  on  questions  of  Roman  and  French  Law. 
The  degree  of  licentiate  costs  24/.  A solicitor,  to  obtain  the  ‘ certificate  of  capac- 
ity in  hnv,’  must  for  one  year  have  attended  lectures  in  a faculty  of  law,  embrac- 
ing in  this  one  year  both  the  first  and  the  second  year’s  course  of  lectures  on  the 
Code  Napoleon,  and  on  Civil  and  Criminal  Procedure,  and  undergoing  an  exam- 
ination on  the  subject  of  each  course.  The  cost  of  this  certificate,  all  fees  for 
lectures,  &c.,  included,  is  from  11/  to  12/.  The  professors  in  the  faculty  of  law 
are  men  eminent  in  the  knowledge  of  their  several  branches. 

(5.)  Medicine  has  three  great  scats  of  faculties,  with  61  chairs.  The  faculties  are 
at  Paris,  Montpellier,  and  Strasburg.  To  be  a ])hysician  or  surgeon  in  France, 
a man  must  have  the  di])loma  of  doctor  either  in  medicine  or  in  surgery.  To 
obtain  this,  he  must  have  attended  four  years’  lectures  in  a faeulty  of  medicine, 
and  had  two  years’  practice  in  a hospital.  When  he  presents  himself  for  the 
first  year’s  lectures,  he  must  produce  the  diploma  of  bachelor  of  letters;  when 
for  the  third,  that  of  bachelor  of  sciences,  a certain  portion  of  the  mathematics 
generally  required  for  this  degree  being  in  his  case  cut  away.  He  must  pass 
eight  examinations,  and  at  the  end  of  his  course  he  must  support  a thesis  before 
Ids  faculty.  Ills  diploma,  by  the  time  he  gets  it,  has  cost  him  a little  over  50/. 
A medical  man  with  a doctor’s  degree  may  practise  throughout  France.  To. 
practise  without  it,  a man  must  have  the  diploma  of  officier  de  sante.  To  prac- 
tise without  the  diploma  either  of  doctor  or  of  officier  de  sante  is  penal.  The 
officier  de  sante  )nust  have  attended  three  years’  lectures  in  a faculty,  and  had  two 
years’  practice  in  a hospital,  and  he  must  pass  five  examinations  and  write  a 
])aper  bearing  on  one  of  the  subjects  of  his  instruction.  Before  he  can  be  ad- 
mitted to  attend  lectures  in  a faculty  of  medicine  he  must  produce  a certificat 
d'eramen  de  <pximniaire,  a sort  of  minor  bachelor  of  arts  degree,  turning  on  the 
matters  taught  in  quatrieme,  the  highest  class  in  the  grammar  division  of  the 


rURLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FRANCE. 


335 


hice  s.  Thus  his  liavlnj^  Icarut  some  Latin  and  Greek  is  rendered  necessary, 
ills  diploma  co.sts  him  altogether  about  32/,  hut  it  only  authorizes  him  to  practise 
in  tlie  department  where  he  has  been  yqwi\q(\.  officur  de  sante,  and  he  may  not 
perform  any  great  operation  exce])t  in  the  ])rcscnee  of  a doctor. 

A kind  of  l<ranch  of  the  laculties  of  m dlcine  is  formed  by  the  tlcoles super! cures 
de  Phannacie,  three  in  numb(,r,  with  nineteen  chairs.  These  schools,  too,  are  at 
l*aris,  Mont])cliier,  and  Strasburg.  Chemistry,  toxicology,  pharmacy,  and 
natural  history  are  the  main  matters  of  instruction.  For  medicine  and  ]ihar- 
macy  there  are,  as  for  sciences  and  letters,  auxiliary  schools,  {Ecolcs  preparatoires 
de  medccine  ct  de  pharmacie,)  in  twenty-tAvo  large  towns  of  France,  Avith  profess- 
ors only  a grade  beloAv  the  faculty  professors,  Avith  lectures  alloAved  to  count,  to 
a certain  extent,  as  faculty  lectures,  and  Avith  the  right  of  examining  for  some 
of  tliA  loAver  diplomas  and  granting  them.  No  one  can  jiractisc  as  a druggist  or 
apothecary  in  France  Avithout  getting  either  a first  or  a second  class  diploma.  A 
first  class  diploma  necessitates  three  years’  study  in  an  Ecole  superieure  de  Phar- 
made,  three  years’  practise  Avith  a regularly  authorized  apothecary,  and  the  pass- 
ing eight  examinations,  the  last  of  AvhicU  cannot  be  passed  before  the  age  of 
tAAcn^y-fiA'e.  The  cost  of  obtaining  this  diploma  comes  to  nearly  5G/.  A phar- 
inaden  AA'ith  this  first  class  diploma  may  practise  anyAAdicre  in  France.  A second 
class  d'ploma  only  entitles  its  holder  to  practise  in  the  department  chosen  by  him 
AA'hen  he  entered  his  name  for  lectures.  But  to  hold  this  second  class  diploma 
he  must  have  attended  faculty  lectures  for  one  or  tAvo  years,  haAm  practised  six 
or  f ur  years  Avith  a regular  pharmaden,  and  passed  four  or  five  examinations,  for. 
the  last  of  Avhich  he  must  be  tAventy-five  years  old.  The  candidate  for  the  first 
class  diploma  must  have  the  degi'ce  of  bachelor  of  sciences  before  he  can  enter 
himself  to  foiloAV  the  lectures  of  the  pharmacy  school ; the  candidate  for  the 
second  class  diploma  must  have  the  certijicat  aexamen  de  grummaire  mentioned 
a o . e. 

In  Paris  the  scat  of  the  faculties  of  theology,  sciences,  and  letters  is  at  the 
Sort  onne  ; of  the  faculty  of  medicine,  at  the  Ecole  de  Mededne;  of  that  of  laAA> 
at  the  Ecole.de  Droit.  There  are  eight  inspectors  of  superior  instruction, — four 
for  letters,  four  for  sciences,  one  for  medicine,  and  one  for  hiAV.  Six  of  the  eight 
are  members  of  the  Institute,  and  in  1865,  Avere : M.  Ravais.son,  IVL  Nisard,  M. 
Dumas  (the  chemist),  M.  Lc  Verrier,  M.  Brongniart,  and  ]\I.  Charles  Giraud, 
Their  salary,  like  that  of  the  faculty  professors  in  Paris,  is  12,000  francs  a year, 
a high  salary  for  France;  and  the  post  of  inspector-general  and  professor  of 
superior  instruction  form  a valuable  body  of  prizes  for  science  and  literature. 

Each  faculty  has  an  aggregation,  similar  in  plan  to  that  which  exists  for  the 
profes.^o  s of  secondary  instruction  already  described;  but,  for  aggregaiion  in  a 
faculty,  very  high  and  com])lete  studies  are  necessary.  In  general,  the  course 
of>j)romotion  is  this:  the  intending  first  obtains  the  degree  of  doctor  in 

his  faculty;  after  being  admitted  agrege  he  becomes  assistant  professor,  and 
finally  full  professor.  A full  faculty  professor  must  be  thirty  years  old.  The 
Dean  of  Faculty  is  chosen  by  the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  from  among 
the  professors  of  his  faculty.  While  the  minister  has  poAver  to  dismiss  of  his 
own  authority  the  functionaries  of  secondary  instruction,  those  of  supeidor  in- 
struction can  only  be  dismissed  by  imperial  decree.  The  faculties  have  also  the 
right  of  proposing  candidates  for  their  vacant  chairs,  though  the  Emperor,  who 
nominates,  is  not  bound  to  adopt  their  proposal. 

(6.)  Outside  the  faculties  are  a number  of  important  State-establishments,  all 
of  them  contributing  to  Avhat  may  be  called  the  higher  instruction  of  the  country. 
The  mo.st  remarkable  of  these  is  the  College  of  France,  founded  at  the  Renai.s- 
sance,  to  make  up,  one  may  .say,  for  the  short-comings  of  the  mediaeval  univer- 
sities, and  Avhich  has  groAvn  in  scale,  value,  and  consideration  till  it  now  has 
thirty  one  ])rofes.sors,  coA^ering  with  their  instruction  all  the  most  important 
provinces  of  human  culture,  and  many  of  them  among  the  most  distinguished 
men  in  France.  The  Ecoie  des  Chart's,  the  pupils  of  which  haA^e  labored  so 
fruitfully  among  tbc  archiAX'S  of  France  and  tbe  early  documents  of  her  history, 
has  seven  professors.  The  Museum  of  Natural  History  has  sixteen.  The  School 
of  Living  (Oriental  Languages  has  nine.  The  School  of  Athens  is  designed  to 
giAX  to  the  most  promising  of  the  young  professors,  from  the  age  of  about  tAven- 
t3"-five  to  thirty,  of  French  public  instruction,  the  opportunity  of  for  two  years 
studying  on  the  spot  the  language  and  antiquities  of  Greece.  All  these  establish- 
ments, Avith  the  Bureau  des  Longitudes,  and  the  public  libraries  of  the  capital,  are 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FRANCE. 


336 

under  tlie  Minister  of  Public  Instruction.  Other  ministers  have  spe  ial  schools 
attached  to  their  department.  The  Minister  of  War  has  thus  the  l^oly technic, 
JSaint  Cyr,  and  tlie  Cavalry  School  of  Saumnr ; the  Minister  of  Marine  has  the 
Naval  School  and  the  Schools  of  llydrograjdiy  ; the  Minister  of  Finance  has  the 
School  of  Woodcraft  (.EeWe  forestih'e) the  Minister  of  the  Household  has  the 
School  of  Fine  Arts  ; the  Minister  of  Agriculture,  Commerce,  and  Public  Works 
lets  the  Schools  of  Agriculture,  the  Veterinary  Schools,  the  Schools  of  Arts  and 
Trades,  the  Central  School  of  Arts  and  Manufactures,  the  School  of  Commerce, 
the  Schools  of  ISlines  and  Miners,  and  the  Ecole  Imperiale  des  Fonts  et  C/iaussees. 
The  grants  to  the  Institute  and  to  the  Academy  of  Medicine  (a  sort  of  medical 
institute)  come  into  the  estimates  of  the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction.  Into 
his  estimates  come  also  all  grants,  whether  for  pensions,  gratuities,  missions, 
publications,  or  subscriptions,  which  fall  under  the  head  of  grants  for  literature, 
science,  and  art.  For  1865,  these  grants  amounted  to  680,000  fr.  (27,200/.). 
The  grants  to  the  Institute  and  Academy  of  Medicine,  grants  which  really  come 
under  the  same  category  as  the  preceding,  amounted  to  above  26,000/.  more. 

(7.)  In  1868,  tFe  Minister  of  .Public  Instruction  announced  that  the 
laboratories  in  the  INIuseum  of  Natural  History,  the  Sorbonne,  and  School 
of  Medicine  had  been  greatly  enlarged  and  better  equipped  for  the  pur- 
ptoses  of  instruction,  and  that  means  had  been  furnished  by  the  Corps  Leg- 
islatif  to  construct  new  laboratories  of  original  research,  in  -which  emi- 
nent jtrofessors  would  assure  the  ptcrpetuity  of  scientific  progress,  by  train- 
ing a limited  number  of  jmpils,  already  the  rcciptients  of  the  best  knowl- 
edge, to  the  art  of  observation  and  the  method  of  experimentation. 

To  the  instruction  given  in  the  University  Faculties,  the  College  of 
France,  the  IMuseum  of  Natural  History,  and  the  Special  Schools,  was 
added  in  1867,  a Practical  School  of  Superior  Studies,  in  which  instruc- 
tion is  given  in:  1.  Mathematics;  2.  Natural  Philosophy  and  Physics; 
3.  Natural  History  and  Physiology ; 4.  Historical  Studies  and  Philologi- 
cal Science.  Each  section  is  under  a special  director,  and  the  whole 
scheme  is  administered  by  a general  Director  and  a superi3r  Council. 
No  conditions  as  to  age,  sex,  or  nationality,  are  prescribed,  but  all  appli- 
cants must  pass  a ])robationary  stage  of  three  months,  before  they  are  reg- 
istered as  regular  students. 

...  *' 

(8.)  A scheme  for  the  reorganization  of  Superior  Instruction,  has  been 

matured  by  the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction,  after  an  examination  of  the 
Universities  of  other  countries,  and  particularly  of  Germany  and  Great 
Britain,  by  which  the  principile  of  liberty  as  regards  persons,  subjects,  and 
methods  in  each  Faculty  is  established;  the  faculties  of  theology  are 
removed  from  the  general  system ; a new  faculty,  that  of  Economic 
and  Administrative  Science,  is  added ; scholarships  in  aid  of  sons  of  those 
who  have  deserved  well  of  the  State  in  military  or  civil  service  are  insti- 
tuted ; each  Faculty  elects  its  own  dean,  and  the  deans  and  one  professor 
of  each  faculty  compjose  a General  Council  of  Superior  Instruction. 


IV.  UNIVERSITIES-PAST  AND  PRESENT, 

AND  THE  SERVICE  RENDERED  TO  HUMAN  CULTURE  BY  THOSE 
OF  GERMANY. 


By  Dr.  BOLLINGER,  University  of  Munich. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES,  PAST  AND  PRESENT  * 


BY  DR.  BOLLINGER,  RECTOR  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  MUNICH. 


Summoned  to  address  this  assembly  in  the  presence  of  two  of 
the  Royal  Princes,  the  hereditary  patrons  of  this  University,  of  the 
honored  circle  of  my  colleagues  and  of  the  younger  members  of 
our  academic  fellowship ; the  well-being  and  progress  of  the  society 
to  which  we  belong,  and  the  common  interests  which  bind  us 
together  as  scholars,  will  furnish  the  theme  of  my  discourse.  Taking 
our  standpoint  high  enough  to  embrace  in  our  survey  nations  and 
centuries,  we  can  get  a clear  perception  of  the  conditions  on  which 
the  prosperity  of  our  Universities  or  High  Schools,  as  they  were 
very  commonly  designated,  depend,  and  of  the  laws  which  must  in 
future  govern  the  fate  of  similar  institutions. 

Universities,  without  being  such  in  the  modern  sense  of  the  woi^d, 
originated  as  free  associations  of  respected  teachers  and  eager 
scholars.  The  oldest  was  the  Medical  School  at  Salerno,  which  had 
a reputation  in  the  eleventh  century.  Next,  we  find  the  Law  School 
at  Bologna  fiourishing  since  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  ; and 
later,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  that  of  Padua,  begun  by  emigrants 
from  the  former.  Naples  sprung  at  once  into  a systematic,  princely 
establishment,  owing  to  a monopoly,  by  which  the  Sicilian  youth  were 
forbidden  to  study  at  foreign  schools.  The  Italian  law  schools,  par- 
ticularly that  of  Bologna,  were  composed  of  several  so-called  Uni- 
versities, that  is,  of  several  corporations  or  schools  which  were 
independent  of  each  other  and  formed  of  the  different  nationalities, 
but  mainly  of  jurists  and  the  faculty  of  arts. 

The  study  of  Roman  and  Canon  Law  greatly  predominated  at  all 
the  High  Schools  in  Italy,  with  the  sole  exception  of  Salerno,  and 
even  here  study  was  not  pursued  in  a scientiffc  method  and  for  sci- 
entific purposes,  but  solely  for  material  ends — for  success  in  civil 
life  and  in  clerical  preferments  and  offices.  Through  its  juris- 
prudence, both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  Italy  at  that  time  ruled  the 
world  and  held  every  government  of  Europe  subject  and  tributary. 


* The  Universities,  Past  and  Present;  an  Address  by  Dr.  Jolin  Jos.  Tgn.  v.  Dollinger,  on  his  in- 
auguration as  Rector,  Dec.  22,  18ti6.  Munich,  1867. 


334 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


At  these  Italian  schools  neither  theological  or  philosophical  or  sci- 
entific studies  flourished  until  a much  later  period.  Dante  for  this 
reason  complained  that  no  one  would  study  any  thing  hut  decretals. 
How  full  of  gloom  and  despair  sound  the  words  of  Roger  Bacon, 
the  only  man  of  his  time  of  universal  knowledge:  “The  juris- 
prudence of  the  Italians  has  for  forty  years  destroyed  the  study  of 
wisdom,  (meaning,  philosophy,  natural  science,  and  theology,)  aye, 
even  the  Church  and  all  the  Kingdoms.”  Ilis  ideal  was  a science, 
conducted  and  controlled  by  the  Church,  nursed  by  the  clergy, 
combining  the  spiritual  and  human,  the  visible  and  the  invisible. 
But  for  this  study  he  could  not  find  men,  as  the  clergy  studied 
jurisprudence  only  as  a means  of  advancement  to  high  honors  and 
rich  livings.  At  this  time  (1262)  there  were  in  Bologna  20,000 
students,  and  among  them  thousands  of  matured  minds  thoroughly 
versed  and  trained  in  jurisprudence — a legion,  all  contending  under 
one  flag,  large  and  strong  enough  to  conquer  and  rule  the  whole 
world ! 

It  was  totally  different  on  this  side  of  the  Alps.  From  the  be- 
ginning of  the  thirteenth  century  the  High  School  of  Paris,  first  as 
a Studium  Generate^''  then  as  “ from  the  first  pro- 

tected by  Popes  and  Kings,  grew  to  be  the  most  influential  and 
honored  corporation.  Resting  on  the  permanent  foundation  of  a 
large  body  of  teachers,  it  was  still  poor,  not  even  owning  a building, 
which  was  gradually  supplied  by  the  several  colleges  which  were 
established  to  provide  common  lodgings  for  teachers  and  scholars, 
and  came  at  last  to  absorb  the  whole  University  in  themselves. 
Here  philosophical  and  theological  studies  gained  the  ascendancy 
and  threw  all  others  into  the  shade — the  teaching  of  jurisprudence 
being  for  a long  time  interdicted  by  the  Pope.  Nearly  half  the  city 
was  turned  into  a school,  making  Paris  resemble  the  Oxford  of  our 
day  with  its  numerous  buildings  devoted  to  the  residence  of  an 
academic  population,  Avhile,  according  to  the  statement  of  a Vene- 
tian ambassador  near  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  even  after 
the  distractions  of  the  religious  wars,  it  numbered  over  thirty  thou- 
sand (30,000  ;)  more  than  all  the  Universities  of  Italy  put  together. 

But  still  Paris  was  not  a University  in  the  modern,  German  sense 
of  the  word.  Throughout  the  middle  ages  it  wanted  a complete 
juridical  faculty ; but  even  with  this  defect  it  excelled  all  others  in 
France,  none  of  them  rising  above  the  subordinate  character  of  spe- 
cial schools ; as  of  jurisprudence  at  Orleans,  Bourges,  Cahors  and 
Angers;  of  medicine  at  Montpelier. 

For  two  centuries  Germany  does  not  seem  to  have  conceived  the 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


335 


idea  of  freeing  herself  from  intellectual  dependence  upon  Italy  and 
France  by  establishing  a High  School  on  her  own  soil.  The  German 
who  wished  for  a higher  education  was  obliged  to  seek  it  in  Paris, 
or  Padua,  or  Bologna.  The  English  had  met  their  own  wants 
better;  for  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  in  our  own  day  regarded  as  the 
two  mental  eyes  of  the  kingdom,  had  a high  reputation  even  in  the 
middle  of  the  thirteenth  century.  No  German  Elector  or  Emperor 
stepped  forward  to  aid  the  undertaking — no  voice  from  the  people 
called  for  it.  The  century  after  the  death  of  Frederick  the  Second, 
with  its  civil  wars  and  contentions  for  the  throne,  was  certainly  not 
favorable  to  the  works  of  peace.  The  spirit  of  dissension  and  iso- 
lation was  already  too  potent  in  Germany.  As  there  was  no  longer 
a united  German  Church,  so  there  was  no  aspiration  for  a central 
seat  of  science.  Men  were  satisfied  with  the  belief  that  different 
gifts  were  distributed  to  different  nations  ; as  the  Tmperium  to  Ger- 
many ; the  Studium  Generate  to  France;  and  the  S a cerdotium  io 
Italy.  No  one  appears  to  have  conceived  the  idea  that  Germany, 
to  preserve  her  Impermm  and  her  national  unity,  needed  her  own 
Studium  Generate.  When  the  Emperor  Charles  IV,  in  1348,  estab- 
lished the  High  School  at  Prague,  after  the  model  of  that  of  Paris, 
it  was  hot  a national  desire  or  demand 'of  the  people  which  brought 
into  life  this  first-born  of  German  Universities,  but  because  the 
Emperor  desired,  in  commemoration  of  his  student  life  in  the  rue 
du  fouarre,  to  have  an  institution,  similar  to  the  one  he  there  at- 
tended, in  his  own  dominion  of  Bohemia.  The  University  of 
Prague,  too  distant  from  the  heart  of  Germany,  and  from  the  begin- 
ning divided  among  the  Sclavonians  and  Germans,  was  soon  in- 
volved in  the  storms  and  vicissitudes  of  the  Hussite  controversy  and 
wars.  The  University  of  Vienna,  founded  in  1365,  might  have 
proved  more  beneficial  and  important  for  Germany  had  not  the 
interest  in  scholasticism  begun  to  fail — the  faculty  of  arts  lached’ 
adequate  force,  while  that  of  law  was  so  poorly  equipped  that  civil 
law  was  not  taught  for  a considerable  period ; even  the  medical 
faculty  never  had  a vigorous  life ; indeed  the  interest  manifested  by 
Germany  in  the  operations  and  perpetuity  of  the  University,  was 
confined  to  very  narrow  limits. 

It  was  a matter  of  grave  importance,  whose  consequences  extend 
even  to  our  day,  that  Schools  of  Law,  even  though  of  foreign  and 
Koman  Law,  introduced  from  Padua  and  Bologna,  were  established 
in  the  Universities  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  and  during  the  fif- 
teenth centuries;  because  German  jurisprudence  had  not  been  able 
to  perfect  itself  into  a national  system,  nor  was  it,  indeed,,  recog: 


336 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


nized  or  represented  at  the  new  High  Schools.  How  different 
would  have  been  the  history  and  condition  of  Germany,  if  she  had 
had  one  or  two  High  Schools  in  the  thirteenth  century,  when  law 
books,  as  the  Suabian  and  Saxon  Mirrors,  were  first  written,  and  a 
more  complete  and  formal  statement  of  existing  law  was  at- 
tempted, though’  without  system  or  any  exposition  of  its  meaning. 
Then  we  might  have  had  the  rudiments,  at  least,  of  a German  juris- 
prudence, and  the  Roman  Law,  little  inviting  in  its  unseemly  shape, 
as  a gloss  of  the  Pandects  and  Institutes,  would  not  have  gained  or 
so  long  retained  the  sole  supremacy  of  the  Schools.  How  ditlerent 
would  the  penal  and  civil  law  have  been,  and  no  less  the  Church 
and  politics  ! You  need  but  recall  the  common  practice  of  torture, 
justified  by  appeal  to  the  Roman  Law  and  the  Italian  Jurists;  of 
the  Roman  theory  of  the  absolute  law-making  power  of  monarchs ; 
of  the  principle  that  every  petty  sovereign  was  to  be  considered  a 
Roman  Emperor  in  his  own  domiiiions;  of  the  exemptions  enjoyed 
by  the  Roman  exchequer ; of  the  terrible  doctrine  of  high  treason 
against  the  sovereign,  and  the  draconic  penalties  for  such  crime ; 
and  finally  of  the  legal  axiom  that  the  sovereign  Avas  not  bound  by 
the  law.  r 

German  hiAv  did  not  recog*nize  such  principles,  but  proclaimed  the 
very  opposite.  But  such  were  the  fruits,  in  Germany,  of  Roman 
jurisprudence,  as  interpreted  by  the  Italians  of  the  later  middle 
ages — I say  “later”  middle  ages,  because  it  was  at  that  time  that 
the  study  of  law  Avas  transplanted  to  the  German  High.  Schools, 
after  the  older  and  better  teaching  of  Bologna,  Avhose  decline  com- 
menced Avitli  Bartolns  and  Baldus,  had  become  extinct. 

The  LTniA^ersities  in  Germany  remained  for  a long  time  only  ad- 
A'cntitious  institutions,  transplanted  from  foreign  countries,  Avitliout 
assimilating,  cultivating  or  controlling  the  mind  of  the  nation. 
Theologians  and  canonists  alone  found  an  opportunity,  at  the  great 
ecclesiastical  councils  of  the  fifteenth  century,  to  vindicate  them- 
selves and  their  learning.  It  is  true  that  the  gathering  of  the  most 
learned  man  from  the  principal  countries  of  Europe,  Avliich  had 
been  brought  about  by  the  councils,  and  the  consequent  interchange 
of  ideas,  should  have  exercised  a healthy  influence  on  the  schools. 
But  owing  to  the  preponderance  of  theological  studies  on  this  side 
of  the  Alps,  the  Avell-bcing  of  the  High  Schools  depended  on  the 
condition  of  the  Church ; and  as  that  Avas  distracted  and  confused,  the 
defeat  of  the  Councils,  Avhich  Avere  at  last  abandoned  b}^  the  princes, 
Avas  at  the  same  time  a defeat  of  the  High  Schools,  and  was  felt  to 
be  such  by  their  members.  With  few  exceptions,  the  names  of  the 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


337 


German  professors  of  the  fifteenth  century  are  forgotten  ; they  left 
no  works,  or  even  the  memory  of  any  undertaking  wortliy  to  be 
preserved  by  the  nation.  The  only  German  philosopher,  Nicholas 
von  Cusa,  and  the  only  professor  of  civil  law,  Peter  of  Andlaw, 
together  with  the  historians  of  that  period,  had  no  connection  with 
the  Universities.  Geiler  of  Kaisersberg  and  Sebastian  P)rand  were 
connected  only  for  a short  time  with  these  schools  of  higher  learn- 
ing. 

From  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  however,  there  arose  in 
Germany  a spirit  of  emulation  in  the  establishment  of  Universities. 
During  the  fifteenth  century,  nine  Universities  were  added  to  the 
five  then  existing,  although  with  limited  means  and  slender  endow- 
ments. Even  some  cities,  like  Erfurt,  wished  to  have  their  own 
Universities.  Not  one  of  the  fourteen  Ilio-h  Schools  was  able  to 
meet  the  moderate  expectations  which  the  low  standard  of  science 
at  that  time  might  demand.  At  first,  Tubingen  and  Leipsic  had 
only  two  professors  of  medicine,  in  Tubingen  one  receiving  a salary 
of  one  hundred  florins  and  the  other  sixty.  The  founding  of  Uni- 
versities at  that  time  was  promoted  by  the  facility  with  which  the 
prebendaries  of  the  numerous  and  riclily-endowed  ecclesiastical 
chapters  were  conferred  upon  professors.  As  most  of  these  Faculties 
were  formed  after  the  model  of  Prague,  which  was  itself  modeled 
from  Paris,  theology,  in  the  scholastic  systems,  prevailed ; and  the 
Faculty  of  Arts,  bound,  likewise,  to  scholastic  forms,  was  commonly 
under  the  direction  of  the  theologians ; since  an  ecclesiastical  dig- 
nitary usually  presided  as  Chancellor.  It  is  true  that  the  High 
Schools  were  never  regarded  as  purely  ecclesiastical  institutions,  for 
the  graduates  were  allowed  to  teach  whatever  and  wherever  they 
chose,  without  the  permission  of  the  State.  These  corporations 
were  republics  within  the  State.  As  libraries  and  scientific  collec- 
tions existed  only  on  the  smallest  scale,  the  migration  of  a whole 
University,  in  consequence  of  war,  or  pestilence,  or  internal  dis- 
sensions, was  as  easy  as  it  was  common. 

A passing  remark  seems  to  be  in  place  here. 

How  the  characters,  and  through  it,  the  natural  development  of 
the  three  great  nations  of  Europe  is  reflected  in  the  history  of  the 
Universities!  France,  for  centuries  advancing  steadily  and  contin- 
ually to  an  cver-narrower  centralization,  a people  of  thirty-six  mil- 
lions of  souls,  has  only  one  city  where  an  educated  Frenchman 
wmuld  wish  to  live — a city  which  is  the  all-absorbing  centre  of  social 
and  political  action — France  has  had  only  one  University,  and  that 
in  this  very  city.  All  others  were  only  special  schools.  France, 

22 


338 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


after  the  Revolution,  which  could  not  tolerate  the  independence  of 
any  corporation,  either  literary  or  political,  following  her  natural 
instinct,  destroyed  her  ancient  University  and  established  in  its 
place  a complex  system  of  school  administration  for  the  whole 
country,  which,  powerless  in  itself,  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the 
State.  The  French  University  has,  at  present,  nothing  in  common 
with  the  German  and  English  but  the  name. 

England,  on  the  contrary,  through  all  her  history,  pursuing  the 
twofold  aim  of  practical  efficiency  and  political  liberty,  and  opposed 
to  all  centralization,  had  from  the  beginning  two  High  Schools,  two 
learned  corporations,  which  have  preserved  their  republican  inde- 
pendence to  this  day.  One  alone,  perhaps,  would  have  been  too 
exclusive  and  enjoyed  too  great  a monopoly,  and  inclined  to  rest  on 
her  privileges  and  previously-earned  honors ; but  the  two  watched 
and  incited  each  other  mutually,  each  fostering  one  of  the  two 
main  tendencies  of  the  English  mind — namely,  Oxford  the  ecclesi- 
astical and  its  associated  discipline,  and  Cambridge  the  mathemat- 
ical and  more  practical  branches. 

In  Germany,  finally,  towards  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages,  where 
the  progress  of  decentralization  overwhelmed  or  made  subservient 
all  other  considerations  and  gradually  undermined  the  great  central- 
izing institutions — the  Empire  and  the  Church — many  Universities 
sprung  up,  too  often  the  sickly  and  dwarfed  children  of  such  a 
mother.  Then,  even  a city  of  the  second  or  third  class,  or  a little 
territory  smaller  than  an  English  county,  wished  to  possess  its  own 
University,  like  a duodecimo  pocket  edition  of  a High  School,  for 
private  use.  Thus  it  naturally  came  to  pass  that  in  1805,  Erfurt 
and  Duisberg  had  only  twenty-one  students  each,  Erfurt  having 
twice  as  many  professors  as  scholars. 

With  the  sixteenth  century  there  began  a new  order  of  things, 
and  the  German  Universities  rose  to  unprecedented  power  and  im- 
portance. The  Humanists  or  philologists  and  the  teachers  of  clas- 
sical studies  gained  a position  in  the  Universities,  and,  where  they 
were  not  overpowered  in  the  contest  which  ensued  with  the  up- 
holders of  scholasticism,  they  of  necessity  broke  down  the  defenses 
behind  which  the  Faculty  of  Arts  in  philosophy  and  grammar,  had 
concealed  their  scholastic  barrenness  of  thought  and  feeble  helpless- 
ness. While  these  little  wars  were  waged  with  different  conse- 
quences in  each  separate  University,  there  arose  in  the  youngest  of 
them  all  that  world-renowned  religious  struggle,  which,  as  a devas- 
tating storm,  aroused  the  very  heart  of  Germany  from  the  Alps  to 
the  Baltic^  as  no  commotion,  before  or  since,  has  ever  done,  and 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


339 


finally  for  centuries  divided  the  country  into  two  nearly  equal  por- 
tions. One  of  the  results  of  this  national  convulsion  was  the  dis- 
memberment and  final  remodeling  of  the  German  Universities. 
They  were  the  armories  where  the  weapons  of  the  contest  were 
forged,  and  often  the  battle-fields  where  doctrines  and  dogmas  con- 
tended for  victory.  As  for  a long  time  in  the  whole  of  Germany 
theological  questions  and  ecclesiastical  interests  took  precedence  of 
all  others,  so  the  prosperity  or  downfall  of  the  High  Schools  de- 
pended now,  more  than  ever,  on  the  authority  of  the  theological 
faculties.  But  this  authority  and  preeminence  was  dearly  bought. 
When  the  High  Schools  became  for  the  first  time  in  Germany, 
“ the  princes  at  once  assumed  the  pre- 

rogative of  nominating  or  displacing  at  pleasure,  first  the  professors 
of  theology,  and  afterwards  all. the  others  ; thus  the  religious  system 
of  a whole  country  was  changed  by  the  removal  or  instalment  of 
three  or  four  professors,  and  the  practice  and  doctrine  was  settled 
that  the  sovereign  decides  the  religion  of  the  people.  Reformations 
and  counter-reformations  followed,  and  to  show  here  what  became 
of  the  German  Empire,  of  the  liberty  of  the  nation,  of  the  privi- 
leges of  the  nobility,  on  Catholic  as  well  as  Protestant  sides,  through 
the  united  agency  of  these  two  new  and  powerful  elements,  Roman 
law  and  the  spiritual  authority  of  sovereigns — to  portray  this  would 
be  most  unpleasant  and  is  happily  not  necessary. 

Where  the  Reformation  had  conquered,  new  High  Schools  quickly 
sprung  up,  as  at  Marburg,  Jena,  Koenigsberg,  Helmstadt,  and  Alt- 
dorf — hotbeds  of  Protestant  theology,  and  of  Roman  law,  so  favor- 
able to  absolutism.  So  we  are  told  of  Helmstadt,  that  the  Estates 
used  to  regard  and  hate  the  ducal  University  as  a corporation  sub- 
sidized to  defend  the  princely  prerogatives.  As  the  Church  and 
State  were  united  in  the  person  of  the  sovereign,  the  politico-judicial 
character  of  a High  School  did  not  interfere  with  its  ecclesiastical 
character,  for  we  read  in  the  Wittenberg  Statutes  of  1595  that  “the 
Faculty  of  Philosophy  must  be  a part  of  the  Church.”  Until  the 
eighteenth  century,  disputations  were  held,  and  degrees  in  all 
branches  were  conferred  in  the  Church,  and  all  Professors  and  Doc- 
tors took  the  oath  on  the  Sacred  Book. 

Germany  may  well  rejoice  that  her  High  Schools  did  not  perish 
in  the  seventeenth  century,  that  gloomiest  period  of  her  history,  and 
that  they  survived  the  Thirty  Years’  War. 

The  general  condition,  however,  of  the  Universities  was  so  unsat- 
isfactory that  many  Germans,  especially  in  the  early  part  of  the 
century,  preferred  to  seek  a better  education  in  foreign  countries, 


340 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


and  also  to  escape  the  insufferable  tyranny  of  the  lawless  students, 
known  as  pennaliam.^'*  The  law  students  went  to  France ; the 
medical  students  to  Italy ; for  through  its  schools  at  Padua  and 
Pisa,  and  through  men  like  Telesio,  Baglivi,  Fabrizio,  Cardano,  and 
Galileo,  Italy  had  once,  if  only  for  a short  time,  taught  all  Europe 
in  the  departments  of  philosophy  and  science. 

It  was  at  the  close  of  the  great  w^ar,  in  the  year  of  the  peace  of 
Westphalia,  that  Valentin  Andrea  wrote  these  sad  words,  which 
sound  like  an  epitaph  on  the  German  spirit : “ I have  long  since 
learned  from  my  own  experience  that  there  is  nothing  more  profane 
than  our  religion,  nothing  more  baneful  than  our  medicine,  and 
nothing  more  unjust  than  our  law.” 

Nor  does  the  latter  part  of  the  century  present  a more  pleasing 
aspect.  When  Germany  was  humbled  and  her  political  importance 
gone,  when  foreign  rapacity  and  insolence  tore  one  member  after 
another  from  the  paralyzed  body  of  the  Empire,  when  the  Palat- 
inate was  ravaged  and  Heidelberg  destroyed,  how  quiet  were  the 
Universities!  they  gave  no  evidence  of  patriotic  indignation,  nor 
did  they  give  utterance  to  any  words  that  might  arouse  the  nation 
from  her  lethargy ; professors  and  students  alike  seemed  prepared 
to  accept  with  stolid  indifference  whatever  might  come  to  pass.  The 
Catholic  institutions,  none  of  them  deserving  the  title  of  University, 
employing  only  a few  professors,  vegetated  rather  than  lived.  The 
Protestant  faculties  were  absorbed  by  theological  questions  and  dis- 
cussions, and  their  history  is  almost  exclusively  a history  of  war 
between  Lutheran  orthodoxy  on  one  side  and  Calvinism,  Syncretism 
and  Pietism  on  the  other.  Ilelmstadt  alone  was  an  exception. 
There  the  humanistic  studies  were  still  pursued ; there  Conring 
worked,  a man  of  varied  and  profouncl  attainments  for  his  time, 
professor  of  medicine,  and  at  the  same  time  prominent  as  a jurist, 
historian,  and  theologian,  and  by  his  application  of  the  historical 
method  to  German  law  and  political  economy,  as  a prophet  and 
forerunner  of  a scientific  course  to  which  the  German  High  Schools 
of  a later  date  owe  their  Horious  successes. 

As  late  as  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  lectures  of  all 
the  faculties  were  delivered  in  Latin,  the  German  language  being 
almost  proscribed  in  the  lecture-rooms,  notwithstanding  that  Leib- 
nitz had  recently  declared  that  it  was  better  adapted  than  any  other 
to  be  the  language  of  philosophy  and  science.  All  this  was  the 
consequence  of  that  long  deliberation  of  Germany  before  founding 
an  University,  and  also  because  our  professors  imported  juris- 


•See  Ruumer’s  German  Universities,  in  Barnard’s  Am.  Journal  of  Ed.,  vol.  vii.  p.  47. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


341 


prudence,  philosophy  and  physical  science  from  Italy ; what  they 
had  learned  there  in  Latin  they  could  and  would  impart  at  home 
only  in  the  same  language.  Finally,  about  the  same  time,  Tho- 
masius  in  Halle  and  Buddeus  in  Jena  began  to  read  lectures  in 
German.  But  how  long  it  was  before  the  German  language  pre- 
vailed every  where,  and  with  what  tenacity  did  our  professors  cling 
to  Latin  lectures ! To  the  mediocre  and  shallow  teacher  who  had 
nothing  new  to  communicate,  there  was  nothing  more  desirable 
than  the  use  of  a foreign  tongue.  Their  obscure  conceptions  and 
scanty  knowledge  were  well  concealed,  and  even  commonplaces, 
insufferable  in  German,  were  even  stately  in  their  Latin  periods. 

But  every  one  thinks  in  his  mother  tongue,  and  a foreign  and 
dead  language  is  always  strange  to  our  inmost  thoughts  and  sen- 
timents; so  a double  labor  was  imposed  upon  the  student,  because 
he  was  obliged  to  translate  the  Latin  sentence  mentally  into  German, 
and  then  to  adjust  and  assimilate  this  translation  in  his  mind ; in 
which  he  of  necessity  often  failed,  because  the  Latin  and  German 
terms  are  seldom  even  synonymous,  the  most  expressive  German 
word  being,  in  many  cases,  scarcely  a paraphrase  of  the  Latin.  With 
this  method  and  medium  of  teaching,  a system  of  national  instruc- 
tion was  impossible. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  and  far  into  the  next  cen- 
tury, the  German  Universities  were  generally  but  little  respected, 
and  the  princes  themselves  were  forward  to  give  the  example  of  con- 
tempt. No  corporate  body  was  ever  treated  more  slightingly  than 
were  the  High  Schools  at  Frankfort  by  Frederic  William  I,  or  those 
of  Halle  by  his  son.  They  were  regarded  and  treated  as  useless 
relics  of  a past  age  under  whose  protection,  narrowness  of  mind,  dry 
pedantry  and  formal  instruction,  of  no  benefit  to  the  avocations  of 
practical  life,  were  fostered.  While  the  nobility  showed,  in  habits 
and  language,  an  increasing  leaning  to  France,  while  the  Landgrave 
Ernest  of  Hesse-Rheinfeld  for  four  years  kept  up  a correspondence 
with  Leibnitz  in  French,  the  learned  Thomasius  was  laboring  with 
poor  success  to  establish  his  mother  tongue  and  to  practice  an  im- 
proved style  with  his  pupils  at  Halle.  “ Few,”  he  says,  “ were  able 
to  compose  a simple  period  correctly  or  write  a German  letter.” 
Gabriel  Wagner,  who  regarded  the  exclusive  use  of  a foreign  lan- 
guage, especially  in  philosophical  studies,  as  a most  deplorable  error, 
wrote  a few  years  before : “ Whoever  attempts  to  establish  our 
mother  tongue  in  the  schools  is  looked  upon  as  mad.”  It  is  sig- 
nificant of  the  decline  of  the  Universities  at  that  period,  that  our 
greatest  man,  Leibnitz,  in  his  designs  and  propositions  for  the  ele- 


342 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


vation  of  science,  ignored  the  Universities  entirely,  as  if  they  had 
sunk  too  low  to  be  reformed. 

Ilalle  maintained  her  position,  as  first  among  the  German  High 
Schools,  from  1690  until  about  1730.  It  had  a good  number  of 
professors  in  each  faculty  whose  names  are  connected  with  real 
progress  in  their  special  branches ; metaphysics,  theology,  phi- 
losophy, and  jurisprudence,  which  at  other  schools  were  suppressed 
or  neglected,  found  an  asylum  here,  and  the  institutions  of  Franke 
attracted  the  attention  of  all  Germany.  The  decline  of  this  renown 
and  influence  began  with  the  restriction  of  this  liberty  of  instruc- 
tion, when  the  philosopher  Wolf  was  expelled  and  Spangenburg 
exiled. 

About  1734  Gottingen  arose,  under  British  protection;  intelli- 
gently conducted,  and  liberally  endowed  by  the  State,  it  helped  to 
work  a reform  in  German  science.  The  names  of  Mosheim,  Bohmer, 
Gessner,  Haller,  and  at  a later  period,  of  Putter,  Schlozer,  Michaelis, 
Heyne,  Lichtenberg  ; the  liberty  of  unlicensed  teaching,  the  absence 
of  censorship,  the  number  of  books  of  instruction,  written  by  the 
professors  and  employed  at  other  institutions,  placed  Gottingen  for 
about  a half  century  at  the  head  of  the  German  Universities. 

In  regard  to  history,  the  influence  of  Gottingen  upon  the  German 
mind  was  most  beneficial.  Although  lectures  on  history  had  been 
read  in  the  Universities  of  North  Germany,  at  least,  since  the  middle 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  they  were  little  more  than  mere  narratives 
which  could  be  made  convenient  to  certain  ends,  the  professors  being 
well  named  professores  hutoriarum.  Profane  history  was  made 
subservient  to  Church  history,  and  this  in  turn  was  made  to  serve 
the  ends  of  polemical  theology,  which  at  that  time  distracted  the 
public  attention.  German  and  Italian  history,  so  far  as  questions 
of  international  law  were  concerned,  was  the  field  from  which  the 
jurists  of  that  day  drew  their  examples.  Before  the  commencement 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  Germany  did  not  possess  one  work  on 
Universal  History,  of  even  moderate  merit,  (the  first  was  by  Cel- 
larius  of  Halle,)  and  before  the  works  of  Koehler  and  Struve  were 
published  there  was  not  a readable  work  on  German  History.  If 
we  look  back  from  a work  like  Spittler’s  History  of  European  States, 
published  in  1794,  to  the  productions  of  1750,  we  can  measure  the 
gigantic  progress  of  forty  years,  and  our  hopes  for  the  future  of  the 
German  High  Schools  as  well  as  of  German  literature  are  increased. 

Very  unexpectedly,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  century,  Konigsberg, 
the  most  remote  of  all  the  Universities,  drew  the  eyes  of  all  Ger- 
many upon  itself  through  the  reputation  of  one  man,  Emanuel 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


343 


Kant,  the  great  reformer  of  philosophy ; and  soon  there  was  not 
one  University  without  a disciple  of  the  philosopher  of  Konigsberg, 
or  a follower  of  his  system  of  teaching.  Soon  after  Kant,  Jena,  for 
a long  time  known  only  as  a school  of  able  theologians,  became, 
through  Fichte  and  Schelling,  the  seat  of  that  philosophical  dis- 
cussion which  for  a long  time  engaged  a large  proportion  of  German 
intellect  and  threw  all  other  studies  into  the  background.  Natural 
philosoph}^  an  oifshoot  of  Schelling’s  former  system,  in  other  words 
the  premature  attempt  to  construe  nature  and  her  laws  from  the 
very  insufficient  knowledge  of  physics,  which  at  that  time  was  un- 
dergoing a change,  in  the  same  way  as  Fichte  had  construed  history, 
threatened  to  endanger  purely  experimental  researches,  because  it 
found  much  favor  at  the  Universities.  But  the  startling  discoveries 
of  foreign  scientists  exposed  the  hollowness  of  such  attempts  and 
exploded  that  method  of  interpreting  nature.  This  proves  that 
science  carries  with  her  the  remedies  for  her  own  diseases  if  time 
only  be  given. 

The  eighteenth  century  came  to  an  end  and  the  new  one  was 
ushered  in  with  political  storms,  and  territorial  changes,  in  which 
several  German  Universities  disappeared.  Ilelmstadt,  Rueteln, 
Frankfort  on  the  Oder,  Duisberg,  Wittenberg,  Erfurt,  May  once, 
Bamberg,  Cologne,  Paderborn,  Munster,  Dillingen,  Salzburg — all 
died,  either  in  the  natural  course  of  events  or  by  arbitrary  sup- 
pression, or  being  merged  with  some  other  High  School.  In  fact 
none  of  the  institutions  were  missed  or  their  loss  deplored.  Many 
of  them  for  a long  time  had  led  but  a sorrowful  existence,  with  only 
two  or  three  faculties  and  without  a single  professor  of  national 
eminence.  Some  of  them  had  been  content  with  such  modest  re- 
tirement that  their  existence  was  scarcely  known  outside  of  the  city 
in  which  they  were  located.  Only  the  fall  of  the  University  of 
Mayence,  then  recently  reformed  and  well  appointed  by  the  Elector, 
and  which  in  1787  numbered  six  hundred  students,  was  felt  as  a 
serious  loss. 

But  now  an  institution  was  founded,  which,  even  in  its  infancy, 
was  destined  to  excel  all  others  and  realize  the  highest  ideal  of  a 
German  University.  Immediately  after  the  peace  of  Tilsit,  when 
Prussia,  shorn  of  half  her  people  and  resources,  was  reduced  to  a 
third-rate  power,  the  king  and  his  advisers  determined  upon  the 
establishment  of  a High  School  at  the  capital  of  the  nation  in  con- 
nection with  the  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences.  They  believed  that 
the  regeneration  of  the  nation  must  begin  with  the  spiritual  devel- 
opment of  the  people.  The  new  University  was  to  be  started  upon 


344 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


principles  radically  different  from  all  the  traditions  of  University 
organization  ; even  the  separation  of  the  faculties  was  to  cease.  It 
is  remarkable  that  Fichte,  thoroughly  German  as  he  was,  as  if  poi- 
soned by  the  French  revolutionary  ideas,  could  advise  the  entire 
abolition  of  the  old  and  the  creation  of  an  institution,  which,  orig- 
inated from  the  platonic  idea  of  a State  governed  by  philosophers, 
would  have  suppressed  all  individuality  of  teachers  and  scholars, 
undermined  their  liberty,  and  established  a kind  of  literary  mon- 
achism  with  despotic  forms. 

But  happily  William  von  Humboldt,  a live  statesman  and  phi- 
losopher, seized  the  opportunity  and  impressed  upon  the  new  insti- 
tution the  stamp  of  his  large  and  varied  mind.  That  a purely 
Prussian  High  School  was  not  projected  is  evident  from  the  fact 
that  if  all  the  invitations  sent  abroad  had  been  accepted,  two-thirds 
of  the  professors  would  have  been  foreigners.  For  the  first  time 
in  Germany  since  the  Reformation,  a High  School  was  started  with- 
out any  territorial  circumscription,  and  not  in  the  interest  of  any 
doctrine  or  creed,  but  solely  for  the  propagation  of  human  culture 
and  rational  science.  Each  one  of  the  prominent  men  who  was  first 
connected  with  the  institution,  Wolf,  Fichte,  Savigny,  Schleier- 
raacher,  Reil,  represented  himself  alone  and  the  principles  and  doc- 
trine which  he  had  established  and  cultivated.  What  a growth 
followed  ! Tlie  University  of  Berlin  had  in  1815,  five  years  after  its 
foundation,  56  teachers,  while  in  1860  we  find  173, — 97  professors, 
66  private  teachers,  and  7 lecturers — so  that  the  number  of  teachers 
was  tripled  in  the  space  of  forty-five  years.  In  the  year  1835  they 
had  2,000  students;  to-day  (1866)  they  number  2,180. 

What  formerly  had  been  deemed  impossible,  in  other,  non-German 
States,  was  now  realized  in  Prussia.  The  great  superiority  of  the 
High  School  at  the  capital,  liberally  fostered  by  the  government,  so 
far  from  suppressing  or  exhausting  those  in  other  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, exercised  a beneficent  and  invigorating  influence  over  them. 
Halle  received  a new  impulse  and  soon  became  a favorite  theological 
school,  which  at  one  time  numbered  eight  hundred  students.  His 
Faculty,  the  truest  exponent  of  the  then  prevailing  Protestant  doc- 
trines, attracts  to  this  day  more  students  than  any  other  German 
school.  Breslau,  since  her  union  with  Frankfort  on  the  Oder,  al- 
though not  famous  for  any  brilliant  professors,  maintained  her  rep- 
utation as  a first  class  institution  which  produced  many  well 
educated  men.  Bonn  on  the  Rhine,  founded  in  1818,  attained, 
through  her  favorable  location,  her  excellent  philological  faculty, 
and  the  influence  of  a star  like  Niebuhr  a renown  which  she  still 
retains. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


345 


You  will  hardly  expect  me  to  dwell  here  upon  the  advantages  of 
our  own  University,  now  in  the  fortieth  year  of  its  existence. 
Thanks  to  the  care  of  the  two  kings  whose  names  it  bears,  Lud- 
wig and  Maximilian  II,  the  University  of  Munich  has  in  this  brief 
period  grown  to  a majestic  tree,  whose  roots  have  sunk  deep  into 
our  national  soil,  and  whose  richly  laden  branches  have  extended  to 
all  parts  of  the  heavens.  May  it  be  strong  enough  to  weather  any 
coining  storm  ! 

The  long-desired  reorganization  of  the  University  of  Vienna  has 
at  last  been  commenced  by  her  emancipation  from  governmental 
control  and  the  liberal  extension  of  her  course  of  study.  About 
the  middle  of  the  last  century,  Vienna  enjoyed,  through  her  excel- 
lent school  of  medicine,  an  unprecedented  reputation.  Van  Swie- 
ten,  Dellaen,  Stoll,  all  from  abroad,  were  names  of  the  highest 
reputation.  But  their  successors  were  not  their  equals,  and  the 
other  faculties  were  inefficient,  the  influence  of  the  Church,  the 
censorship,  the  many  governmental  restrictions — all  conspired  to 
lower  the  character  of  the  University,  and  in  the  beginning  of  this 
century  reduced  it,  with  the  other  Austrian  High  Schools,  to  a very 
deplorable  condition.  To  speak  in  the  language  of  a professor  of 
Vienna,  “the  Universities  had  become  professional  schools  for  offi- 
cials, lawyers,  and  physicians — science  found  but  little  support  or 
encouragement  from  their  teachings.”  Under  the  wise  adminis- 
tration of  Count  Thun,  the  work  of  reconstruction  has  on  the  whole 
been  well  accomplished ; able  professors  have  been  invited  from 
abroad,  Munich  furnishing  her  quota,  and  as  the  preparatory  schools 
throughout  the  Austrian  Empire,  which  had  sunk  to  a very  low 
position,  have  been  essentially  improved  of  late,  we  may  hope  that 
the  University  of  Vienna  will  now  be  the  most  important  support 
of  the  scientific  life  of  the  Empire  ; and  certainly  these  efforts  will  be 
followed  by  the  most  brilliant  consequences,  if  political  distractions 
and  the  consciousness  of  standing  upon  trembling  ground  does  not 
paralyze  the  minds  of  men. 

A retrospective  glance  over  the  whole  field  will  show  the  progress 
we  have  made  and  the  advantages  gained  in  the  academical  world 
of  Germany.  In  the  seventeenth  and  even  in  the  beginning  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  our  Universities  failed  to  meet  the  wants  of  the 
nation,  consequently  their  importance  and  influence  was  but  limited, 
and  there  were  many  who  regarded  them  only  as  necessary  evils. 
The  several  systems  had  but  little  connection  with  each  other,  every 
thing  moved  in  the  old  scholastic  forms  and  all  were  satisfied  with 
a mere  professional  training.  Science  was  regarded  only  as  the 


346 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


accumulation  of  isolated  facts  of  many  facts,  and  individual  scholars 
were  measured  by  this  standard.  No  essays  were  written  to  be 
read  beyond  the  narrow  academic  circle  of  professors  and  scholars. 
Nearly  every  University  was  the  scene  of  useless  contention  between 
the  adherents  of  different  doctrines.  Discord  among  the  professors 
became  proverbial.  To  mention  but  one  faculty  ; of  jurisprudence, 
Niebuhr  said  that  it  was  only  through  the  elevation  of  philology 
that  it  was  rescued  from  a barbarism  of  nearly  two  centuries.  A 
closer  examination  might  lead  us  to  apply  the  same  remark  to  phi- 
losophy, medicine,  and  the  physical  sciences. 

When  we  consider  the  present  honorable  position  of  the  German 
Universities,  that  in  them  have  originated  nearly  all  higher  and 
better  currents  of  German  thought,  and  that  this  change  has  taken 
place  and  this  immense  productiveness  in  all  branches  of  science 
has  been  developed  in  the  brief  period  of  fifty  years — we  must  con- 
fess that  a parallel  can  hardly  be  found  in  the  whole  course  of  lit- 
erary history. 

All  great  and  lasting  achievements  in  science  have  been  accom- 
plished through  the  fusion  of  different  branches  and  studies  in 
single  individuals.  I need  mention  three  who  are  representatives 
of  different  periods — Scaliger,  Leibnitz,  Haller.  The  last  named 
comprehended  the  knowledge  of  his  time  like  a second  Aristotle. 
Leibnitz,  of  an  unequaled  multitudinous  knowledge,  was  the  first  in 
whom  the  spirit  of  antiquity  was  blended  with  the  accomplishments 
of  modern  times,  and  who  displayed  a singular  boldness  and  origi- 
nality in  investigation.  Scaliger  achieved  his  reputation  combining 
mastery  of  theology  and  history  of  the  realistic  and  sacred  and 
classical  studies.  In  our  day,  theology  and  jurisprudence  have  been 
enlightened  and  enlarged  through  their  connection  with  philology 
and  history,  while  medicine,  through  the  assistance  of  all  branches 
of  physical  knowledge,  has  become  a science  which  comprehends 
the  whole  man  and  all  organic  and  inorganic  matter  surrounding 
him.  Thus  all  these  sciences  have  progressed  in  richness  of  mate- 
rial and  thoroughness  of  investigation,  consequently  in  truthfulness, 
and  like  torches  illumine,  with  a purer  and  broader  light,  the  intel- 
lectual world.  It  is  now  easy  to  discover  and  refute  fallacies  and  to 
cast  out  useless  material.  But  as  the  progress  of  each  science  is 
connected  by  a thousand  links  with  the  development  and  growth  of 
all  others,  it  follows  that  if  one  member  decays,  each  and  every 
• other  branch  has  to  suffer.  Strange  as  it  may  seem  ; if  natural 
philosophy  or  chemistry,  for  instance,  were  to  decline,  theology  and 
jurisprudence  would  thereby  be  affected  and  suffer.  The  same  is 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES.  347 

true  of  popular  life,  which  would  be  materially  damaged  if  the 
vitality  of  any  one  branch  of  science  was  reduced. 

Thus  the  different  faculties  and  sciences  of  a University  exercise 
a mutual  surveillance,  and  supplement  each  other.  This  will  inev- 
itably happen  if  the  individual  teachers  do  not  overlook  the  im- 
portance of  other  branches  of  science  than  the  one  in  which  they 
are  engaged ; then  they  can  never  forget  that  it  is  the  interest  of 
every  science  to  enlist  all  others  in  her  behalf,  and  that  each  should 
be  open  to  the  influence  of  others,  as  members  of  one  great  organ- 
ism. The  teacher  should  take  especial  care  to  demonstrate  the 
connection  of  each  system  with  the  whole,  as  also  the  relation  of 
each  part  with  the  other,  and  of  every  part  with  what  precedes  and 
follows,  so  that  the  student  may  find  his  way  from  any  point  of  his 
studies  to  all  its  branches.  lie  may  easily  effect  this  by  progressing 
not  only  systematically  but  historically,  by  illustrating  to  his  hearers 
the  various  changes  which  his  subject  has  undergone  up  to  its  pres- 
ent state. 

That  moral  tie  which  unites  the  members  of  an  University  in  one 
harmoniously-working  whole,  consists  not  only  in  identity  of  pursuit 
and  interests,  but  in  the  mutual  exchange  of  ideas  and  the  stimulus 
to  active  exertion  which  the  individual  receives  from  the  whole. 
Not  only  the  presence  of  the  living,  but  also  the  memory  of  the 
dead — their  learning,  their  virtues,  and  their  works — excites  this 
spirit  of  emulation.  A community  like  an  University  lives  upon 
the  past — fortunate  if  its  errors  and  fallacies,  not  yet  thoroughly 
sifted  and  overcome,  do  not  constantly  embarrass  and  influence  the 
present. 

I do  not  hesitate  to  mention,  among  the  many  advantages  of 
university  life,  that  modesty  which  each  must  show  in  estimating 
his  own  proficiency.  The  individual  scholar,  studying  in  quiet  se- 
clusion what  his  inclination  alone  fancies,  is  apt  to  overestimate  his 
speciality ; he  will  be  tempted  to  convert  the  secondary  into  the 
principal,  and  to  transplant  his  special  branch  into  the  centre  of 
universal  knowledge.  This  will,  in  the  first  place,  cause  him  to  fail 
to  construe  and  enlarge  his  science  out  of  the  idea  of  the  whole, 
and  through  his  mistaken  over-estimation  he  will  be  easily  led  to 
grave  errors  relative  to  the  limits  and  productiveness  of  his  special- 
ity ; and  thus,  secondly,  he  will  work  himself  more  and  more  into 
his  peculiar  views  and  think  himself  unappreciated.  Our  Univer- 
sities are  excellent  preventives  of  such  evils.  They  place  or  force 
each  individual  into  his  right  position,  and  remind  him  constantly 
that  he  is  but  a single  link  of  a-  vast  chain — that  he  has  mastered 


348 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


at  best  but  a fraction  of  the  truth  and  is  able  to  contribute  but  a 
small  pittance  towards  the  solution  of  the  great  problems  of  science. 

Here  we  may  see  the  cause  that  Germany,  the  last  among  the 
civilized  nations  to  adopt  the  institution  of  Universities,  and  for  a 
long  time  with  but  indifferent  success,  is  at  present  the  very  home 
of  the  High  Schools,  and  has  cultivated  them  with  such  scientific 
thoroughness  and  ability  as  not  only  to  excel  all  other  nations,  but 
may  in  truth  be  said  to  be  the  sole  proprietress  of  the  genuine 
institution. 

In  France,  which  in  the  middle  ages  possessed  the  most  perfect 
University,  the  very  pattern  of  all  others,  the  institution  is  now  ex- 
tinct ; and  it  has  been  truly  said  that  if  Napoleon  I had  not  desig- 
nated his  great  administrative  instruction-machine  an  Imperial 
University,  the  very  name  would  long  ago  have  been  forgotten  in  a 
country  where  now  only  special  schools  exist.  The  eight  schools, 
or  faculties,  for  law,  five  for  medicine,  eight  of  the  exact  sciences, 
(mathematics  and  natural  history,)  six  of  lettres,  (philosophy,  phi- 
lology,  history,  and  literature,)  each  independent  and  without  a 
connecting  tie,  except  in  Paris  and  Strasbourg,  constitute  the  suc- 
cessors to  the  old  University  of  Paris.  The  principal  French  High 
School  is  now  the  College  de  France,  founded  by  Francis  I,  which 
had  in  1789  nineteen  professorships  for  languages,  literature,  math- 
ematics, natural  philosophy,  medicine,  law,  (both  civil  and  canon,) 
and  a combined  professorship  of  history  and  moral  philosophy. 
The  number  of  professorships  since  the  Revolution  has  been  in- 
creased to  thirty,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  among  the  new  ones  is 
one  for  Sclavonic  languages  and  literature,  which  is  seldom  found  in 
German  High  Schools,  though  it  should  not  be  wanting  in  any  first 
class  University.  From  what  we  sec,  we  may  safely  conclude  that 
in  the  composition,  and  organization  of  the  French  Universities, 
much  more  is  due  to  accident  and  regard  to  persons  than  to  any 
settled  system. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  two  English  Universities  have  wholly 
maintained  their  ancient  character,  as  great  and  influential  corpo- 
rations, governing  themselves  in  entire  independence.  But  they 
differ  from  what  we  call  an  University — are  nothing  but  a higher 
college  where  theology  and  canon  law  is  taught,  besides  the  usual 
branches.  Nor  could  the  addition  made  a few  years  ago,  of  a few 
new  professorships,  especially  of  history,  change  materially  their 
hereditary  character.  The  method  of  study  is  entirely  different 
from  that  pursued  in  Germany.  Eight  or  ten  lectures  during  the 
year,  calculated  for  the  immediate  satisfaction  of  a mixed  audience. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


349 


are  considered  quite  enough  to  discharge  the  obligations  of  a pro- 
fessor. The  professors  do  not,  as  in  Germany,  place  themselves  in 
the  centre  of  their  subject,  but  they  are  satisfied  to  get  and  give  a 
bird’s-eye  view,  or  to  throw  light  only  on  certain  points. 

The  English  Universities  are  not  intended  to  train  officials  or  pro- 
duce lawyers,  or  naturalists,  or  physicians,  but  they  aim,  ihrough 
classical  and  mathematical  studies,  with  logic  and  philosophy,  to 
furnish,  to  the  State  and  society,  well  educated  gentlemen,  and  to 
the  Church,  a clergy  with  a complete  secular  education.  In  saying 
this  it  is  not  my  intention  to  depreciate  the  English  Universities  ; 
on  the  contrary  I consider  them  to  be  excellent  of  their  kind,  and 
fully  competent  to  meet  the  expectations  of  the  nation.  I mean 
only  that  they  differ  entirely  from  our  German  institutions  of  the 
same  name,  and  partake  moi  e of  the  character  of  the  past  than  the 
present,  and  that  our  German  Universities  come  nearer  to  the  mod- 
ern ideal  and  present  intellectual  wants  than  the  English  do.  I will 
not  conceal  the  fact  that  the  Colleges  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge, 
the  counterparts  of  the  ancient  German  bursae,^  as  I stood  among 
them,  excited  in  me  feelings  of  envy  and  longing.  I could  ])erceive 
in  them  that  instruction  became  at  once  matter  of  thought  and 
feeling,  and  that  the  aim  of  the  University  should  be,  not  only  to 
impart  knowledge  but  to  elevate  and  refine  the  soul.  I have  often 
asked  myself  why  we  Germans  renounce  entirely  an  adjunct  of  the 
University  recommended  alike  by  theory  and  experience,  which 
would  relieve  thousands  of  parents  of  painful  anxiety  and  sorrow, 
save  many  young  men  from  ruin,  and  preserve  others  from  life-long 
repentance.  Thanks  to  our  king,  Maximilian  II,  whose  forethought 
and  beneficence  perceived  and  supplied  this  want  and  set  the  ex- 
ample of  what  should  be  done  in  this  direction. 

Beneath  the  English,  are  the  Universities  of  Scotland,  at  Edin- 
burgh, St.  Andrews,  Glasgow,  and  Aberdeen.  And,  in  a country, 
where  by  the  admission  of  their  own  professors,  it  is  considered 
ridiculous  to  study  a science  for  its  own  sake,  and  not  for  its  prac- 
tical applications,  how  could  their  condition  be  dift'erent  from  that 
described  by  Professor  Blackie,  of  Edinburgh  : “ Our  scholarship  is 
at  the  present  moment  of  the  lowest  possible  grade,”  and  the 
scientific  study  of  history,  for  instance,  is  hardly  known  at  the 
Scotch  Universities.  Though  Edinburgh  has  a medical  school, 
favorably  known  throughout  English  dominions,  nearly  all  Scots- 
men who  have  attained  a name  in  literature  have  no  professional 
connection  with  their  schools. 


* Raumer,  German  Universities — Barnard’s  Edition,  p.  32,  IGO. 


350 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Nor  do  we  find  Universities,  in  the  true  sense  of  the  tenn,  in  the 
United  States.  The  institutions  bearing  that  name,  and  haVing  the 
right  to  create  doctors  of  law  and  theology,  stand  about  half  way 
between  the  German  colleges  or  gymnasiums  and  the  philosophical 
faculties  of  a German  University.  A scientifically-formed  juris- 
prudence is  not  known  either  in  England  or  America,  and  theology 
is  variously  shaped  by  doctrines  of  the  thirty  or  forty  sects  whose 
contributions  support  the  several  schools. 

The  twenty-one  Universities  of  Italy  appear  on  a superficial  view 
to  be  similar  to  those  of  Germany,  except  that  nearly  all  are  defi- 
cient in  the  theological  faculty,  the  Italian  clergy  being  educated 
exclusively  in  the  diocesan  seminaries  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and 
are  consequently  strangers  to  the  sentiments  and  culture  of  the 
educated  laity.  By  comparing  the  higher  schools  of  America  and 
Italy,  we  see  a strange  contrast.  In  the  former  country,  whose  in- 
stitutions, so  to  speak,  are  of  yesterday,  such  high  consideration  is 
extended  to  theology  that  the  colleges  appear  to  have  been  estab- 
lished principally  for  its  sake,  and  for  the  education  of  Christian 
ministers ; nor  are  these  institutions  founded  or  supported  by  the 
States,  but  by  the  various  religious  denominations.  In  Italy,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  home  of  civilization  and  of  the  Universities,  the 
preceptress  of  all  civilized  nations,  scientific  theology  is  in  so  low 
estimation  that  only  at  a few  Universities  is  it  even  nominally  rep- 
resented, and  the  Italian  clergy,  the  most  numerous  in  all  Europe 
in  proportion  to  the  population,  are  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  ele- 
mentary training  of  the  seminaries,  and  do  not,  with  few  exceptions, 
feel  the  need  of  a higher  scientific  culture.  This  has  been  true  for 
a long  time,  and  if  a Noris  had  not  taught  for  a time  during  the 
seventeenth  century  at  Pisa,  we  should  be  embarrassed  to  mention 
a single  truly  eminent  and  thoroughly  educated  theologian  who  had 
any  connection  with  a University.  To  one  who  fails  to  comprehend 
this  condition,  and  to  weigh  it  fully,  the  late  troubles  in  Italy,  aris- 
ing principally  from  the  alienation  of  the  middle  and  higher 
clas.ses  from  the  clergy,  will  be  quite  incomprehensible.  Professor 
Bonghi  has  recently  demonstrated  how  low  the  Italian  Universities 
have  fallen  and  how  imperatively  a reform  is  demanded,  but  a long 
time  must  elapse  before  the  evils  can  be  corrected,  as  the  main 
difficulty  lies  in  the  miserable  condition  of  the  preparatory  schools. 

The  decline  of  the  Universities,  with  many  other  things  in  Spain, 
is  not  of  recent  date.  An  hundred  years  ago  they  were  regarded 
by  statesmen  and  scholars  as  the  principal  bulwarks  of  rotten 
abuses  ; wars  and  revolutions  have  destroyed  their  property  ; their 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


351 


buildings  are  in  ruins,  and  their  students  form  a class,  as  a German 
eye-witness  reports,  from  which  only  the  lowest  officials  are  selected. 
The  Universities  have  preserved  the  old  names  and  forms,  but  even 
these  are  covered  with  a French  gloss,  as  every  thing  in  Spain  must 
eventually  succumb  to  French  institutions  and  ideas. 

History  proves  that  the  Sclavonic  nations  were  obliged  to  follow 
the  German  model  in  founding  their  Universities.  At  Dorpat,  in 
Russia,  there  is  an  University  entirely  on  the  German  plan;  the 
other  six  Universities  of  the  Empire  are  conducted  substantially  in 
accordance  with  our  system,  and  moreover  are  partly  supplied  with 
German  professors. 

Switzerland  presents  vividly  the  contrast  between  the  Latin  and 
the  Teutonic  races,  for  while  German  Switzerland  has  not  less  than 
three  High  Schools,  even  Basle  maintaining  her  own  with  high  rep- 
utation, the  French-Swiss  cantons,  though  not  deficient  in  intel- 
lectual abilities,  have  never  made  an  attempt  even  to  establish  one. 

Holland  has  proved  her  relationship  to  us  by  her  three  High 
Schools,  conducted  on  the  German  model,  although  poorly  supplied 
with  professors.  Belgium  shows  her  Franco-German  mixture  in  her 
four  Universities,  partly  on  the  French  and  partly  on  the  German 
plan,  but  none  quite  equal  to  their  German  prototype. 

In  the  old  kingdom  of  Denmark,  the  German  University  at  Kiel 
has  attained  a much  higher  reputation  than  the  purely  Danish  insti- 
tution at  Copenhagen,  which  we  must  ascribe  mainly  to  the  hin- 
drances which  the  development  of  Danish  literature  meets  in  the 
small  population  of  the  country.  For  this  reason  even  Kiel,  besides 
the  philologists  Rask  and  Madvig,  has  not  produced  in  these  latter 
days  many  famous  scholars  whose  researches  and  publications 
are  cited  as  authority  in  other  languages. 

The  Swedish  Universities  of  Upsala  and  Lund  are  organized  on 
an  entirely  different  plan  from  ours.  Some  of  the  peculiar  features 
of  the  Universities  of  the  Middle  Ages  are  still  retained,  such  as 
the  ancient  laws  compelling  students  to  belong  to  some  nationality, 
are  still  in  force.  Upsala  has  now  thirteen  nationalities,  each  with 
its  separate  house  and  library.  We  may  see  how  the  Swedish 
standard  of  scientifi(j  instruction  differs  from  the  German  by  the 
fact  that  there  are  only  two  professors  of  jurisprudence  and  five  of 
medicine  at  Upsala ; but  we  must  not  forget  that  these  schools  have 
produced  a Linna3us,  a Berzelius  and  a Geijer. 

Thus  we  are  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Universities  with  all 
their  advantages,  and  their  deficiencies,  partly  curable  and  partly 
incurable,  are  the  best  exponents  of  German  nationality,  and  are 


352 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


best  suited  to  satisfy  our  intellectual  necessities.  This  mixture  of 
liberty  and  limitation ; of  corporate  restrictions  and  the  individ- 
uality of  people  and  teachers ; the  free  interchange  of  thought,  in 
which  the  teacher  unreservedly  imparts  his  best  knowledge  and  the 
most  precious  fruits  of  his  scientific  researches,  and  the  scholar 
receives  it  with  thankful  attention ; the  stimulus  to  teacher  and 
scholar,  these  constitute  the  charms  and  advantages  of  academical 
life,  and  make  the  High  Schools  preeminently  German  institutions. 
The  German  mind,  absorbed  in  teaching  and  learning,  has  embodied 
itself  in  this  form,  and  German  life,  wherever  it  may  show  itself, 
will  certainly  produce  something  akin  to  our  schools. 

Without  doubt  the  Germans  possess  the  broadly  human,  cosmo- 
politan element  in  greater  force  than  any  other  people.  Hence  the 
German  feels  akin  to  all  the  greater  nations,  and  perceives  less  the 
repulsive  force  of  a foreign  people.  AVhile  some  delight  to  carry 
even  the  unpleasing  qualities  of  their  nationality  with  them  wherc- 
ever  they  go,  like  the  snail  its  own  shell,  the  German  assimilates  read- 
ily with  whatever  people  he  may  come  in  contact.  If  we  deserve  to 
be  reproached  for  thus  allowing  ourselves  to  be  easily  absorbed  by 
another  more  energetic  nationality,  it  is  just  this  pliability  of  the 
German  character,  and  this  ability  to  assimilate  whatever  there  may 
be  of  good  in  foreign  character,  which  makes  us  the  central  nation 
of  humanity.  Our  colleague  Riehl  has,  in  a series  of  works,  exhib- 
ited many  of  our  traits,  and  habits,  and  peculiarities,  provincial  and 
national.  It  would  be  the  task  of  a whole  life  devoted  to  the  sub- 
ject to  draw  a comprehensive  picture  of  the  nation,  and  to  portray 
the  main  features  of  her  life  and  her  productions.  The  immensity 
of  the  task  has  thus  far  deterred  every  one  from  such  an  attempt. 
How  rich,  for  example,  is  English  literature  with  works  on  France, 
Italy,  and  other  nations,  but  as  yet  no  Englishman  has  attempted  a 
thorough  work  on  Germany.  The  few  works  of  this  character  to 
be  found  in  French  literature  show  only  that  a correct  conception 
of  German  life  is  still  farther  from  the  French  mind  than  from  the 
English. 

The  Germans,  on  the  other  hand,  seem  to  possess  the  faculty  of 
understanding  the  spirit  of  other  nations,  whether  they  may  have 
learned  of  it  by  personal  observation  or  from  foreign  literature  and 
history.  We  might  designate  this  power  and  willingness  to  appre- 
ciate and  adopt  each  foreign  or  peculiar  excellence,  as  a higher  sense 
of  justice.  So  far  as  it  shows  itself  in  science  and  literature,  I may 
call  it  the  historical  sense  of  the  Germans,  and  I may  also  assert 
that  they  possess  this  intellectual  perception  in  a higher  degree  than 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES.  ^ 353 

any  other  nation.  Certainly  this  strength  and  inclination  to  with- 
draw our  judgment  from  the  power  of  habit,  to  see  through  the 
atmosphere  of  the  present,  and  above  all  clouds  of  prejudice,  to 
appreciate  the  spirit  and  inmost  life  of  remote  times  and  foreign 
nations,  is  one  of  the  highest  and  noblest  gifts  bestowed  by  God 
upon  humanity.  But  this  is  given  to  those  alone  who  possess  un- 
ceasing energy,  a restless  desire  to  know  the  truth,  who  have  the 
courage  and  endurance  to  purchase  the  most  precious  at  the  highest 
price,  at  the  sacrifice  of  all  the  other  pleasures  of  life,  and  who  are  not 
content  with  what  has  already  been  found,  but  who  pursue  science 
to  her  ultimate  principles.  In  the  words  of  Goethe,  I might  say, 
the  German  spirit  has  more  sunlight  than  others.  The  Frenchman 
declares  that  his  countiy  is  destined  to  enlighten  the  world  either 
as  a sun  or  as  a volcano.  We  will  not  dispute  the  great  excellences 
of  his  nation,  and  the  power  she  possesses  as  the  mother  of  a great 
literature.  The  influence  of  France  upon  the  world  is  direct  and 
immediate,  while  ours  is  indirect.  France,  through  her  language, 
is,  so  to  speak,  omnipresent ; and  it  is  her  province  to  coin  the  gold 
raised  by  the  German  mind  from  the  deep  shafts  of  science,  and  to 
bring  it  into  circulation.  The  German  language,  on  account  of  the 
many  difficulties  it  presents  to  the  student,  will  never  become  as 
universal  as  the  French  and  English,  and  our  writers  have  not  yet 
reached  that  lucid  utterance,  or  that  felicity  and  precision  of  form 
which  commend  the  choice  productions  of  our  neighbors  to  so 
large  a circle  of  readers  and  to  the  taste  of  every  nation. 

Not  only  in  Frenchmen  must  we  acknowledge  this  superiority  in 
style  and  description  which  pleases  every  refined  taste  and  ap- 
proaches the  classic  models  of  antiquity — Macaulay,  Geijer,  Colletta, 
Lelewel,  Karamsin,  however  different  their  subjects,  their  conception 
and  treatment  of  historical  matter  (though  none  of  them,  as  far  as 
thoroughness  and  compass  or  the  sifting  of  the  material  are  con- 
cerned, can  be  compared  to  the  best  of  German  historians,)  may  also 
serve  as  models  of  style  which  our  students  will  do  w^ell  to  study. 

That  we  do  not  overestimate  ourselves  w'hen  we  assert  the  pos- 
session of  this  gift  or  faculty  of  historical  search  and  prescience,  w^e 
can  prove  to  the  satisfaction  of  all.  Books  written  by  foreigners 
on  the  condition,  history  or  literature  of  a nation  are  usually  put 
aside  by  the  reading  public  of  that  people  interested,  as  unworthy 
of  attention,  because  it  is,  and  often  justly,  supposed  that  nothing 
either  new  or  reliable  can  be  learned  from  such  treatises.  Of  course, 
De  Tocqueville’s  Democracy  in  America,  Guizot’s  History  of  the 
English  Revolution,  and  the  works  of  Ticknor  and  Prescott  on 

23 


354 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Spain,  are  exceptions.  But  hoAV  many  more  German  historians 
have  depicted  foreign  nations  in  a manner  at  once  new,  and  satis- 
factory to  the  most  enlightened  judges  among  siich  nations? 

Chancellor  Gladstone,  on  whose  table  I found  Huber’s  History  of 
the  English  Universities,  told  me  that  this  work  was  really  indis- 
pensable to  him,  and  that  it  far  excelled  any  treatise  that  had  been 
written  in  England  on  the  same  subject.  Gneist’s  work  on  English 
law  and  constitution,  the  two  great  historical  works  of  Lappenberg 
(continued  by  Pauli)  and  Ranke,  which  are  supplementary  to  each 
other,  contain  so  much  that  is  new  and  original  that  the  native 
student  can  not  dispense  with  them.  The  same  is  true  of  Ranke’s 
History  of  France.  The  only  satisfactory  history  of  Portugal  is  by 
Schafer,  and  the  only  good  History  of  Russia  during  the  last  two 
centuries  is  to  be  found  in  the  works  of  Hermann. 

Hegel’s  history  of  Italian  municipal  law  has  never  been  equaled 
by  any  Italian  writer  on  the  same  subject.  So  Savigny’s  history 
of  the  Roman  Law  School  is  acknowledged,  on  both  sides  of  the 
Alps,  to  be  a work  which  has  never  been  surpassed  by  any  native 
writer,  and  has  passed  through  two  translations.  To  the  works  of 
Schaffener  and  Stein  on  French  law,  etc.,  will  readily  be  accorded 
the  first  place  among  books  treating  of  the  same  subjects  ; so  will 
every  Russian  prefer  to  learn  of  his  own  country  from  the  studies 
of  Von  Haxthausen. 

Von  Schack’s  history  of  the  Dramatic  Literature  of  Spain  has 
w^ell  supplied  a want  long  felt  on  the  other  side  of  the  Pyrenees. 
Whoever  compares  the  German  and  English  studies  on  Shakspeare 
will  certainly  prefer  the  former  as  the  more  thorough.  To  the  lit- 
erature of  the  great  poet  who  is  the  pride  and  glory  of  Italy,  nearly 
all  the  civilized  nations  of  the  world  have  made  valuable  contribu- 
tions. But  no  one  who  compares  the  productions  of  Witte,  of  Megele, 
and  the  commentary  of  the  King  of  Saxony,  with  similar  Italian 
efforts,  will  hesitate  in  according  the  palm  to  the  Germans.  Did 
not  Count  Ciesare  Balbo,  before  the  royal  work  on  Dante  appeared, 
warn  his  countrymen  to  beware  and  produce  a commentary  worthy 
of  the  great  poet,  or  else  one  would  be  written  by  some  scholar  of 
that  remarkable  nation  “ which  was  gradually  mastering  every  field 
of  science  properly  our  own.” 

These  productions — the  blossoms  and  fruit  of  German  scientific 
culture — were  mostly  nurtured  and  matured  in  our  High  Schools, 
the  proper  seed-beds  and  workshops  for  all  branches  of  knowledge 
and  research.  There  only  we  find  the  ability  to  discern  and  master 
the  immense  materials  for  our  scientific  production. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


355 


The  obstacles  to  the  cooperation  of  Catholics  and  Protestants  in 
the  Universities,  necessitated  by  the  events  of  German  history  and 
the  state  of  science  and  literature,  had,  until  recently,  appeared  to 
be  insurmountable  ; it  was  attempted  at  Erfurt  and  for  a short  time 
in  Ileidelburg,  but  it  proved  the  ruin  of  the  former.  Now  it  has 
become  more  and  more  the  rule,  and  where  theological  faculties  of 
both  confessions  exist  side  by  side,  they  have,  as  has  been  the  case 
in  Tubingen  and  Bonn,  derived  unmistakeable  benefit  from  the  com- 
bination. Pennalism  has  been  abolished,  and,  although  there  is 
much  to.be  done,  we  can  not  deny  that  the  number  of  real  earnest 
students  is  much  greater  than  in  any  former  period. 

Our  High  Schools  are  now  performing  a quadruple  task:  (1,) 
they  afford  a superior  education;  (2,)  they  train  a large  number  of 
men  for  the  public  service  ; (3,)  they  educate  our  future  teachers, 
and  (4,)  they  constitute  learned  fellowship,  devoted  to  the  advance- 
ment of  science  and  literature.  By  their  success  in  these  difficult, 
and  by  many  pronounced  incompatible  functions,  they  have  demon- 
strated that  these  operations  could  not  only  go  on  side  by  side,  but 
could  exercise  a wholesome  influence  upon  each  other,  and  that 
searchers  after  new  acquisitions  could  at  the  same  time  prove  most 
useful  teachers.  As  he  who  can  not  enrich  science  will  not  be  able 
to  perpetuate  it,  so  he  alone  is  qualified  to  teach  scientifically  who 
has  proved  himself  an  independent  searcher,  and  is  not  content 
with  the  mere  compilation  and  remodeling  of  material  furnished  by 
others : 

He  who  lives  in  universal  history, 

Who  works  and  succeeds  in  his  time. 

Is  alone  worthy  to  speak  and  teach. 

Does  not  this  utterance  of  Goethe  mean  that  the  historical  faculty 
consecrates  man  to  be  the  priest  of  science  and  the  teacher  of 
youth  ? and  do  we  not  recognize  in  four  Germans  of  our  time  the 
repre.sentatives  of  this  historical  spirit — in  Niebuhr,  Alexander  von 
Humboldt,  Jacob  Grimm,  and  Karl  Ritter?  It  was  Niebuhr’s  bril- 
liant power  of  combination,  coupled  with  his  historical  insight,  and 
creative  faculty,  that  enabled  him  to  discern  and  construct  a history 
of  Rome  in  spite  of  the  obscurity  in  which  Livy  had  left  it,  and 
enabled  us  to  distinguish  between  truth  and  the  dimmed  picture  of 
the  hi.storian. 

Humboldt  is  a model  of  the  German  historical  sense,  not  only 
because  he  was  a successful  historical  inquirer,  but  because  he  pur- 
sued the  same  method  as  a student  of  natural  science  that  he  did  as 
a historian — a critical  observation  of  all  the  facts,  however  minute, 


356 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


the  collection  and  grouping  together  of  all  the  details,  and  their 
concentration,  like  rays  in  one  focus,  the  investigation  of  their  inner 
connection,  whether  according  to  moral  or  physical  laws,  the  con- 
struction of  unity  from  variety,  and  again  the  evolution  of  single' 
details  from  this  discovered  unity.  Thus  in  Humboldt  the  investi- 
gation of  history  was  joined  to  the  observation  of  nature,  and  each 
was  elevated  by  the  other. 

Through  a similar  power  of  investigation  and  construction,  Ritter 
created  a new  science,  combining  geography,  ethnology,  and  his- 
tory, hitherto  unconnected,  into  one  whole,  by  demonstrating  the 
influence  which  surrounding  nature  exercises  upon  man,  and  upon 
nations  and  their  history. 

In  Jacob  Grimm,  lastly,  we  admire  another  development  of  the 
historical  sense,  as  in  him  the  talent  to  understand  the  very  soul, 
the  inmost  life  of  the  German  people,  in  language  and  custom,  in 
legend,  myth  and  law,  and  to  express  the  same  with  an  almost  self- 
denying  objectivity^  was  cultivated  to  the  highest  perfection. 

But  we  may  discern  the  creative  power  of  the  German  “ histor- 
ical sense  ” better  in  the  present  state  of  science  and  literature  than 
in  the  individual  instance.  The  Germans  have  found  a rich  field  for 
the  exercise  of  their  peculiar  talent,  in  Christian  theology — which, 
being  in  itself  a historical  fact,  must  be  studied  and  construed  ac- 
cordingly. Germany  has  therefore  become  the  home  of  a classic 
school  of  theology,  from  which  the  theologians  of  other  nations, 
particularly  England  and  America,  have  drawn  assistance. 

This  has  produced  in  jurisprudence  the  historical  school,  founded 
by  Hugo  and  Savigny,  and  through  it  caused  the  acknowledgment 
of  the  principle  that  law  is  not  the  product  of  arbitrary  legislation, 
but  a part  of  the  life  of  the  people,  produced  by  their  innate  im- 
pulses and  their  whole  past,  and  that  a proper  estimate  of  law  is 
impossible  without  a knowledge  of  the  real  condition  from  which  it 
emanates  or  to  which  it  relates.  The  comparative  jurisprudence  of 
our  day  teaches  us  to  understand  our  own  by  the  study  of  Roman 
law,  and  to  study  both  in  the  light  of  a common  comprehensive 
organism.  If  jurisprudence  will  be  mindful  of  the  beautiful  and 
majestic  definition  of  the  Romans  that  “ she  is  the  science  of  the 
just  and  the  unjust,  the  knowledge  of  the  divine  and  human,”  then 
she  will  acknowledge  more  and  more  distinctively  that  all  human 
law  finds  its  true  foundation  in  divine  justice,  that  it  is  closely  con- 
nected with  theology  and  ethics,  and  can  not  dispense  with  their 
assistance. 

In  the  development  of  political  science  in  our  day,  a new  faculty. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


357 


claiming  equal  importance  and  close  relations  with  all  others,  collat- 
eral to  jurisprudence  and  identical  with  it  in  many  branches,  has  been 
established.  This  combination  of  politics  and  statistics  with  con- 
stitutional policy  and  administrative  law  into  one  complex  system, 
which  we  will  designate  as  public  economy  or  State  science  (State- 
science,)  appeared  at  first  to  foreigners  to  be  a German  idiosyncrasy, 
because  it  was  treated  in  our  peculiar  German  way  as  a science,  not 
admitting  of  a priori  abstractions.  Politics  will  now  be  treated  in 
our  Universities  as  a part  of  the  philosophy  of  political  history, 
which  extracts  from  the  sum  of  historical  events  and  phenomena 
the  universal,  and  from  the  mass  of  historical  examples  the  rule ; and 
is,  in  all  political  questions,  ever  mindful  of  the  diversity  of  nations 
and  times. 

In  medicine,  also,  have  German  professors  most  clearly  perceived 
the  necessity  of  historical  research  and  treatment.  In  consequence 
the  work  of  Kurt  Sprengel  appeared  early,  and  the  science  of  med- 
icine has  since  been  treated  in  numerous  works,  and  the  inner  con- 
nection of  the  different  system  and  methods  been  explained.  These 
works  have  become  more  valuable  since  it  became  evident  that  an 
historical  pathology  or  an  historical  therapeutics,  a history  of  dis- 
eases and  of  methods  of  treatment,  can  only  be  conceived  and  pro- 
duced out  of  the  universal  history  of  civilization. 

Turning  from  these  sciences  to  philology,  we  may  be  allowed, 
without  undervaluing  the  productions  of  England  or  France,  to 
assert  that  mainly  the  historical  sense  of  the  Germans  has  given  to 
this  department  an  importance  never  before  conceived,  although 
Germany  has  always  had  able  philologists.  But  only  since  the  times 
of  Heyne  has  philology  attained  the  rank  of  a science.  In  the  great 
Encyclopedia  begun  by  Pauly  there  is  a monument  to  the  diligence 
of  German  philologists,  such  as  no  other  science  and  no  other 
nation  can  boast. 

In  view  of  what  has  been  done,  we  must  acknowledge  that  “the 
interest  in  philosophy  has  given  way  to  a deeper  interest  in  its  his- 
tory.” The  systems  created  by  the  constructive  method  of  which 
Germany  was  so  productive  for  thirty  years,  have  collapsed  and 
their  schools  are  dissolved  ; the  assertion  very  generally  made  not 
long  ago,  that  final  perfection  in  philosophy  was  attained  in  Hegel’s 
system,  causes  a smile  to-day,  and  the  claim  of  exclusive  authority 
for  any  system  would  be  received  in  the  same  manner.  This  very 
circumstance,  which  has  deterred  many  from  studying  philosophy, 
should  stimulate  the  student  to  explore  its  history.  It  has  not  been^ 
felt  that  where  there  is  no  history  of  philosophy  there  can  be  no 


S58 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


true  philosophy,  and  although  the  constructive  philosophers  have  felt 
the*  necessity  of  canvassing  history,  yet  they  have  usually  conducted 
their  researches  in  order  to  corroborate  their  own  views  rather  than 
to  ascertain  the  truth.  Still  we  may  discover  a vast  improvement 
in  the  method  of  treating  this  subject,  and  we  may  hope  to  see  it 
occupy  a high  place  among  the  essentials  of  a superior  education. 

In  the  province  of  universal  history  our  Universities  pursue  again 
the  double  method,  by  the  application  of  all  existing  agencies  of 
knowledge,  and  by  the  discovery  and  use  of  new  ones,  to  enlarge, 
purify  and  sift  the  material  of  it  by  a close  comparison  and  verifi* 
cation  ; 2d,  to  comprehend  thoroughly  all  facts  thus  gained  and 
established,  and  to  reproduce  them  in  one  refined  and  perfected 
whole. 

Renovated  by  Humboldt  and  Ritter,  geography  has  shown  the 
mutual  relations  between  the  globe  and  its  inhabitants,  the  influence 
of  geographical  conditions  upon  the  life  and  fate  of  nations,  and  it 
is  now  received  as  an  acceptable  assistant  in  historical  studies. 
Comparative  philology,  which  treats  the  language  of  nations  as  their 
oldest  records,  has  thrown  light  on  the  ethnological  connection  of 
nations,  and  promises  still  further  disclosures.  As  not  only  events, 
but  probabilities,  are  important  in  the  history  of  civilization,  a new 
field  has  been  opened  by  German  research  in  this  direction,  which, 
although  as  yet  but  partially  productive,  on  account  of  the  difficulty 
of  sifting  and  grouping  the  material,  promises  to  be  of  the  greatest 
importance. 

The  history  of  literature  has  also  been  elevated*  from  its  position 
as  a mere  chronological  record  of  publications  to  its  true  sphere,  a 
history  of  the  ideas  which  produced  the  books,  and  of  the  forms  in 
which  they  are  embodied. 

Upon  such  foundations,  in  some  future  time,  will  a true  philosophy 
of  history  be  reared,  a result  which  German  scholars,  since  the  time 
of  Frederick  Schlegel  and  Steffens  and  Gorres,  have  repeatedly 
attempted  to  realize — as  one  of  the  most  precious  results  of  our 
Universities.  The  false  system  of  Fichte  and  Hegel,  which  forces 
all  the  rich  materials  of  history  into  one  scheme,  and  through  the 
mechanism  of  logical  construction,  puts,  in  the  place  of  that  indi- 
vidual liberty  every  where  so  manifest  in  history,  a rigid  necessity, 
is  done  away  forever.  Hereafter  the  philosophy  of  history,  as  the 
most  difficult  but  possibly  the  most  valuable  product  of  academical 
teaching,  will  give  proof  that  moral  forces  shape  and  rule  the  course 
of  events.  She  will  follow  up  these  ideas  and  trace  their  embodi- 
ments and  effects  through  all  periods  and  transformations,  and  in- 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


359 


dicatc  every  where  the  transparent  plan  of  a divine  will  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  world — which  alone  renders  history  intelligible. 

During  the  present  century  the  rapid  growth  of  the  daily  press 
— which  in  all  free  countries  has  become  a necessity  as  clamorous 
as  our  physical  wants — has  imposed  on  the  University  a new  duty. 
To  the  continuous,  and  at  any  one  time,  hardly  perceptible  influ- 
ence of  this  new  agent  in  making  a controlling  public  opinion — as 
irresistible  as  the  drop  which  hollows  and  wears  away  the  solid  rock 
— our  University  men,  as  the  acknowledged  custodians  of  scientific 
knowledge,  and  the  habitual  respect  in  which  they  are  held,  by 
means  of  numerous  scientific  and  literary  periodicals  which  they 
almost  universally  conduct,  do,  and  can  continue  to,  temper  and 
direct  the  popular  judgment  on  all  questions  in  which  science  and 
scientific  method  of  investigation  enter.  That  our  Universities 
enjoy  this  respect  and  confidence  of  the  nation  is  evident  from  the 
fact,  that  in  the  national  assembly  of  1848,  the  only  assembly  ever 
elected  by  the  whole  nation,  one  hundred  and  eighteen  professors 
were  members.  The  result  indeed  showed  that  our  professors  are 
not  yet  trained  to  mold  the  chaotic  elements  of  a political  assem- 
bly, but  the  fact  of  their  being  there,  evinced  the  confidence  of  the 
people  in  their  knowledge  and  character.  And  as  in  the  end,  great 
principles,  and  not  immediate  material  interests — agitate  and  control 
the  world,  the  Universities  must  justify  this  confidence  by  training 
the  advocates  and  representatives  of  those  principles. 

And  now,  gentlemen  students,  what  better  instruction  for  you 
can  I draw  from  this  survey  of  the  development  of  our  Universities, 
than  to  impress  on  you  that  the  chief  power  and  blessing  of  your 
academical  training,  whatever  faculty  you  may  choose,  will  be  in 
the  acquisition  and  cultivation  of  that  historical  sense,  whose  repre- 
sentative met)  I have  brought  before  you  to-day.  As  professors,  we 
stand  in  the  relation  not  only  of  givers,  but  of  receivers.  We  otfer 
such  knowledge  as  we  have  gathered,  sifted  out  and  tested,  but  we 
gladly  receive  from  your  inquiries  and  attention  that  renovating 
strength  which  keeps  us  from  relaxing  in  our  search  for  and  use  of 
fitting  material  for  our  instructions.  We  approach  you  with  the 
authority  of  teachers,  but  we  earnestly  desire  that  in  the  progress 
of  your  studies,  you  may  more  and  more  dispense  with  the  need  of 
this  authority.  We  offer  the  best  we  have;  but  it  is  more  than 
possible  that  errors  and  half-truths  are  intermixed  with  what  we 
would  fain  believe  to  be  the  pure  gold  of  absolute  truth.  Swear 
not  therefore  in  the  words  of  the  master,  though  you  trust  in  his 
guidance,  so  long  as  he  ceases  not  from  the  daily  labor  of  testing 


3C0 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


and  correcting  his  own  knowledge,  and  does  not  allow  himself,  from 
intellectual  indolence,  to  become  the  victim  of  his  own  illusions  and 
the  propagator  of  views  found  to  be  erroneous.  The  chief  gain  in 
your  academic  education  consists  not  so  much  in  the  acquisition  of 
• certain  sum  of  knowledge,  or  special  facts,  or  maxims,  but  in  the 
encouragement  and  cultivation  of  those  intellectual  powers  through 
which  you  may  overcome  any  imbibed  or  self-made  illusions,  and 
discover  the  truth  by  the  independent  exercise  of  your  own  powers. 
If,  during  the  period  of  your  student  life,  you  have  made  this  pre- 
cious acquisition,  then  even  the  errors  you  may  possibly  have  ab- 
sorbed will  be  to  your  advantage,  because,  while  with  steadily 
increasing  knowledge  and  maturity  of  mind  you  detect,  combat  and 
conquer  them,  you  exercise  your  intellect  most  beneficially,  and 
come  forth  from  these  inner  struggles,  strengthened  and  enriched 
by  experience. 

In  this  solemn  moment,  which  may  never  recur  to  me,  let  me 
address  a word  particularly  to  you  who  have  undertaken  the  study 
of  theology.  You  have  chosen  a science  which  claims,  and  must 
claim,  that  all  others  lead  to  her  and  rest  on  her  as  their  foundation 
and  corner-stone.  But  this  primacy  is  only  due  if  she  makes  use 
of  the  assistance  of  her  sister  sciences.  She  should  not,  with  in- 
valid delicacy,  protect  herself  from  every  fresh  breeze  of  research, 
or  deny  all  the  teachings  of  history  which  may  not  please  her.  Life 
and  death  depend  upon  the  fact  that  her  disciples  preserve  in  its 
highest  purity  that  “ historical  sense  ” which  is  shown  in  the 
acknowledment  of  all  foreign  superiorities  and  blessings,  and  in  the 
application  of  all  truth  which  may  be  found  in  other  spheres.  Let 
us  practice  the  art  of  discerning  correctly  the  genuine  from  the 
spurious  coin  of  the  spiritual  world,  of  detecting  truth  from  error, 
but  let  us  not  condemn  from  mere  appearance  whole  sciences,  as 
though  they  were  possessed  of  devils.  I apprehend  no  danger  to 
you  from  the  enlargement  of  your  mental  horizon.  You  will  cer- 
tainly reject  any  doctrine  which  dethrones  the  living  God  from  his 
seat  in  the  conscience  and  religion,  to  be  replaced  by  the  abstrac- 
tions of  pantheism.  At  the  same  time  no  system  which  openly 
repudiates  the  liberty  of  the  human  will,  or  leads  to  such  denial,  can 
exercise  any  influence  over  your  mind,  as  this  liberty  is  rooted  too 
deeply  and  securely  in  your  own  self-consciousness  to  be  ever  un- 
dermined by  the  most  subtle  scepticism.  Least  of  all  will  you  be 
tempted  to  admit  materialism,  or  allow  yourself  to  be  persuaded 
that  man  is  but  a finer  organized  ape  and  the  senses  mere  secretions 
of  the  brain. 


THE  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


361 


Let  me  recommend,  as  a maxim  of  conduct : “ Theologus  sum^ 
nihil  divini  a me  alienum  puto'’ — nothing  divine,  no  truth,  as  all 
truth  emanates  originally  from  God — shall  be  foreign  to  us.  It  is 
only  necessary  to  possess  the  right  magnet  to  detect  and  extract 
the  truth  from  the  worthless  sands  which  surround  and  often  hide 
it.  Thus  conceived  the  great  men  of  the  Alexandrian  school,  in 
their  solution  of  the  problem  of  Greek  philosophy  and  natural  sci- 
ence— though  our  task  is  more  difficult  on  account  of  the  immeas- 
urable and  daily  increasing  material  on  which  we  are  to  act.  The 
whole  study  of  humanity  in  all  its  branches — philology,  antiquity, 
anthropology,  comparative  history,  religion,  jurisprudence,  philos- 
ophy, and  their  several  histories — all  claim  your  attention  and 
demand  that  you  must  master  their  mysteries.  It  is  as  in  Moham- 
med’s paradise,  where  tlie  first  tree  calls  out  to  the  blessed  one, 
“Break  my  fruit,”  and  forthwith  the  second  cries,  “My  fruits  are 
sweeter.”  The  most  eager  thirst  for  knowledge  must  succumb  to 
the  weight  of  the  gigantic  task  of  partaking  of  all.  But  what  is 
impossible  for  one,  may  be,  at  least  partly,  attained  by  the  com- 
bined efforts  and  labors  of  many  congenial  workers. 

Two  hundred  years  ago,  a great  Italian  closed  his  life  with  this 
aspiration  for  the  republic  in  which  he  lived,  Esto  perpetual 
With  the  same  wish  for  the  republic  of  science  in  which  I have 
fellowship,  and  for  which  I have  labored  for  forty  years,  I exclaim, 
“Esto  perpetua.” 


PRUSSIA,  SAXONY,  AND  AUSTRIA. 


GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


Slight  discrepancies  which  may  appear,  on  a comparison  of  the  following  tables, 
are  to  be  accounted  for,  by  the  fact  that  there  is  tceasionally  a difference  in  the 
dates  upon  which  they  are  based.  As  these  dates,  however,  are  always  noted,  no 
error  can  ensue.  Pains  have  been  taken  to  procure  the  most  recent  and  reliable 
information : — part  of  it  now  first  appears  in  print. 

The  tables  show  the  number  of  Professors,  in  the  different  faculties,  in  the  Uni- 
versities of  Prussia,  Austria,  and  Saxony. 

KINGDOM  OF  PRUSSIA. 

The  following  table  is  compiled,  and  the  remarks  upon  it  are  mainly  derived 
from  a work  now  publishing  in  parts,  at  Leipsic,  entitled  “ Der  Preussisehe  Staat, 
Handbuch  der  Statistik  ; von  A.  Franz.” 

TABLE  I. — Prussian  Universities. 


Location. 

Dale  of 
Foundation. 

Number  of  Teachers. 

tNo.of§ 

Students 

Theol. 

Law. 

Med. 

Phil. 

Inst.* * * § 

Total. 



Berlin, 

1809 

11 

16 

35 

89 

8 

159 

2100 

Bonn, 

1818 

15 

10 

11 

48 

6 

90 

900 

Breslau  ,t 

1702 

18 

7 

19 

35 

13 

92 

800 

Greifswald,. . . 

1456 

7 

7 

9 

17 

5 

45 

200 

Halle,; 

1694 

10 

6 

8 

38 

6 

68 

625 

Konigsberg,. . 

1543 

7 

6 

11 

29 

6 

59 

325 

Berlin,  as  a whole,  is  far  in  advance  of  all  the  other  Universities.  Being  the 
capital  of  the  Kingdom,  its  libraries,  museums,  and  other  attractions  for  men  of 
letters,  are  naturally  larger  and  better  than  elsewhere.  It  is  strong  in  all  its  Fac- 
ulties, especially  so  in  that  of  Jurisprudence  ; but  in  Theology,  it  is  considered  as 
standing  second  to  Halle.  As  Hallo  is  preeminent  in  Evangelical  Theology, 
Breslau  is  in  the  Catholic  5 Bonn  excels  in  the  Faculty  of  Jurisprudence,  Greifs- 
wald  in  Medicine,  and  Konigsberg  in  Philosophy. 

At  Berlin,  about  one  third  of  the  students  attend  Law  lectures,  and  the  re- 
mainder are  nearly  equally  divided  among  the  three  other  faculties  5 Philosophy 
generally  standing  foremost ; then  Medicine,  then  Theology.  At  Bonn,  the 
number  of  students  in  Law,  also  exceeds  that  in  any  other  faculty.  At  Breslau, 
more  than  one  fourth  of  the  students  belong  to  the  Catholic  Theological  depart- 
ment. The  other  faculties  usually  number  between  100  and  170  students.  More 
than  one  third  of  the  whole  number  of  students  in  Greifswald,  attend  the  Medi- 
cal lectures.  Half  of  the  students  at  Halle  are  usually  Theological.  The  Philo- 
sophical faculty  at  Konigsberg,  includes  more  than  one  third  of  all  the  students. 
It  is  usually  said,  in  general  terms  that,  in  Berlin,  one  third,  in  Bonn,  one  fourth, 

* In  the  column  headed  “ Instructors,”  are  included  the  teachers  of  Modern  Languages,  of 
Horsemanship,  etc.,  etc. 

tThe  University  of  Frankfort,  on  the  Oder,  was  united  with  that  of  Breslau,  in  1811. 

tThe  University  of  Wittenberg,  founded  in  1502,  was  united  with  that  of  Halle  in  1815. 

§ As  the  number  of  the  students  varies  from  year  to  year,  the  average  attendance,  during 
several  years  past,  is  given  in  thi.s  table.  naa 


GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 


363 


and  in  Halle,  one  fifth  of  the  students  are  from  abroad*  but  these  proportions,  aa 
will  be  seen  by  Table  IV,  are  somewhat  over  stated.  In  the  other  Universities  of 
Prussia,  the  number  is  much  smaller. 

EMPIRE  OF  AUSTRIA. 

The  following  information  is  derived  from  Hain’s  “ Handbuch  der  Statistik  des 
Oesterreichischen  Kaiserstaates,”  recently  published  in  Vienna.  The  table  is 
based  upon  tho  returns  of  1851,  but  the  figures  are  sufficiently  near  the  average 
for  all  practical  purposes. 


TABLE  II. — Austrian  Universities. 


Location. 

Date  of 
Foundation. 

Number  of  Professor*. 

N 0,  ol 
Student*. 

Theol. 

Law. 

Medical. 

Phil.t 

Total. 

Cracow, 

1343 

4 

9 

49  ’ 

240 

Padua, 

1228 

6 

10 

23 

21 

60 

1574 

Pavia, 

1361 



9 

24 

16 

49 

1619 

Pesth, 

1465 

9 

11 

24 

27 

71 

419 

Prague...... 

1348 

10 

17 

49 

33 

109 

1390 

Vienna, 

1365 

9 

24 

47 

36 

116 

2416 

Gratz, 

1486 

7 

12 

— 

15 

34 

457 

Innspruck, 

1672 

— 

9 

— 

6 

15 

218 

Olmutz, 

1581 

7 

6 

— 

10 

23 

312 

Lemberg, 

1784 

9 

7 

— 

15 

31 

699 

In  Vienna,  nearly  one  half  of  the  students  are  in  the  faculty  of  Law  ; about  one 
third  in  that  of  Medicine  ; while  less  than  one  twelfth  are  in  that  of  Theology. 
At  Prague  more  than  one  half  are  law  students.  Considerably  more  than  one 
half  at  Pesth,  are  in  the  Medical  faculty  ; while  Philosophy  with  twenty-seven  in- 
structors, has  only  three  students  ! In  Pavla  again,  more  than  one  half  are  law 
students.  At  Padua,  Law  and  Medieine  each  number  about  one  third  of  the 
students.  At  Cracow,  the  faculties  of  Law  and  Medicine,  each  include  more  than 
one  third  of  all  the  students,  while  Theology  has  only  thirteen  followers.  In  the 
other  Universities,  law  students  predominate. 

In  the  whole  number  of  9,546  students,  there  are,  Germans  2,100,  Slavonic 
2,995,  Magyar  585,  Italians  3,297,  Romanic  65,  Jews  489,  Foreigners  15. 

It  should  be  mentioned  that  there  are  ten  Seminaries  for  Theology,  distinct 
from  the  Universities,  with  fifty-four  professors  and  four  hundred  students. 

KINGDOM  OF  SAXONY. 

Although  Saxony  has  many  excellent  institutions  for  higher  education  in  spe- 
cial branches  of  study,  it  has  but  one  completely  organized  University.  Hubner’s 
“Jahrbuch  fiir  Volks- wirthschaft  und  Statistik,”  for  1854  gives  the  following 
information  concerning  it. 

TABLE  III. — University  of  Saxony. 

. Number  of  Professori-  No.  of  Student*. 

Location.  Foundation.  Tlieol.  Law.  Med.  Phil.  Total.  (1852-3.) 

Leipsic,  1409  15  16  33  46  110  786 

Of  these  786  students,  325  were  in  the  Faculty  of  Jurisprudence,  218  in  Med- 
icine, 162  in  Philosophy,  and  81  in  Theology. 

* i.  e.  are  from  States  other  than  the  Kingdom  of  Prussia.  The  terms  Inlander  and  Auslander 
translated  in  Table  IV.,  Citizens  and  Foreigners,  refer  to  those  who  are  or  are  not  residents  (not 
of  Germany  but)  of  that  particular  Empire,  Kingdom,  or  Duchy  in  which  the  Institution  is 
placed. 

t Including  at  Pavia  and  Padua,  the  Mathematical  Faculties  which  are  nominally  distinct 


364  GERMAN  UNIVERSITIES. 

TABLE  IV. — Professors  and  Students  in  the  German  Universities  in  Summer  of  1853. 


Universities. 

Profesmrs. 

Students. 

1 TotalNo.  of  Foreign  Student! 

1 No.  of  Matriculated  Student! 

1 

f No.  of  not  Matriculated 

1 Students 

i Total  No.  of  Students, 

1 (Matric.  and  not  Matric.) 

' Ordinary  Professors. 

Extraordinary  Prolessors. 

Honorary-  Professors. 

1 Privat  Docents. 

1 Instructors  in  Language 

1 and  Exercise. 

1 Total. 

Tht 

Catholic. 

ology. 

Protestant. 

Jurispru’ 

dence, 

Cameralia, 

&c. 

Medicine, 

Surgery, 

Pharmacy. 

Philosophy, 

Philology. 

Citizens.  j 

Foreigners.  | 

Citizens. 

Foreigners.  ' 

1 Citizens. 

j Foreigners. 

Citizens.  | 

Foreigners. 

! Citizens. 

1 Foreigners.  , 

Vienna 

56 

15 

35 

10 

116 

194 

30 

741 

3 

875 

42 

103 

5 

78 

1964 

430 

2403 

Munich 

.50 

14 

15 

4 

94 

199 

38 

791 

58 

277 

87 

405 

45 

228 

1893 

1893 

Berlin 

5'2 

41 

7, 

60 

8 

168 

149 

39 

526 

106 

254 

62 

253 

IJO 

317 

1491 

675 

2166 

Prague  

37 

24 

|23 

4 

88 

135 

4 

465 

1 

294 

12 

111 

3 

28 

1025 

144 

1169 

Bonn 

47 

13 

i24 

8 

91 

202 

4 

*47 

i2 

248 

35 

86 

8 

153 

67 

126 

862 

34 

836 

Breslau  .... 

39 

15 

|24 

14 

92 

246 

3 

37 

1 

271 

3 

88 

6 

146 

5 

18 

806 

31 

837 

Leipsic 

44 

32 

*2 

,27 

4 

109 

105 

50 

262 

79 

150 

94 

36 

18 

241 

794 

794 

Tubingen  . . 

3 

13 

3 

20 

6 

79 

lie 

45 

123 

28 

178 

35 

98 

22 

88 

10 

140 

743 

743 

Heidelberg. . 

34 

12 

1 

|33 

11 

91 

49 

21 

77 

423 

48 

57 

9 

32 

536 

719 

*33 

752 

Wiirzburg. . 

30 

7 

1 

1 3 

5 

46 

*91 

186 

5 

103 

199 

118 

3 

207 

705 

765 

Gottingen  . . 

46 

21 

28 

14 

109 

*80 

.34 

98 

123 

125 

78 

67 

64 

299 

669 

. . . 

669 

Halle 

35 

10 

19 

7 

71 

283 

51 

147 

14 

58 

7 

50 

6 

78 

616 

45 

661 

Erlangen  . . . 

26 

10 

o 

4 

5 

47 

1.32 

72 

i 131 

5 

63 

5 

15 

8 

90 

431 

. . . 

431 

Jena 

24 

22 

8 

6 

10 

70 

57 

46 

74 

23 

60 

25 

49 

86 

180 

420 

12 

432 

Giessen 

31 

16 

2 

7 

1 

57 

45 

1 

161 

18 

108 

41 

26 

2 

62 

402 

, . . 

402 

Konigsberg  . 

30 

8 

16 

6 

60 

52 

168 

70 

4 

49 

4 

8 

347 

347 

Munster  .... 

10 

4 

3 

1 

16 

i64 

23 

124 

17 

40 

328 

• . . 

328 

Freiburg. . . 

26 

1 

7 

4 

38 

151 

37 

51 

4 

52 

13 

15 

4 

58 

.327 

356 

Gratz 

16 

3 

4 

6 

3 

32 

94 

173 

1 

72 

3 

4 

250 

93 

343 

Marburg. . . . 

29 

12 

14 

7 

62 

79 

7 

45 

*65 

*12 

32 

7 

26 

227 

20 

247 

Innspruek.. . 

15 

I 

2 

4 

22 

179 

51 

6 

17 

1 

7 

221 

33 

254 

Greifswald. . 

25 

8 

*7 

10 

5 

55 

*25 

55 

”2 

80 

1 

35 

6 

9 

204 

4 

208 

Olmutz  • ♦ • , * 

10 

1 

1 

1 

13 

iso 

70 

200 

200 

Zurich 

19 

16 

16 

51 

*20 

35 

4 

76 

18 

28 

8 

30 

189 

'ie 

205 

Berne  

13 

17 

2 

8 

40 

34 

i 

51 

57 

1 

12 

1 

3 

1 157 

.. . 

157 

Kiel 

17 

11 

9 

'e 

43 

28 

50 

‘*3 

38 

4 

12 

, . . 

7 

132 

132 

Rostock  .... 

21 

3 

7 

31 

15 

*5 

49 

5 

19 

5 

; 9 

1 

16!  108 

108 

■lasle 

21 

3 

*3 

12 

39 

5 

30 

' 6 

2 

5 

13 

2 

1 

46 

67 

67 

TABLE  V. — Whole  number  of  students,  matriculated  and  not  matriculated, 


in  the  German  Universities,  during  both  semesters  of  1853. 
In  Summer  Term,  1853. 


1 Vienna, 2403 

2 Berlin, 2166 

3 Munich, 1893 

4 Prague, 1169 

5 Bonn, 896 

6 Breslau, 837 

7 Leipsic, 794 

8 Heidelberg, 752 

9 Tubingen, 743 

10  Wurzburg,. 705 

11  Gottingen, 669 

12  Halle, 661 

13  Jena, 432 

14  Erlangen, 431 

15  Giessen, 402 

16  Freiburg, 356 

17  Kbnigsberg, 347 

18  Gratz,... 343 

19  Munster, 328 

20  Innspruek, 254 

21  Marburg, 247 

22  Greifswald, 208 

23  Zurich, 205 

24  Olmutz, 200 

25  Berne, 157 

26  Kiel, 132 

27  Rostock 108 

28  Basle. 67 


In  Winter  Term,  1853-4. 


1 Vienna, 2584 

2 Berlin, 2204 

3 Munich, 1810 

4 Prague, 1218 

5 Bonn, 888 

6 Breslau,  ....... .807 

7 Leipsic,. 807 

8 Tubingen, 742 

9 Heidelberg, 718 

10  Wurzburg, 706 

11  Gottingen, 699 

12  Halle, 650 

13  Erlangen,'. .473 

14  Giessen, 380 

15  Jena, 380 

16  Freiburg, 376 

17  Gratz, 348 

18  Munster, 330 

19  Konigsberg, 326 

20  Innspruek, 278 

21  Marburg, 258 

22  Zurich, 248 

23  Greifswald, 222 

24  Olmutz, 203 

25  Berne, 175 

26  Kiel, 142 

27  Rostock, Ill 

28  Basle 102 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


GENERAL  SUMMARY  AND  STATISTICS. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 

In  every  German  State,  the  supervision,  and  in  most  States  the  direction 
of  all  institutions  of  an  educational  character,  is  exercised  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, generally  through  a responsible  Minister — acting  with  the  co- 
operation of  a central  council,  and  a provincial  corps  of  inspectors.  In 
every  State  there  are,  at  least,  three  degrees  of  instruction,  provided  for 
by  special  legislation  and  aided  by  governmental  appropriations. 

J.  ELEMENTARY  INSTRUCTION. 

The  system  of  public  elementary  instruction  in  Germany  did  not 
originate  in  any  one  State,  and  is  not  the  growth  of  any  one  period. 
In  its  primitive  form,  it  is  as  old  <‘;s  the  Christian  Church,  whose  offi- 
cers are  still  recognized  in  the  administration  of  the  public  school  in 
nearly  every  German  State,  although  the  present  movement  every- 
where is  to  separate  the  school  from  all  ex-officio  ecclesiastical  authority. 

The  cardinal  features  of  the  system  are : 

First.  The  right  and  dut}^  of  the  State,  through  municipal  and  pa- 
rental cooperation,  to  establish  at  least  one  elementary  school  within  walk- 
ing distance  of  every  child  of  the  legal  school  age,  and  to  authorize  and 
aid  educational  institutions  of  a higher  and  special  character,  adapted  to 
.the  wishes  and  wants  of  different  localities. 

Second.  The  recognition  and  enforcement  of  the  obligation,  on  the  part 
of  parents,  to  secure  the  regular  elementary  instruction  of  every  child 
between  the  ages  of  6 and  14  years,  in  some  school,  public  or  private. 

Third.  The  special  preparation  of  teachers,  as  far  as  practicable,  for 
each  grade  of  school,  with  opportunities  for  professional  improvement 
and  promotion,  and  the  guaranty  of  a living  salary,  including  pecuniary 
aid  when  sick,  infirm,  or  aged,  and  for  their  families  in  case  of  death. 

Fourth.  Subjects  of  instruction,  selected  in  reference  to  their  being  im- 
mediately and  permanently  useful  as  knowledge,  and  so  arranged  as  to 
aid  the  natural  development  of  the  faculties. 

Fifth.  A system  of  inspection,  variously  organized,  but  intelligent, 
frequent,  constant  and  responsible,  reaching  every  school  and  every 
teacher,  and  pervading  the  whole  system,  by  which  parents  and  the  gov- 
ernment are  assured  that  the  aim  of  the  law  is  realized  in  respect  to  the 
qualifications  of  teachers,  and  the  health  and  profitable  labor  of  the  pupils. 

With  this  system  of  universal,  scientific  and  thorough  elementary  in- 
struction, carried  on  sufficiently  long  to  have  molded  the  habits  of  fam- 
ilies and  communities,  the  following  statistics,  studied  in  connection 
with  the  subjects  and  methods  of  education,  are  significant. 


365 


366 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


The  general  aims  and  different  degrees  of  elementary  instruction  in 
the  several  States  of  Germany  are  substantially  the  same,  although  the 
classification  and  nomenclature  of  the  schools,  and  the  importance  at- 
tached to  different  studies  and  methods  will  be  found  to  differ  on  close 
examination. 

The  attendance  of  children  in  the  different  grades  of  elementary 
schools  is  governed  by  their  future  destination — whether  for  the  learned 
professions,  the  higher  industrial  occupations,  or  for  the  common 
walks  of  life. 

I.  Primary  Schools. — These  are  divided  into  the  common  or  peoples’ 
schools,  and  the  lurgher  schools.  The  common  schools — the  main  re- 
liance of  all  the  rural  and  a vast  majority  of  the  city  population,  proposes 
the  development  of  the  human  faculties,  though  those  branches  of  knowl- 
edge which  are  indispensable  to  every  person,  both  of  town  and  country, 
and  are  distributed  into  four  equal  periods  of  two.years  each,  as  follows: 

1.  First  period — two  years,  between  tlie  ages  of  six  and  eight.  Four  prin- 
cipal subjects: — viz.,  (1)  Logical  exercises,  consisting  of  oral  instruction,  in  the 
exercise  of  the  faculties  of  observation  and  expression.  This  branch  includes 
religious  instruction  and  singing  by  ear.  (2)  Elements  of  reading.  (3)  Ele- 
ments of  writing.  (4)  Elements  of  arithmetic. 

2.  Second  period — two  years,  from  eight  to  ten  years  of  age.  Seven  chief 
subjects: — viz.,  (1)  Reading.  (2)  Writing.  (3)  Religious  and  moral  lessons, 
select  Bible  histories.  (4)  German  grammar.  (5)  Arithmetic.  (6)  Elements  of 
geometry.  (7)  Elements  of  music,  singing  by  notes. 

3.  Tliird  period — two  years,  from  ten  to  twelve  years  of  age.  Eight  prin- 
cipal subjects: — viz.,  (1)  Lessons  in  reading  and  elocution.  (2)  Ornamental 
writing,  preparatory  to  drawing.  (3)  Religious  instruction  in  the  connected 
Bible  history.  (4)  German  grammar  and  analysis.  (5)  Elements  of  natural 
history  and  science,  technical  science,  geography  and  history.  (6)  Arithmetic, 
including  fractions  and  proportion.  (7)  Geometry,  theory  of  magnitudes  and 
proportion.  (8)  Singing,  and  science  of  vocal  and  instrumental  music. 

4.  Fourth  period — two  years,  from  twelve  to  fourteen  years  of  age.  Six 

chief  subjects: — (1)  Religion  and  morals.  (2)  General  geography  and  history, 
with  special  regard  to  civilization,  agriculture,  mechanical  arts,  manufactures, 
&c.  (3)  German  language,  exercises  in  composition.  (4)  Application  of  arith- 

metic and  mathematics  to  the  business  of  life,  including  elements  of  surveying 
and  civil  engineering.  (5)  Elements  of  diawing.  (6)  Science  of  music,  singing. 

The  Burgher  School  provides  for  an  extension  of  all  these  studies,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  German  and  modern  languages,  physics  and  natural  history,  the 
geography,  history  and  industries  of  Prussia,  drawing,  singing  and  gymnastics. 

II.  Supplementary  (Fortbildungs)  and  Special  Schools  and  Classes. 

(1.)  Evening  classes^  twice  a week,  whe^e  young  persons,  who  have  completed 
their  fourteenth  year,  may  continue  their  studies. 

(2.)  Sundmy  classes  which  young  persons,  who  have  completed  their  primary 
school  course,  and  do  not  proceed  to  a secondary  school,  are  required  to  attend. 

(3.)  Industrial  classes,  in  which  girls  are  instructed  in  sewing,  knitting,  hem- 
ming, darning,  skirt-making,  stitching,  &c. 

(4.)  Factory  schools  for  children  employed  in  any  manual  occupation,  be- 
fore the  completion  of  their  twelfth  year. 

(5.)  Technical  schools,  in  towns,  establi.shed  by  the  local  authorities,  and  sup- 
ported by  the  State.  Attendance  at  these  is  voluntary,  but  a master  may  not 
prevent  his  apprentice  from  attending  them  The  number  of  lessons  is  six  per 
week;  comprising  free-hand  drawing,  arithmetic,  geometry,  special  kinds  of 
drawing,  oeconornics,  natural  sciences,  mechanics  and  modeling. 

(6.)  Infant  Schools  and  Kindergarten,  mostly  after  Frdbel’s  plan. 

(7.)  Rescue  Institutes,  Reform  Schools,  and  Orphan  Homes,  after  Wichem’s  plan. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


Table  I. — Elementary  Schools  in  Germany  as  constituted  in  1865. 


Country. 

Area  in  English 
sq.  miles. 

Population. 

Elementary  schools. 

Teachers’ 
seminaries 
and  normal 
schools. 

Schools. 

Scholars. 

Teachers. 

Schools. 

Scholars. 

1,  Anhalt 

869 

193,  646 

283 

31,200 

362 

2 

72 

2.  Austria,  (German  Provinces) 

124.  116 

20,  602,  736 

14,  .587 

1,  656,  939 

24,  700 

80 

2, 209 

3.  Austria,  (non-German  Provinces) 

103,  118 

13,  830,  154 

14,  642 

1,684,478 

33,  524 

35 

957 

4.  Baden 

5,  851 

1,428,  090 

2,  228 

200,  000 

25,  000 

3 

170 

5.  Bavaria 

29,  347 

4,807,440 

7,  113 

946,  275 

8,  937 

10 

518 

6.  Brunswick 

1.  526 

292,  708 

420 

45,  700 

661 

.3 

73 

7.  Hanover 

14.  846 

1,888,  070 

3,  584 

281,348 

3,812 

11 

361 

8.  Hesse-Cassel 

4.  430 

745,  063 

1,300 

126,  000 

1,  163 

4 

191 

9.  Hesse-Darmstadt 

2,  866 

816,  902 

1,756 

155,  568 

1,382 

2 

129 

10.  Holstein-Lauenburg 

3,  630 

604, 123 

1,  177 

105,  446 

t,  370 

2 

97 

1 1.  Lichtenstein  ....... ..............  .... 

64 

7,  150 

26 

2,  000 

.35 

12.  Lippe-Detmold 

445 

111,336 

108 

2,  200 

171 

1 

19 

13.  Lippe-Schaumburg 

212 

31,  382 

38 

4,  026 

40 

1 

19 

14.  Luxemburg 

1,228 

206,  140 

526 

24,  868 

492 

1 

35 

15.  Mecklenburg-Schwerin 

4,834 

552,612 

1,334 

69, 000 

:,.517 

1 

19 

16.  Mecklenburg-Strelitz. 

997 

99,  060 

231 

13,  600 

250 

1 

19 

17.  Nassau 

1,802 

465,  636 

716 

72,  296 

J,  0.59 

o 

146 

18.  Oldenburg 

2,417 

314,416 

490 

43,  1 74 

630 

2 

208 

19.  Prussia 

107,  757 

19,  269,  563 

25,  656 

2,  825,  322 

S,  157 

6J 

3,  800 

20.  Reuss-Greitz 

148 

43,  924 

96 

8,  8.50 

105 

1 

35 

21.  Reuss-Scbleitz 

297 

86, 472 

118 

11.564 

130 

1 

51 

22.  Saxon  V 

6,  777 

2,  343,  994 

2,016 

400,  229 

1,  865 

1.3 

1,300 

23.  Saxe-Alfenburg 

509 

141,839 

180 

21,798 

1 90 

1 

32 

24.  Saxe-Cobuig-Gotha 

816 

164,527 

230 

22.  609 

355 

3 

90 

25.  Saxe-.Meiirngen 

933 

178,  065 

285 

29,  250 

406 

1 

52 

26.  Saxe-Weimar 

1,421 

280,  201 

678 

50  000 

700 

o 

154 

27.  Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt 

340 

73,  752 

145 

J4.210 

181 

o 

18 

28.  Schwarzburg- Sondershausen 

318 

66,  189 

118 

11,564 

147 

1 

16 

29.  Waldeck 

466 

59,  143 

128 

10,  681 

200 

30.  Wurtemberg 

7,675 

1,747,  .328 

2,  481 

2.30,  000  ) 

' :,  778 

3 

246 

31.  Free  Cities : Bremen 

106 

104,091 

42 

7,  165 

1()8 

1 

45 

32.  Frankfort 

43 

87,518 

18 

6.  940 

1* 

1 

40 

.33.  Hamburg 

148 

229,  941 

132 

19.  825 

1 

1 

56 

34.  Lubeck 

127 

50,  614 

16  i 

4,  800 , 

1 

SJ  ' 

A 

Table  II. — * Secondary  Schools  in  the  Koi'tJi  German  Union,  the  SouthGtrman  States,  and  the  Austrian  monarchy,  January  1,  1869. 


1 

Total.  I 

•BXBioqog 

00  tjT  (m"  ci*  r-T  I-T  r-T  i-T  CO  rH 

115,  868 

2,  969 

9,  887 

4,  841 

5,  834 

23,  531 

43.  704 

30,  873 

74,577 

213,  976 

•BjaqoKox 

o(N(r»icc*Doo»o<ri«o'c*MO'.j<cc— '■'S'W— 'Ojf-X) 
'i<  — CT>Qo-.i<c>?c<toc<-.roa>Tt<iooc»rtM50^c? 

CO  , r-i  i-H  ^ 

6,  856 

OD  05  . 

4.0  — 05  05  • 

r-H  05  Ci  CO  • 

CO 

^ II 

2,193 

1,659 

3,852 

12,  469 

•Siooqag 

gCC'X)lC'^COC^40C^CO^C'^•CO'^^0^^'^LOCO'^ 

CO 

rs  II 

TO 

TP  1 

CO  i-  — Cl  i 
f-H  00  Cl  . 

CO  * 
CO  1 

— CO 

4C  40 

g j 

! ^ 

1 

Higher  burgher 
schools. 

•BJ«ioqog 

9,  500 

^40  • C5 

40  • f-i 

CO  CO 

c5 

990 ‘I 

t’Si; 

995 

o 

QO 

CO 

ii 

^il 

CO 

§ 

C'f 

. 00  . 

• d • 

. Cl  • 

■ CO*  • 

i II 
1! 

i ; ; 

* * j 

: 1 

; 1 

« I 

17, 305 

•RJSqDBOX 

cn 

40  t>*  • — ' 

CO  7^  • ^ 

GNJ  ^ 

CO 

c< 

t-  CO 

8 

t^ 

LO 

X 

Cl 

i lO  i 

i Cl  i 

M 

1 S 

05 

•joqranjq 

a> 

to 

n ->  ; .-1 

-I 

(M 

^ c< 

CO 

Ct 

la 

i 

1 

40 

» 05  • 

d • 

X 

t- 

1 : 1 
1 • 1 

g 

Real-schools  of  2d 
class. 

•BJBjoqog 

.3,  430 

00  >X) 

‘Xj  CO 

CO  i 

CO  ; 

r-  05 

ss 

o 

1 icT 

1 

t-  -3;  1 

io  0 

O'tp"'  1 

CO 

0 

§ 

•BjaqoBox 

CO 

05 

C5  o 

; 

05  Oi 

CO 

o 

s 

ii 

1 

597 

315 

h' 

1,859 

•joqtnnNj 

-•  : 

CN  t^ 

CO 

05 

i 

X CO 

Cl 

- 

s 

Real-schools  of  1st 
class. 

•Bawioqog 

o>  r?  0)  0> 

C>  »(0  »o  »o 

O 

of  of 

Tt*  CO  1C 
'Tt  to 

CO  r-  CO 

>o 

»o 

LO 

"1 

! t-  CO  05 

00  'X 

00  Cl  05 

1 " " 

! 

1,081 

57 

1- 
1 ’ 

28, 865 

’SJoqoBOX 

p;  OJ  ^ 

05  40  O 
f-r  ^ Ct 

CO  OJ 

ii 

-1 

1 

! 

si 

1 

1 3“ 

j 

i” 

1 

1 

II  i 

II  "■ 

1) 

•joqranjij 

rt-  ^ r- 

CO 

0»  -1  .-H 

-M  -H 

05  1 

t— 

j O to  00 

1 

^ — 

t- 

! - 

Progymnasia. 

•B.iBioqog 

CO 

CO 

cf 

« fN.  1 

• Oi  • ^ 

. CM  . r-« 

Ct  • • 40 

CO  • • cc 

c» 

CX) 

s! 

1 

I ? CO  * 

* 40  O • 

i ^ ! 

Cl 

5, 828 

•Hjoqbi.’ox 

o 

00 

i -H  it- 

— ! ; o 

Cl 

CO 

ct 

X • 

• cc  ^ ; 

40 

40  j 

|l  . . 

Il  - 

CO 

CO 

CO 

•jaqmnx 

lO 

jr-.. 

_ ; 

CO 

to  ^ . 

; i 

CO 

.2 

a 

e 

•KaB[oqog 

CO  CO  CJ  0>  O O 00 

cc  00  CO  — r-  cc  CO 

CO  LO  rt  i-H  R- 

•^“cf 

40 

— C5'rt'-CJ'S> 
00  f-  c:  (X'  TO  -!•  CJ  O'.  Ci  — CO  •-< 
eoocoiOLOxco  — ^cicNCJ 

s 

CO' 

CO 

Cl  X X 05  • 

X »C  «-  CO  • 

1 O Cl  40  • 

1 r-'t-' Cl  • 

1- 

X 

CO  Cl 
Cl 

I 0 1- 
ci  d* 

00 

X* 

4.0 

183,  709 

•saoqouax 

00  CO  CTi  lo  Tf-  CC  OJ 

Oi-COCOO^r-^*— 

C5 

cf 

cor-'-rxiior^'^CJ  — ‘O— 'Oj 
CJ  C-  00  (?/t^  !-•  1— 1 '—  c< 

OQ 

CO 

CO 

II  5=|s  i 

II  I 

C5  j 

II 

1.  40  CO 

II  '■-• 

2,  867 

10,  592 

•jaqtun^i 

O -H 

»o 

CO  O.  t>*  CO  » 

1 " ! 

X 

1 t^  d 

05  CO 

05 

■d 

0 

05 

1 ..IP 

1 

Name  of  the  State. 

].  Prussia • 

: « : 

• • 

■l?  i 

lll^ 

o S < 
3 i i i.  ; 

<1  K X X 1 
S r-.  a a 1 

C ccc»«^0 

r:  •v  in «. 

i o 

. c 

1 n 

• 'c 

' o 

5 1 

- s 

L j 

^ t 

; 

i i 

X J 
:3  « 

0 t 

; a 

: s 

^ 3 

3 c3 

C .3 
c C 

3 Oi 

1 -c 

B 5 
r « 

: 

= 5 J 

s N -1 

ill 

u i 

C OJH 

^ Oj  C 

.^3 
f 5 

f i "c 

SCr5< 

so- 

I ' o 
; S Z 

• i “i 
: 

• tc  to 

•^lll 

'Z  Q O 
^ ^ o ^ 

C CQ  ?.  55  C 
■-  ci  ro  e 

! ^ 
■ 1 

3 i 

IZ 

• i 

; i 

-Z 
1 \ 

N 

b * 

jo 

j 

io 

2 ^ 
5 c 

ic 

2 1 

i 

'i  ' 
3 < 
ic 

• ! 
3 i 

ti 

n 

3li 

H G 

ic  : 

3 

P 

: j 

d 

.2 

'S 

p 

a 

cd 

a 

aj  t; 

O f 

5 £ 

1-  > 

O c 

55  C 

'5  § 

O c 

E-i  D 

3 ' 

a ; 

a ■ 

5 _d 

ri 

i-  > 

CP 

p <?j 

3.  Wiirtemberg 

A 

5.  Liechtenstein 

Total  South  German  States.. 

Austria,  (German  Provinees).. 
Austria,  (Hungary) 

Total  Austrian  monarchy... 

Grand  total 

PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


369 


II.  SECONDARY  INSTRUCTION. 

Secondary  Instruction  in  Germany  is  not  a continuation  of  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  elementary  schools,  but  exists  independent  of  it,  and  forms 
part  of  the  system  of  superior  instruction.  By  degrees  the  Burgher 
School,  the  highest  grade  of  the  primary  system,  is  being  merged  into  the 
Real-schulen^  or  Real  gymnasia^  the  lowest  grade  of  the  secondary  sys- 
tem, and  thus  prepares  pupils  for  the  special  schools  of  agriculture, 
building,* engineering,  and  other  departments  of  practical  life.  But  as 
yet,  preparation  for  the  universities  can  only  be  made  in  the  Gymnasium. 

Admission. — The  pupils  are  not  admitted  into  a gymnasium,  or  other  estab- 
lishment for  secondary  education,  under  ten  years  of  age ; and  the  following 
qualifications  are  required; — (1)  Facility  in  reading,  correct  spelling,  and  the 
rudiments  of  grammar;  (2)  Writing  from  dictation ; (3)  Readiness  in  the  four 
fundamental  rules  of  arithmetic,  and  acquaintance  with  the  properties  of  num- 
bers and  simpler  parts  of  fractions;  (4)  Elements  of  geography  (Europe  in  par- 
ticular); (5)  Narrative  parts  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  the  life  of  Christ;  (6) 
Elementary  notions  of  form  (drawing). 

Studies. — The  subjects  of  instruction  in  the  gymnasium: — (1)  Singing  and 
music;  (2)  Gymnastics;  (3)  Calligraphy  and  drawing;  (4)  Religion  and  Biblical 
history;  (5)  Arithmetic;  (6)  Mathematics — applied  mechanics,  and  statics  in 
the  higher  classes;  (7)  Geography,  ancient  and  modern;  (8)  German  language, 
historical  grammar;  (9)  German  literature,  ancient  and  modern ; (10)  Rhetoric; 
(11)  Latin  (Tacitus  and  Cicero  in  the  higher  classes) ; (12)  Greek  (Xenophon, 
Plato,  &c.,  in  the  higher  classes);  (13)  French  or  English  (in  some  gymnasia, 
both  optional,  in  some  English  is  voluntary;  obligatory  in  others) ; (14)  He- 
brew (optional,  except  for  future  theological  students) ; (15)  Natural  History; 
(16)  History,  ancient  and  modern;  (17)  Philosophy — logic,  anthropology,  psy- 
chology. 

Terms  and  Examination. — The  scholastic  year  is  divided  into  two  terms,  at 
the  close  of  each  of  which  there  is  an  examination.  At  the  end  of  the  second 
half,  the  examinations  for  passing  them  from  one  class  to  another  are  held 
under  supervision  of  a government  inspector.  The  six  classes  should,  in  the 
ordinary  way,  be  passed  through  in  nine  3’^ears.  Thus  a pupil  entering  at  ten 
would  leave  the  gymnasium  and  enter  the  university  at  nineteen. 

Final,  or  Leaving  Examination. — Before  proceeding  from  the  gymnasium  to 
the  university,  an  examination  must  be  undergone,  called  Ahiturienten,  or  Ex- 
amination  of  Maturity.  Those  who  have  received  their  education  in  a private 
school  must  pass  the  same  examination  before  being  admitted  to  the  university, 
and  to  professional  life.  In  their  case,  this  examination  is,  in  some  States,  to 
be  undergone  before  inspectors  of  the  Supreme  Council;  in  Prussia,  in  any 
g3'mnasium  they  may  select.  The  candidates  are  to  be  examined  separately, 
and  are  required  to  produce  the  certificates  of  their  masters  as  to  moral  conduct 
and  proficiency. 

The  conduct  of  this  examination  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Committee  of  the 
Gymnasium,  consisting  of  the  head  master,  the  teachers  of  the  higher  classes, 
one  or  two  members  of  the  clergy  or  authorities  of  the  place,  and  in  Prussia  a 
member  of  the  Provincial  Consistor3’,  in  Baden  the  Mayor,  elected  by  universal 
suffrage.  In  Prussia,  the  member  of  the  Provincial  Consistory  presides,  but 
his  appointment  must  be  approved  b3’-  the  Mini.stry  of  Public  Instruction.  The 
clerical  delegate  must  be  approved  by  the  Consistory  of  the  Province.  Besides 
the  above,  members  of  the  Supreme  Council  of  Education  have  the  practical 
direction  of  the  examination.  In  Prussia,  there  is  moreover  a Royal  Commis- 
sion, appointed  by  the  Ministry,  and  consisting  of  professors  of  universities  or 
secondary  schools,  w’’ho  attend  the  examination  as  inspectors.  The  teachers  of 
the  gymnasium  and  the  local  authorities  of  the  school  are  also  present  at  the 
oral  examination,  which,  in  certain  States,  takes  place  in  public. 

The  examination  is  both  oral  and  by  writing,  and  comprises  the  following 

24 


370 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


subjects: — German,  Latin,  Greek,  French  or  English,  Hebrew  (obligatory  for 
future  students  of  theology  only),  Religion,  General  History,  Geography,  Mathe- 
matics, Physics,  Natural  History,  and  the  elements  of  Mental  Philosophy,  The 
following  is  an  abstract  of  the  regulations  in  Prussia  for  the  final  examination: 

Wrziien  Examination. — The  subjects  of  the  written  examination  are  selected 
by  the  Commissary  of  the  Government,  who  is  present,  from  a list  furnished  by 
the  director  and  head-master  of  the  gymnasium.  Thty  must  be  such  as  have  not 
been  specially  treated  in  the  class-room^  though  not  beyond  the  range  of  instruc- 
tion of  the  pupils.  The  written  exercises  embrace  the  following: — (1)  A Ger- 
man prose  composition;  (2)  A Latin  composition,  and  so-called  extempore  exer- 
cise, in  which  tlie  master  speaks  or  reads  in  German  to  the  pupil,  who  must 
write  down  the  same  in  Latin;  (3)  Translation  from  a Greek  author,  which  has 
not  been  read  in  the  school  course^  as  well  as  from  Latin  into  Greek;  (4)  Trans- 
lation from  German  into  a modern  language;  (5)  The  solution  of  two  questions 
in  Geometry,  and  ')f  two  in  analysis,  within  the  limits  of  the  course  in  tliose 
subjects.  Candidates  may  also,  if  they  please,  be  examined  beyond  the  re- 
quirements for  passing.  Those  who  intend  to  apply  themselves  to  theology  or 
philology  have  to  translate  a portion  of  one  of  the  historical  books  of  the  Old 
Testament,  or  a Psalm,  iiito  Latin,  adding  a gramn)atical  analysis.  The  ex- 
amination extends  over  four  days. 

Oral  Examination. — The  subjects  of  the  oral  examination  are  the  following: 
— (1)  General  grammar  and  prosody  of  the  German  language,  the  chief  epochs 
of  natural  history  and  literature,  and  the  national  classics ; (2)  Translation  and 
analysis  of  extracts  from  Cicero,  Sallust,  Livy,  Virgil  and  Horace ; parts  of  the 
examination  are  conducted  in  Latin ; (3)  Translation  and  analysis  of  Greek 
prose,  and  of  portions  of  Homer,  with  questions  on  Greek  grammar,  history, 
arts,  and  mythology;  (4)  Translation  from  French  or  English  classics,  with 
conversation;  (5)  Questions  on  Christian  doctrines,  dogmas,  or  morals,  church 
history,  and  the  Bible;  (6)  Arithmetic,  tllb  simpler  parts  of  algebra  and  geom- 
etry, logarithms,  and  plane  trigonometry ; (7)  History  and  geography,  ancient 
(especially  Greek  and  Roman)  and  modern  histor}',  and  geography  (phj'sical, 
mathematical,  and  political);  (8)  Natural  history,  classification;  (9)  Those  por- 
tions of  physics  which  can  be  treated  by  elementary  mathematics;  (10)  The 
elements  of  moral  philosophy,  psychology  and  logic.  The  future  theological 
student  has  also  to  translate  and  analyze  a portion  of  one  of  the  historical 
books  of  the  Old  Testament. 

Certificate  of  Final  Examination. — After  the  examination,  the  commission 
that  has  conducted  it  proceeds,  on  a comparison  of  notes  taken  during  its  course 
by  the  different  members  (each  member  having  a vote),  to  a selection  of  those 
students  who  may  be  deemed  qualified  to  receive  a certificate  called  a certifi- 
cate of  maturity  {Maturitdtszeugniss.)  Those  who  have  not  satisfied  the  exam- 
iners are  remanded  to  their  class,  but  may  again  present  themselves,  after  an 
interval  of  six  months,  for  another  trial,  unless  they  are  judged  entirely  unfit 
to  pursue  a literary  career.  The  certificate  of  maturity  is  indispensable  for 
matriculation  in  either  of  the  faculties  of  theology,  law,  medicine  or  philosophy, 
in  one  of  the  national  universities,  for  admission  to  the  examination  for  an  aca- 
demical degree,  to  compete  for  one  of  the  bursaries  at  the  universities,  or  to  the 
government  examination,  by  which  alone  he  can  be  appointed  to  an  office  in 
State  or  Church,  or  to  practice  as  a medical  man  or  lawyer. 

Teachers  of  Gymnasium. — The  teachers  of  the  gymnasium  must  all  have  at- 
tended a university,  in  which  they  enter  one  of  the  philological  or  psedagogical 
seminaries  attached  to  the  universities.  To  qualify  for  the  different  master- 
ships in  a gymnasium  in  Prn.ssia,  the  following  special  examinations  have  to  be 
passed — (1)  The  general  government  examination,  pro  facultate  docendi,  on 
leaving  the  university;  (2)  For  a special  post;  (3)  For  every  step  of  promotion; 
(4)  For  a rectorship. 

Statistics. — According  to  the  following  Tables,  compiled  from  Dr.  Wiese’s  Re- 
port on  the  High  Schools  of  Prussia,  {Berlin,  1869.)  and  the  School  Kalendar  of 
Dr.  Mushacke  for  1869,  there  were  for  all  the  German  population,  (72,233,147,) 
947  institutions  for  Secondary  Education,  wdth  12,469  teachers  and  213,976 
students.  The  number  and  grade  of  these  institutions  for  the  principal  German 
States  will  be  seen  in  the  Tables  which  follow. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


371 


III.  SUPERIOR  AND  PROFESSIONAL  INSTRUCTION. 

Superior  instruction  is  given  either  in  the  Universities,  or  in  Polytech- 
nic schools  of  the  highest  grade.  The  latter  are  usually  classed  and 
will  be  described  with  Special  Schools! 

The  high  standard  of  University  instruction  is  maintained  (1)  by  the 
Certificate  of  Maturity — the  evidence  of  having  completed  in  a satisfac- 
tory manner  the  eight  years’  course  of  a Gymnasium ; and  (2)  by  the 
government  examination  of  all  candidates  for  employment  in  any  depart- 
ment of  the  public  service,  or  who  aspire  to  practice  as  a lawyer  or 
physician,  pastor,  or  teacher — to  be  admitted  to  which,  the  candidate 
must  produce  certificates  of  having  attended  a University  for  at  least 
three  years.  The  examinations  are  conducted  by  government  commis- 
sions, composed  of  scientific  and  practical  men.  The  following  summary 
is  specially  applicable  to  Prussia,  but  generally,  to  all  the  German  States. 

(1.)  Jurisprudence. — To  obtain  a license  to  practice  as  a solicitor  or  barrister, 
or  to  fill  a State  appointment  in  the  Civil  Service,  the  candidate  must  have  at- 
tended at  a University,  for  the  space  of  three  and  a half  years,  the  lectures  on 
the  following  subjects: — Roman  Law,  German  and  French  Civil  Law ; Statute 
Law  and  Common  Law  of  Prussia;  Civil  and  Criminal  Law  and  Procedure;  In- 
ternational Law ; German  State  Historj’-  and  History  of  German  Law ; Canon 
Law;  Philosophy  of  Law;  Feudal  Law;  Civil  Bar-practice,  and  the  Art  of  Re- 
porting; Forensic  Medicine;  and  National  Economy.  Besides  the  above,  he 
must  attend  three  courses,  at  his  choice,  in  the  faculty  of  Arts  and  Sciences. 

The  State  examination  is  both  written  and  oral.  The  former  comprehends 
all  the  above-named  branches;  and  the  Corpus  juris  civilis  Romani  is  the  only- 
book  allowed  him  for  reference.  The  oral  examination  is  on  Roman  Law,  the 
Common  Law  of  Baden,  Criminal  Law  and  Civil  Pleadings,  and  National 
Economy.  The  examination  commission  is  appointed  jointly  by  the  Ministries 
of  Justice,  and  Horae  Affairs,  and  consists  usually  of  “ Ministerial  Councilors.” 

This  is  the  first  stage.  The  candidate,  who  has  passed  this  examination,  is 
called  RicldspraJctikant ; has  now  to  serve  for  two  years  in  district  courts,  in 
courts  of  justice  of  different  grades,  and  in  government  offices;  and  after  having 
thus  gained  the  necessary  practice  in  these  departments,  he  is  admitted  to  the 
second  practical  examination,  before  another  commission  of  lawyers.  This 
second  examination  embraces — Constitutional  Law  of  the  State,  Common  Law, 
Criminal  Law  and  Procedure,  the  Rules  observed  in  Civil  Pleadings.  This  is  a 
written  examination,  followed  by  an  oral  exposition  of  some  subject  relating  to 
judicial  administration,  the  conduct  of  a prosecution  or  defense.  The  candidate 
has  placed  in  his  hands,  a week  previous  to  his  discourse,  the  documents  with 
which  the  latter  is  to  deal.  An  oral  examination  on  the  above  subjects  accom- 
panies the  practical  test.  The  candidate  is  now  called  Referendarius,  and  can 
accept  a public  appointment,  or  practice  as  a solicitor  or  barrister. 

(2.)  Foiiance. — The  students  in  this  department  are  called  Cameralisten,  and 
are  all  destined  for  the  public  service.  It  comprehends  public  debt,  taxes,  ad- 
ministration of  public  property,  mines,  &c.  They  are  obliged  to  attend,  during 
throe  years  and  a half,  lectures  at  a University  on  the  following  subjects: — 
Mathematics  (arithmetic,  algebra,  geometry,  plane  trigonometry,  elements  of 
applied  geometry,  and  mechanics,  actuarial  and  other  calculations) ; Zoology; 
Botany;  Geogao.sy ; Physics;  Chemistry;  Agriculture;  Care  of  Forests ; Min- 
ing; Technology;  Commercial  Science;  National  Economy;  Finance  (theoreti- 
cal and  practical);  Police  Regulations;  Public  Right.  Besides  the  above 
cour.se,  the  student  must  attend,  during  the  first  two  years,  one  philological, 
philosopliical,  or  historical  course  of  lectures,  and  is  expected  to  continue  the 
study  of  modern  languages. 

The  State  examination  takes  place  under  the  direction  of  the  Ministry  of 
Finance:  it  is  conducted  by  councilors  of  this  department,  and  by  specially  ap- 
pointed examiners,  and  is  both  written  and  oral.  The  written  examination 


372 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


embraces  all  the  branches  just  enumerated ; the  oral  examination,  only  such  as 
are  deemed  appropriate  for  the  special  appointment  aimed  at  by  the  candidate. 

(3.)  Protefitant  Theology. — The  students  of  Protestant  Theology  must  reside  at 
the  University  for  about  two  and  a half  years,  and  attend  the  following  course: 
— Introduction  to  the  Old  and  New  Testament;  Kxegesisof  the  same;  History 
of  the  Church  and  Dogmas ; Dogmatics  and  Morals ; Homiletics  and  Catechetics. 

The  student  must  then  pass  examination  before  the  director  of  the  theological 
seminary  connected  with  the  University  and  special  commissioners.  The  suc- 
cessful candidates  are  admitted  into  the  theological  seminary  in  Wittenberg,  and 
attend  in  the  latter,  as  in  the  University,  the  following  gratuitous  lectures,  and 
receive,  besides,  a bursary  {i.  e.,  free  board  and  lodging).  The  course  .of  lec- 
tures extends  over  twelve  months,  and  comprises: — Instruction  in  preaching 
and  catechising;  Liturgies;  Pastoral  Doctrine  (comprising  primary  education) ; 
Church  Law;  Practical  Exposition  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments ; Practice 
in  discussion  and  argument. 

The  student  now  presents  himself  for  the  State  examination,  the  first  test 
being  the  delivery  of  a sermon.  This  examination  consists  of  two  parts,  a pre- 
liminary and  a principal  one.  The  preliminary  examination  includes  the  fol- 
lowing subjects: — Oral  translation  and  explanation  of  Roman  and  Greek  au- 
thors ; Latin  composition  ; Translation  from  Hebrew  and  exposition ; General 
History;  Mathematics  and  Physics.  The  principal  examination  includes  .-—Church 
History;  Hermeneutics,  criticism  and  exegesis;  Dogmatics;  Morals;  Homi- 
letics; Catechetics;  Philosophy  (logic,  psychology,  anthropology,  philosophy  of 
religion,  practical  philosophy).  Having  passed  this  examination,  the  candidate 
must  first  serve  two  years  as  a curate,  before  he  can  be  appointed  a pastor. 

(4.)  Roman  Catholic  Theology. — Students  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faculty  in 
Germany  must  have  already  passed  their  examination  of  “ maturity  ” before  State 
commissioners.  The  law  prescribes  a residence  of  three  years  at  the  Universitj'. 
The  number  and  kind  of  theological  lectures  to  be  attended  by  the  student  is 
appointed  by  the  bishop;  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  and  the  government  being 
at  all  times  engaged  in  a vigorous  contest  for  supremacy.  But  the  State  requires 
that  a student  of  Roman  Catholic  theology  shall  have  received  a general  literary 
education  before  he  is  admitted  to  any  office  in  his  cliurch ; all  church  appoint- 
ments in  Germany  being  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  secular  government.  Be- 
sides the  theoretical  lectures,  attendance  on  the  courses  of  Latin,  Greek,  phi- 
losophy and  history  is  enjoined ; and  the  State  prescribes  also  a general  literary 
exariiination,  common  both  for  Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic  candidates  of 
theology,  in  the  following  subjects: — Latin  Composition;  Explanation  of  easier 
Greek  authors;  History  of  Philosophy : General  History  and  German  History; 
History  of  German  Literature;  Constitution  and  Administrative  Law. 

(5.)  Instructors  in  Secondary  Schools. — Teachers  in  a gymnasium  or  Ilohere 
Burgerschule,  must,  in  addition  to  a theoretical  examination,  after  two  years’ 
practice,  also  pass  a practical  one.  There  are  two  classes  of  teachers — viz.,  (1) 
philological,  and  (2)  mathematical  and  scientific.  Both  classes  must  spend  three 
years  at  a university.  The  mathematical  and  scientific  teacher  may  also,  after 
two  years’  university  study,  attend  in  the  third  year  a Polytechnic  school.  The 
Philological  Students  have  to  attend  the  following  lectures: — Archaeology; 
Grammar  and  Prosody;  Roman  and  Greek  authors,  six  at  least;  Roman  and 
Greek  antiquities,  history  and  literature;  Arithmetic;  Physics;  Paedagogy. 
Besides  these  lectures,  the  students  are  to  read  accurately  the  following  au- 
thors:—Homer,  Herodotus,  Sophocles,  Horace,  Caesar,  Xenophon,  Virgil,  Livy, 
Cicero,  Tacitus,  and  others. 

At  Berlin.  Breslau,  Stettin,  Halle,  and  Magdeburg,  there  is  a pedagogical  sem- 
inary, in  which  candidates  can  attend  exercises  during  two  years.  There  is 
also  a historical  seminary  for  special  students  and  teachers  of  history  at  Ber- 
lin, Bonn  and  Keinigsberg. 

The  MathemaMcal  and  Scientific  Students  and  Teachers  attend  the  following  lec- 
tures:— Arithmetic,  Algebra,  Plane  and  Solid  Geometry,  Plane  and  Spherical 
Trigonometry,  Analytical  Geometry  and  Mechanics,  Differential  and  Integral 
Calculus,  Surveying,  &c.,  Physics,  Chemistry,  Zoology,  Botany.  Besides  these 
professional  lectures,  they  are  obliged  to  attend,  at  their  option,  three  philologi- 
cal and  historical  courses.  Both  the  philological  and  the  mathematical  and 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  PRUSSIA.  3*73 

scientific  candidates  have  first  to  pass  a common  examination ; subsequently 
each  of  the  two  classes  has  special  examinations. 

The  special  examination  for  philologists  consists  again  of  three  grades: — 
(1)  i^onnatexamen,  (2)  .ffmfexamen,  and  (3)  idrc/iexaraen,  in  History,  German, 
French,  and  English  or  Philosophy,  according  to  choice.  Optional  subjects: 
Mathematics,  Natural  History,  French,  lilnglish,  Hebrew.  All  is  accurately 
prescribed  in  detail. 

The  special  examination  for  mathematical  and  scientific  candidates  is  of  three 
grades:  (1)  Mathematics,  (2)  Natural  Sciences,  (3)  Optional  examination  in  cer- 
tain branches.  All  details  minutely  prescribed.  The  Commission  of  Examin- 
ers i^  appointed  by  the  minister  in  cooperation  with  the  Supreme  Council  of 
Education. 

To  the  universities  of  Berlin,  Bonn,  Breslau,  Griefswald,  Kdnigsberg  and 
Munster,  a philological  seminary  is  attached,  consisting  of  two  sections,  a lower 
and  an  upper.  The  lower  is  devoted  to  exercises  in  writing  and  speaking  Latin, 
to  Greek  composition  and  current  reading  of  authors.  The  upper  seminary  is 
devoted  to  practice  in  the  interpretation  of  Latin  authors,  in  methodical  and 
pedagogical  exposition,  philological  and  critical  exercises. 

(6.)  Medicine. — The  medical  student  must  attend  the  university  for  four  years. 
His  course  of  studies  is  divided  into  two  parts,  the  preliminary  and  the  purely 
medical.  At  the  end  of  two  years,  he  is  admitted  to  his  preliminary  examina- 
tion (fee  40  florins.)  The  preliminary  course  includes  the  following  obligatory 
lectures: — Botany,  Zoology,  Mineralogy,  Geognosy,  Ph3^sics,  Chemistry  (theo- 
retical and  practical,)  Anatomy  witli  dissections,  Physiology,  and  three  sub- 
jects, at  his  option,  in  the  faculty  of  Philosophy  and  Art. 

Having  passed  the  preliminary  examination,  the  medical  student  has  to 
attend,  during  the  remaining  two  years  of  his  university  course,  the  following 
lectures: — General  and  special  Pathology  and  Therapeutics,  Comparative, 
Pathological;  and  Chirurgical  Anatomy ; Opthalmics;  Chirurgy,  with  exercises 
in  operations,  application  of  machines,  and  dressing;  Obstetrics,  Pharmacy, 
Materia  Medica,  Public  Hygiene,  Diseases  of  domestic  animals,  History  of 
Medicine. 

Besides  these  lectures,  the  student  must  attend  a clinical  course  in  Medicine, 
Chirurgery  and  Obstetrics,  and  obstetrical  clinics,  and  practice  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  professor.  Having  thus  gone  through  the  prescribed  course,  he  is 
admitted  to  the  chief  examination  (fee,  sixty  florins.)  The  examination  is  both 
oral  and  written — in  the  examination  hall,  in  the  dissecting-room,  and  at  the 
sick-bed.  The  license  to  practice  is  not  granted  until  the  candidate  has  passed 
his  examination  in  medicine,  in  surgery,  and  in  midwifery ; and  not  for  one  of 
these  branches  only. 


I 6 
I 

5 

O 
§ 
S 


•sajB^s  jaqjo  o^ 
SaiSuoiaq  joquiii;^ 

27 

470 

15 

75 

40 

113 

33 

20 

215 

5JgSg 

ii 

•jaqrana  ibjox 

“SsliissiisliiillSSsIHslil 

n - - n 

Total,  1 

•pajBl 

•noij;Biu  jojj 

:‘«S32 

I 

jdJ 

•pa^BitiaujBpi 

121 

2,  258 

234 

875 

880 

3'J9 

282 

301 

794 

liSsSSlRigsgigiiS 

n 

•^■3oioi 

-iqdpuBi(.idosoi!q<j 

S|?g|S3S| 

l3?§S5|S3S| 

•XoBin 

-jBqd  pa«  aaiaipaj\i 

il’spssisg ; 

ss 

•aoaBny  pus  Aiaq 

z:|2gS5Sig| 

28g$g§ffip|  : 

8?: 

Theologj'.  1 

•juBjsajojj 

I i 

• o 

•oqoqjBO 

• ■ ■ 92  !2  12  • ' 

; : :S2  ;2  : : 

i ; i : o • • • CD 

I I ! i c3  I I I I ^ ci 

i o 

^ i 

•spaiq  UB  JO  iBjox 

•sosio-iaxa  ‘sa“Ba3 

-UB[  JO  sjaqaBax 

•coosi'^cco’-'tO'-ti  .c^T}'',oo  .■'j.c^wc::^  • 

•gjaqawa^  a|WAi.ij 


•SJOS 

-sajojd  Xjbjouoh 


’R.I03Sa| 

-oad  XjBaipjOBjjxa 


saoHsajojd  .iB[n3aa 


■noijHpanoj  jo  a^BQ 


j CO  n j r-(  I 

• — < * 00  • <— « ci  00  -H  • 

. ^ 4 

. 2 : : 

. ^ CJ  . . 

: : 

; : : 

lilili|2S|||||g|i||g|||£||| 


III 

1^1 


•ia 


irtr.iyi1li.5i4s:-^i:-i:- 

UllliilillJh 


ij : : :l 

iillil 


s :|' 

s ■ >- 

U¥.: 


£g:£S-sS55£|ll|‘s 


Table  IV. — Special  and  Profeesianal  Schools  in  Germany  as  constituted  in  1866, 


376 


SPECIAL  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


SPECIAL  SCHOOLS  OF  AGRICULTURE  AND  RURAL  ECONOMY. 

1.  Agriculture. 

[Schools  insirked  (*)  are  special  schools;  those  marked  (t)  are  of  the  highest  grade  of  the 
class  to  which  they  belong.] 


LOCATION. 


Town. 


State. 


Prussia. 

Austria 

Bavari.a  . . 

Prussia  . . . 

Brunswick 

Anstri.a 

Mecklenburg 

Baden 

Chrostowo  

Prussia. 

Cleve  

Constance  ..... 

Baden  . 

i^y.APKk  . - 

Priissi.a 

Hesse-Darmstadt 
Prussia.. .. 

Denkliugen  ........ 

Diesdorf . ........... 

do 

Doubrawetz ........ 

Austria 

Dransfeld ...... 

Hanover 

Dresden  ...... 

Saxony  . 

Ebstorf 

Hanover 

Ecliternach 

Wurtemberg 

Prussia .. 

Eldena 

Ellwargen  ......... 

Wurtemberg 

Prussia  . . . 

Prauke  ifelde 

Preysing 

Bavaria  

Giessen  ...  ...  ...... 

H esse-  Darmstadt. 
Prussia 

Glichow 

Gbttingen-Weende. . 
Gratz 

Hanover 

Austria 

Grossau 

.do 

Halle 

Prussia 

Haseiifelde  ......... 

do 

TIepen  

do 

Herlbrd  

do 

Ilildesheim 

Hanover 

Ilohenheim  

Hrncholusk 

Wiirtemburg 

Austria . ......... 

Jena 

Saxe-Weimar 

A iistri.a 

Irnharding 

Kaadi  n ....... 

Kaunstadt 

Kauf l)euren  ....... 

wurtemberg 

Bavaria 

Wurtemberg 

Austria 

Kirchberg 

Klosterneuburg 

K6  hen 

Anhalt 

Laibach  

Austria 

Land.'hut  

Lichtenhof  

Bavaria 

..-.do  

L ebwerda  ..... .... 

Austria......  

T.ii  liiighalisen 

Prussia 

Marburg  

A list  ria 

. 

. . _ -do  

Neu-Aigen  ......... 

Au.stria 

Nen-Deckerhof  

Bavaria 

Neuenburg  

Agricultural  School. 

Do. 

School  of  Rural  Economy. 

Agricu  tural  School. 

Do. 

School  of  Rural  Economy. 

Do. 

Agricultural  School. 

Normal  School  for  the  Cultivation  of  Flax.* 
School  of  Rural  Economy. 

Do. 

School  of  Gardening.* 

School  of  Fruit  Culture.* 

Winter  School  of  Rural  Economy. 
Agricultural  School. 

Middle  School  of  Rural  Economy. 

School  of  Meadow  Culture.* 

Do.* 

School  of  Agriculture  and  Industry, 
Agricultural  School. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Prefatory'  School  of  Agriculture. 
Agricultural  School. 

Do. 

Academy  of  Rural  Economy.! 

Agricultural  School. 

School  for  Shepherds.* 

Agricultural  and  Trade  School. 

School  of  Rural  Economy. 

Agricultural  School. 

Academy  of  Rural  Economy.! 

School  ( f Rural  Economy. 

Agr  cuhural  School. 

School  of  Rural  Economy. 

Agricultural  Sc  lool. 

Improvement  School  of  Rural  Economy. 
School  of  Rural  Economy. 

Agricultural  School. 

Do. 

Do. 

Higher  School  of  Rural  Economy.! 

National  School  of  Agriculture. 

Agricultural  School. 

School  of  Rural  Economy. 

School  of  Trade  and  Rural  Economy. 
Agricultural  School. 

School  of  Vine  and  Fruit  Culture.* 

School  for  Gardeners.* 

School  of  Rural  Economy. 

School  of  Trade  and  Rural  Economy. 

School  of  Rural  Economy. 

•Agricultural  School. 

Do. 

School  of  Vine  Culture.* 

Improvement  School  of  Rural  Economy. 
School  of  Rural  Economy. 

Agricultural  School. 

Do. 


SPECIAL  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY, 


317 


Agriculture— Continued. 


LOCATION. 


Name. 


Town. 


State. 


Neutitschcin.. 

OcliHenhausen 

Offeuburg 

Pfrentsch 

Do 

Plagwitz 

Polkow  

Poppehau 

Poppelsdorf  .. 
Preetz 

Pritskau 

Rabin 

Ramhof 

Ratisbon 

Regeiiwalde... 

Reifenstein 

Rbeinbach 

Riesenrodt  

Sans  Souci 

Schellen 

Scheuerfeld  .. 
Schlei.'hc'itn  ... 
Siebenhufen  ... 

Siegen 

Spitzings 

Tabor 

Tliarandt 

Thiingen 

Trev>-8 

Triesdorf 

Wcibenstephan 

Weinsberg 

Wielowics 

Vienna 

Do 

Wiesbaden 

Wtelno 

Wiii'zburg 

Xanten 

Znaim 

Zodel 


Austria 

Wiirtemberg 

Baden 

Bavaria 

do 

Saxony 
Prussia, 
do 

....do  

Holstein 

Prussia 

Austria 

Bavaria 

do 

Prussia 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

Coburg-Gotha 

Bavaria 

Prussia 

...do 

...do  

Austria 

Saxony  

Bavaria 

Prussia 

Bavaria 

...do  

Wiirtemberg .. 

Prussia 

Austria 

...do  

Nassau 

Prussia 

Bavaria 

Prussia 

Austria 

Prussia 


Agricultural  School. 

Do. 

School  of  Meadow  Culture.* 

School  of  Agriculture. 

School  of  Meadow  Culture.* 

School  of  Rural  Economy. 

Agricultural  School. 

Do. 

Academy  of  Rural  Economy.t 
Higher  School  of  Rural  Economy.t 
Academy  of  Rural  Economy.t 
Agricultural  School. 

Do. 

Winter  School  of  Rural  Economy. 

School  of  Rural  Economy, 

Agricultural  School. 

Improvement  School  of  Rural  Economy, 
Agricultural  School, 

School  for  Gardeners.* 

Agricultural  School, 

Do. 

School  of  Practical  Farming. 

Agricultural  School. 

School  of  Meadow  Culture.* 

Agricultural  School. 

High  School  of  Rural  Economy.t 
Academy  of  Agriculture  and  Forestry.t 
School  for  Shepherds.* 

School  of  Meadow  Culture,* 

Agricultural  School. 

Central  High  School  of  Rural  Economy.t 
School  of  Vineyards.* 

Agricultural  SchooL 

High  School  of  Rural  Economy.t 

School  of  Horticulture.* 

School  of  Rural  Economy. 

Agricultur  1 School. 

Imp"ovement  School  of  Rural  Economy. 
Agricnltural  School. 

Do. 

Do. 


2.  Forestry. 


Aschaffenburg. ..... 

Bavaria 

Central  School  of  Forestry.t 

School  of  Forestry. 

School  for  Huntsmen. 

Aussse  

Austria 

Berlin 

Pi  ussia 

Brunswick  

Brunswick 

School  of  Forestry. 

Do. 

Carlsrnhe 

Baden  ......  .... 

Diiben 

Prussia 

Do. 

Eisenach 

Saxe- Weimar  ... 

Do. 

Freiburg  ........... 

Prussia 

Do. 

Hinte.rhriihl 

Austria 

School  of  Forest  Culture. 

Academy  of  Forestry.t 

Hohenbeim 

Wiirtemberg 

Kiel  

Holstein 

School  of  Forestry. 

Do. 

Kbnigsberg 

Prussia ..... 

Kri'iitz 

Austria 

Do. 

Leoben 

. . . .do 

Do. 

Mariahninn 

do 

Academy  of  Forestry. 

Do.t 

Miinden  f.....  ..... 

Hanover 

Nagny  

Neustadt-Ebersw'lde 
Przihrain 

Austria 

Prussia. ......... 

School  of  Forestry. 

Do. 

Austria 

Do. 

Si'hemnitz 

. . , .do 

Academy  of  Forestry. 

Do.t 

Tharandt  . ... 

Saxony  

Austria 

School  of  Forestry. 

Do. 

T - - - 

. . , .do 

373 


SPECIAL  INSTEUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


3.  Spkcial  Schools  of  Veterinary  Science. 


Berlin 

Prussia 

Do  

do  

Carlsruhe 

Baden 

Dresden 

Saxon v 

Giessen 

Hesso- Darmstadt. 

Gottingen 

Hanover  

Hanover 

Marhnrg 

Hesso-Cassel 

Munich  

Bavaria  

Munster 

Prussia 

Schwerin 

Meclilonburg 

Stuttgart 

Wiirtemberg 

Vienna 

Austria 

Veterinary  Sch^'o!. 

Military  School  of  Veterinary  Practice. 
Veterinary  School. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 


SPECIAL  SCHOOLS  OE  ARCHITECTURE. 
DESIGN  AND  CONSTRUCTION. 


Berlin 

Prussia. 

Do 

Breslau 

....do  

Carlsruhe 

Baden  ......  .... 

Chemnitz 

Saxony  

Coburg 

Coburg-Gotha.  .. 

Dantzic 

Prussia 

Dresden  

Saxony  ......... 

Eisenach 

Saxe- Weimar  . .. 

Erfurt 

Prussia  

Ilalbcrstadt 

....  do 

Hechingen 

...  do - 

Holzmiudeu 

Brunswick 

Idstciu  

Nassau  

Kalten-Nordheiin  . .. 

Saxe-Weiniar  . . . 

Konig;  berg 

Prussia i 

Ivrefeid 

...  do \ 

Leipsic 

Saxony  

Idagdeburg  ......  .. 

Prusi-ia 

Munich  

Bavaria  

Nienhiirg 

Hanover 

Plaiien  

Saxony  ....... 

R.ttishnTi  - . 

Bavaria ........ 

Saarbriiek 

Pru  sia 

Stuttgart  

Wurteniberg  ... 

Weimar 

Saxe-Weimar  . .N 

Zitf  an  

Saxony  

Academy  of  Architecture. t 
Practical  School  of  Architecture. 

Practical  School  of  Art  and  Architecture. 
School  of  Architecture  and  Engineering. 
Practical  School  of  Architecture. 

Do. 

School  of  Art  and  Trade. 

Practical  Schot;!  of  Architecture.t 
School  of  Ai  chiU  cture  and  Trade. 
Practical  School  of  Art  and  Architecture. 
School  of  Architecture  and  Trade. 

Do. 

Practical  School  of  Architecture. 

Do. 

Sihool  of  Architecture  and  Trade. 

School  of  Art  and  Archi  ecture.t 
Do. 

Practical  Sdiool  of  Architecture. 

Practical  .SchO(  1 of  Art  and  Architecture. 
Practical  Sell  ol  of  Architecture.t 
Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

School  < f Archit'  cture  and  Trade. 
College  of  Architecture.* 

School  of  Architecture  and  Trade. 
Practical  School  of  Architecture. 


[Courses  of  instruction,  both  theoretical  anl  pr.ictical,  in  the  design  aud  construction  of 
buildings  exist  in  all  polytechnic  scho  Is.] 

POLYTECHNIC  AND  OTHER  TECHNICAL  SCHOOLS. 

[Under  the  general  designation  of  Polytechnic,  &c.,  are  inc.luded  almost  every  variety  of 
Ipecial  instruction  in  civil  (oigineering,  constriictiou  of  all  kinds,  (buildings,  machinery, 
roads,  &c.,)  technologj',  machinery,  &c.] 


Aix-la-Chapelle 

Amberg 

Annaberg 

Aschaffenburg. 

A nspne.h 

Prussia. 
Bavaria 
Saxony 
Bavaria 
. - . .do  , - 

A ngshnrg  .... 

do  . . 

1)n  - 

do  . , 

Do  

- - . -do  . . 

Do  

do  - . 

...... 

... .do  . . 

Bamberg  ..... 

... .do  . . 

Bai'inen  ...... ... 

Prussia. 

Berchtesgaden 

Bavaria 

Berlin 

Prussia. 

Polytechnic  School.t 
Trade’School. 

School  of  Lace-making. 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

Technical  Real-Gymnasium. 
Trade  School. 

School  of  Machine  Construction.t 
Practical  Course  for  Brewers. 
Trade  School. 

Do. 

Higher  and  Lower  Trade  School. 
School  of  Industry  and  Drawing. 
Royal  Trade  Academy.! 


SPFXIAL  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY, 


379 


Polytechnic  Schools,  <fec. — Continued. 


LOCATION. 


Name 


Town. 


State. 


Berlin 

Do  ... 
Do.... 
Do.... 
Do.... 
• Do.... 
Bielefeld  .. 

Bochum 

Brunswick 


Prussia 

do 

do 

— do 

do 

do 

...do  

do 

Brunswick 


Briezen 
Biiinn  . 
Do. 


Prussia. 
Austria 
do  .. 


Carlsruhe 

Do 

Cass(  1 

Do 

Chemnitz 

Do 

Coblentz 

Cologne 

Dantzic 

Darmstadt 

Drebach  

Dresden 

Do 

Do 

Echternach 

Einbock  

Elberfeld 

Do 

Erfurt 

Do 

Erlangen 

Frankenberg 

Frank  fort-on-Main . . 
Frankfort-on-Oder . . 

Freysing 

Garnisch 

Gorlitz 

Gratz 


Baden 

do 

Hesse-Cassel 

do 

Saxony  

do 

Prussia 

do 

....do  

Hesse-Darmstadt. 

Saxony  

do 

do 

. . . do 

Luxemburg 

Hanover 

Prussia 

do 

do 

...do  

Bavaria 

Saxony  

Frankfort 

Prus  ia  

Bavaria 

do 

Prussia 

Austria 


Graudenz  

Griineberg 

Gumpendorf. . . 

Hagen 

Halle 

Hamburg 

Do 

Hanover 

Hildesheim 

Hof 

Ingolstadt 

Innsbruck 

Do 

Iserlohn 

Jena 

Kaiserslautern 

Kempten 

Konigsberg 

Krefeld 

Do 

Landau  

Landshut 

Leipsic  ...:.. 

Do 

Lemberg 

Liegnitz 


Prussia 

— do 

Austria 

Prussia 

...do 

Hamburg 

do 

Hanover 

do 

Bavaria 

Bavaria 

Austria 

do 

Prussia 

Saxe-Weimar 

Bavaria 

Bavaria 

Prussia 

do 

do  

Bavaria 

do 

Saxony  

do 

Austria 

Prussia 


Art  and  Practice  School. 

School  of  Telegraphy. 

School  of  Drawing. 

City  Trade  School. 

Normal  School  of  Drawing. 

Women’s  School  of  Drawing. 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

“Caroliuum  Collegen.”  School  of  Technics,  Com- 
merce, Agriculture,  and  Forestry,  or  Polytechnic 
School.! 

Trade  School ; Trade  School  for  Girls. 

Technical  Institute. 

Trade  School,  in  four  divisions,  (architecture, 
machinery,  drawing,  and  practical  chemistry.!) 
Polytechnic  School.! 

Trade  School. 

Higher  Trade  School. 

School  of  Drawing.  , 

Royal  Higher  Trade  School.! 

Weaving  School  for  Overseers. 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

Do. 

Polytechnic  School.! 

School  of  Lace-making. 

Polytechnic  School.! 

School  of  Stenography. 

School  of  Wea\ing. 

Polytechnic  School.! 

Weaving  School. 

Industri.il  High  School. 

Higher  Weaving  School. 

Trade  School. 

Institute  of  Pharmacy. 

Trade  School. 

Technical  (Trade)  School. 

Polytechnic  School.! 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

Drawing  School  for  Artisans. 

Trade  School. 

“Johanut  urn,”  a school  for  different  branchesof 
science.! 

Trade  School. 

Normal  School  of  Weaving  and  Manufactures. 
Higher  Weaving  School. 

Trade  School. 


School  for  Journeyman  Builders. 

Polytechnic  School.! 

Higher  Trade  School. 

Trade  School. 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

Industrial  School  for  Drawing  and  Carving. 
Trade  School. 

Pharmaceutical  Institute. 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

Do. 

Higher  Weaving  School. 

Mechanical  School  for  Journeymen  Builders. 
Trade  School. 

Do. 

School  for  Artisans. 

School  for  Printers. 

Polytechnic  School. 

Trade  School. 


380 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GEltMANY. 


Polytechnic  Schools,  <fec.— Continued. 


LOCATION. 


Name. 


Town. 

State. 

Savony  

Tjilhee.k 

Baden 

Bavaria  ......... 

Prussia 

Bavaria  ......... 

Do 

...  do  

Do 

. . . .do 

Do 

do 

Do 

do 

Prussia 

Bavaria 

do  

do 

Do.  ..T 

Do 

Do 

Oelsuitz 

Saxony  

Offenbach 

Hesse-Darmstadt. 
Saxe-Cob’g-Gotha 
Bavaria 

Ohrdruff 

Partenkirchen 

Paasan  

Do 

do 

Potsdam 

Prussia 

Prague 

Austria.  

Do 

.,..do  

Ratisbon 

Bavaria 

Rostock 

Mecklenburg 

Prussia 

Saarbriick 

Schne(^berg 

Saxony  

Schweidnitz 

Prussia 

Schweinfurt 

Bavaria 

Speier 

, . . .do 

Do 

do 

Stein-Schonau 

Austria 

Stettin 

Prussia 

Stralaiind 

Straubing 

Bavaria 

Stuttgart 

Wiirtemberg 

do 

Do 

Treves 

Prussia 

Waldshut 

Baden 

Werdau 

Saxony  

Vienna 

Austria 

Do 

do 

Do 

. . . .do 

Do 

do 

Wiesbaden 

Nassau 

Worms 

Hesse-Darmstadt. 

Bavaria 

Wunsiedel 

Wilrzburg .......... 

....do  

Do 

. do 

Zweibriicken ....... 

do 

Special  School  for  Weaving. 
Trade  School. 

City  Weaving  School. 

Trade  School. 

Higher  Weaving  School. 
Polytechnic  School. 
Technical  Industrial  SchooL 
Trade  School. 

School  of  Applied  Arts. 
School  of  Arts  for  Girls. 
Trade  School. 


Technical  Real-Gymnasium, 

Technical  Industrial  SchooL 
District  Trade  School. 

School  of  Applied  Art. 

School  of  Embroidery. 

Industrial  School  of  Art. 

Trade  School. 

Workman’s  School  of  Drawing. 

Higher  Weaving  School. 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

State  Technical  Institute. 

Technical  School  of  Dyeing  and  Printing. 

Trade  School. 

Higher  Trade  Academy.! 

Trade  School. 

School  of  Lace-making.* 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

Technical  Real-Gymnasium. 

School  of  Trade  and  Commerce. 

School  of  Drawing  for  Workers  in  Glass. 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

Do. 

Two  Trade  Improvement  Schools. 

Polytechnic  School.! 

Trade  School. 

Do. 

Higher  Weaving  School. 

School  for  training  Teachers  in  the  Physical 
Sciences. 

Polytechnic  School.! 

School  of  Applied  Art. 

Trade  School. 

Polytechnic  School.! 

School  for  Beer  Brewers  and  Manufacturers  of 
Yeast  and  Vinegar. 

Trade  School. 

Technical  Real-Gymnasium. 

Trade  School. 

Do. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


881 


Special  Schools  of  Mininu. 


[Instruction  in  mineralogy,  metallurgy,  mining,  engineering,  and  associated  subjects  is 
given  in  the  university  and  laboratories  of  Berlin,  Vienna,  Munich,  and  all  the  universities 
of  Germany.] 


LOCATION. 

Name. 

Town. 

State. 

Altenberg 

Saxony  

Mining  School.* 

Amberg 

Bavaria 

School  of  Mining  and  Prospecting. 

Berlin 

Prussia 

Academy  of  Mining.t 

Bochum 

Mining  School. 

Clausthal 

Hanover 

Academy  of  Mining.  I 

Dillenburg 

Nassau 

Mining  School. 

Duren 

Prussia 

School  of  Metallurgy. 

Eislebeu 

Mining  School. 

Essen 

. . . .do 

Do. 

Freiberg 

Saxony  

Academy  of  Mining.t 

Do 

Mining  School. 

Do. 

Halherstadt  

Prussia .... 

Karbitz 

Austria 

Do. 

Klagenfurt 

Do. 

Leoben 

Academy  of  Mining.t 

Do 

Mining  School. 

Przibram 

Academy  of  Mining.t 

Saarbriick 

Prussia. 

Mining  School. 

Siegen 

Do. 

Steben 

Bavaria  ......... 

Do. 

Taruowitz 

Prussia 

Do, 

Waldenburg 

Do. 

Zwickau 

Saxony  

School  of  Coal  Mining. 

Special  Schools  of  Music. 


Berlin 

Do 

Breslau 

Cassel 

Coblentz 

Cologne 

Dresden 

Diisseldorf 

Frankfort-on-Main . . 

Gratz 

Hamburg 

Heidelberg 

Leipsic  

Luxemburg 

Munich 

Prague 

Stettin 

Stuttgart 

Treves 

Vienna 


Prussia 

...do  

. ..do  

Hesso-Cassel 

Prussia 

do 

Saxony  

Prussia 

Frankfort 

Austria 

Hamburg 

Baden 

Saxony  

Luxemburg 

Bavaria 

Austria 

Prussic. 

Wiirtemberg 

Prussia 

Austria 


Institute  for  Church  Music. 

Music  School  for  Composition  and  Harmony. 
iHusic  School. 

Conservatory  of  Music. 

Musical  I istitute.  • 

Conservatory  of  Music.t 
D ). 

Music  School. 

Do. 

Conservatory  of  Music. 

Music  School.  • 

Do. 

Do.t 

Do. 

Music  School.t 
Conservatory  of  Music. 

Do. 

Music  School. 

Do. 

Conservatory  of  Music.t 


382 


PUBLIC  INSTIiUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


Special  Schools  of  Commerce. 


j 


LOCATION. 

Name. 

Town. 

State. 

Commercial  School. 

Do. 

Do. 

Breslau  

Prussia 

Do. 

Carlsruhe 

Baden  

Do. 

Chemnitz 

Saxony  

Do. 

Coblentz 

Prussia 

Do. 

Dantz  c 

....do  

Commercial  Academy.*. 

Dessau 

Anhalt 

Commercial  School. 

Dresden 

Saxonv  

Do. 

Erfurt  

Prussia 

Do. 

Fraakfort-on-Main . . 

Fi'ankfort 

Do. 

Furth 

Bavai  ia 

Commercial  and  Trade  School. 

Gera 

Reass-Schli  itz. . . 

Commercial  School  and  High  School. 

Gotha  

Saxe-Cob'g-Gotha 

Commercial  School. 

Gialz 

Austria 

Commercial  Academy.* 

Ha  Mover 

Hanover  

Cotnnn  rcial  and  Trade  School. 

llildc.sht-im 

do 

Higher  Commercial  School.* 

I.einsic 

S ixoiiy 

Com)n  rcial  School ; School  for  Dealers  in  Books. 

Lind.iu  

Bavaiia 

Commercial  a d Trade  School. 

I.iib  'ck  

I.iibeck 

Practical  Commercial  Academy  and  School.* 

Magdeburg 

Prussia 

Commercial  School. 

Munich 

Bavaria  ......... 

Do. 

Nnreni  '.erg  

do 

Do. 

Offenbach  

Hesse- Darmstadt. 

1)0. 

Oliniitz  

Austria 

Do. 

Prague  

do 

Commercial  Academy.* 

Rcichenberg 

Austria 

Commorci.il  School. 

Rostock  

Mecklenb’g-Sch 

Do. 

Trieste 

Austria 

.Academy  of  Co.mmerce  and  Navigation.* 

'J'iibingen 

Wilrtemherg 

Commercial  School.  * 

Weiaiar 

Saxe- Weimar  ... 

Do. 

Vienna 

Austria 

Commercial  Academy.* 

Higher  Commercial  Institution. 

Commercial  School. 

Com.  and  'I'radcs  School  of  Woman's  Trade  Asso. 

Do 

do 

Do 

do  . . 

Do  

do 

Zw.ckau 

Commercial  School. 

Special  Schools  of  Navigation. 


AUona 

Hohfeiu 

Barth 

Prussia 

Bremen 

Brcineu 

1 . . 

Primssin. 

Do 

....  do 

Elsfleth  

Oldenbui’o' 

Emden ...... .... 

Hanovi-r  ....... 

Fi.schlaud  .......... 

Mecklenburg 

Prussia 

Grabow 

Do 

Gruudeich 

Hamburg 

riamhnrg . 

Do 

Kiel  

Holstein  

Kouigsberg 

Prussia 

H :1  !UAVf‘r 

Leipsic  

Saxony  

T ,ii  lii-r'lr  _ 

T .ii  hpf'k 

Memel  ....... 

Prussia 

Ihvpenburg 

Hanover 

Pidau 

Prussia 

Rostock  

Mecklenburg 

Prussia 

Stettiu 

Stralsund 

Timmel  ........ 

do 

Hanover 

'!  

Austria 

Wolgast  

AV ustrovv  ....  ...... 

Prussia 

Mecklenburg 

School  of  Navigation. 

School  lor  Pilots. 

School  of  Navigation. 

First  Dock  School. 

School  of  Navigation. 

D >. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

School  of  Shipbuilding. 

School  of  Navigation. 

Do. 

Sailors’  School. 

Naval  Cadet  Academy, 

School  of  Navigation. 

Do. 

School  for  Pilots. 

School  of  Navigation. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Marine  Academy. 

Elementary  School  of  Navigation. 
School  of  Navigation. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GERMANY. 


383 


Military  Schools. 


LOCATION. 


Town. 

State. 

Prussia 

...  do  

. . ..do 

. . . .do  

Do 

....do  

Do 

....do  

Do 

. . . .do  

Do  

....do  

do  

Brunswick 

Baden. ..... 

Hcsse-Cassel 

Prussia 

Saxony  

Do 

. . . .uo 

Prussia 

....do  

...  do  

Hannv’pr 

Hanover 

Do  

do 

Do 

do 

JflHoh . . . _ ^ ... 

Prussia 

■RntteTiherg 

Austria 

Ludwigsburg  ....  .. 

Wiirtemberg 

Austria. 

Marburg ........... 

Miinieh 

Bavaria ... 

Do 

....do 

Do 

....do  

Do 

do 

Neisse 

Prussia 

Oldenburg. ......... 

Oldenburg 

Ornnif*r.»4t.pin  

Nassau 

Plon 

Holstein. .. . ..... 

Potsdam ...... 

Prussia 

Do 

. . . .do 

Do 

••••do  

Do 

do 

Do 

, . . .do  

Preran  . 

Austria 

St.  Pol  ten -- 

.do 

Schwedt  - 

Prussia 

Schwerin.  ..... 

M e c k 1 e n burg- 
Schwerin. 
Prussia. ......... 

Spandaii 

StrasR 

Austria 

Stuttgart 

Wurtemberg 

Austria 

Tulin 

W^ahlstadt 

Prussia. . ........ 

Weissenfels 

. . . .do 

Weisskire.hen 

Austria .......... 

Vienna 

....do 

Do 

. do 

Do 

do 

Do 

do 

Vienna  suburbs . . 

do 

^naim 

do  

Name. 


Military  School  for  the  11th  Army  Corps. 

Military  School  for  Boys. 

Cadet  School.* 

Military  Academy.! 

Cadet  School.* 

Central  Military  Gymnastic  School. 

Staff  School.! 

United  Artillery  and  Engineer  School. 

School  for  Non-commissioned  Officers. 

Cadet  School.* 

School  for  “ Landvvehr”  (militia)  Officers 
Military  School  ! 

Cadet  School.* 

Cadet  and  Artillery  School.* 

Military  Riding  School.  * 

Fourth  Priisi-ian  Military  School. 

Military  School  for  the  4th,7th,and  8th  Army  Corps. 
Lower  House  of  Education. 

Military  School.! 
iSlitary  Riding  School. 

School  for  Non-commissioned  Cavalry  Officers, 
School  for  Non-commissioned  Officers. 

Upper  House  of  Education. 

Military  School. 

Cadet  School.* 

Higher  Military  Academy.! 

Cadet  School.* 

School  of  Artillery  and  Engineering. 

Military  School. 

Military  School  for  the  Ist, 5th, and  6th  Army  CorpiL 
Military  School. 

Cadet  School.*- 
Do.* 

Do.* 

Military  School  for  the  Guard. 

Military  School  for  the  2d  and  3d  Army  Corps. 
Military  School  for  Non-commissioned  Officers. 
Military  Orphan  School. 

Lower  House  of  Education. 

Cadet  School.* 

Military  School. 

Division  School. 

Military  Rifle  School. 

Upper  House  of  Education 
Military  School. 

School  Company  for  Pioneers. 

Cadet  School.* 

School  for  Non-commissioned  Officers. 

Military  Technical  School. 

Central  Cavalry  School.! 

Military  School.! 

Military  Technical  Academy.! 

School  of  Military  Rule  and  Discipline 
Military  Academy.! 

Military  Academy  for  Engineers.* 


Table  V. — Secondary,  Superior,  and  Special  Schools  in  principal  toivns  in  Germany,  1868. 


'«looqoR  iBjoadg 


•8»napn)g 


’Bjossajo.id 


t-  CO 
CO 

in  00 


— < • • — CO 

— I .(?)(?< 


•BJHIOHOg 


•fijoqotjaj. 


t — oo— ocC’-t<rMr?cocooaoc>a5^o>*OTJCoooo. 

c?  o — ' — o c:  »o  f-*  ^ X r-  — • ‘ ‘ *“  — — 

lo  CTi  r:  ;c  cc  cj  Ci ' 

in  01  r-T 


8[ooq,iS 


,■>0  1 — r:)— — oi  * 


•sjoioqog 

297 

— — ooooo  •40  — kOcccoo'^'sOOooo?oooa;»o-^^>  -ct^  - 
coiooC'^c^o  •C5CQor:co'«r<^co— 40o.-4oc.xcico 
Ci’^’«Tro«oo  •cococ^t^40'TOco40c^r*Ci'^'-'r'  a 

CO  —T  ' I i-T  j 

' — •=>  CO  o o 

X CO  :o  CC5  o 

00  — 4.0  ^ 

cf 

•sjaqaBox 

r-- 

— ^'Oc^lOO  ‘Ococoic  — o<--ro— cc^^ccocr,  cr.  ‘C*-- 

40  CC  Oi  c?:  01 

•Siooqog 

- 

t^f-HOJ— li-iOl  — CO^  — rt  — c<— , — 

— rH  .-,  00  rH 

•saBpqyg 

8 :8 

00  • r-. 

cl  • I-T 

^2z!  ’ 

lO  o!  CO 

00 

o — 
i>  '•r 

C 00  o< 

(N  cc  o 

CN  (7< 

o • cc  *o 
^ ^ o 

CO  ■ CO  CO 

• 40 

• C£) 

. cc 

c; 

uo 

CO 

•saoqotjax  | 

1 

o 

CO 

C£> 

TJ'  ^ 

o 

UO  rH 

CO  00 

-*0  0 

• 

• Cl 

CO 

CO 

rH 

•Kiooqog 

CO 

r-l 

la 

rH  ^ Cl 

rH  • ca  CO 

: — ^ 

CO 

- 

•SJBlOqDg 

00 

CO 

Oi 

• • o 

• • 00 

I ^ 

I I 
! ^ 

8 

O i 

C*  1 

•sjaqoBax 

CO 

• • 

* ^ 

00 

la  ! 

t' 

•8[ooqog 

: 

: 

: : : : 

: 

£ t« 

a o 

a :& 

s ^ 

s 


D3 

O .A 
CS  J 

£5 

X « 

2 

S 


•notptiudoj 


.H  - 


a 

^ •=  n ® OJ  O ? '53  a 


S i i S > -^  -2 1 i -r  .2 .2 1 i i i • s 

fadiCWKMoipiHWa/Cii  .fecaifeKP.,M;. fcCi^e:ciHc;CN<;Sfu^<J 


9 - - 

s ^ c ^ X a 
'Z  P'?X 


'i-sSlSs 

- » S 5P  a "S  3^ 

9 X u 


^ ■?  if  J«! 

^ bfS  P 


M “''u  i:5:a3»^l'—  .“JO 

<;cmp;pQpQKOc;)OOCQawfcOKSSWJrj;SSS;2:A,&.«cc 


^ CC  1)  M < 

■5  si  i" 

5 


THE  UNIVERSITY. 


SIGNIFICATION  OF  THE  TERM. 


The  word  “ university”  is  often  used  without  any  clear  apprehen- 
sion of  what  it  really  means,  or  is  meant  to  mean.  Probably  it  is  at 
present  most  frequently  employed,  when  employed  intelligently,  as 
signifying  an  educational  institution  of  great  size,  and  which  affords 
instruction  of  an  advanced  grade  in  all  learning.  It  has  however 
certainly  often  been  assumed  by  institutions  not  in  all  respects  answer- 
ing even  to  this  loose  definition ; not  of  great  size  except  prospect- 
ively, and  whose  universality  of  learning  and  teaching  is  in  aspiration 
only. 

1.  ^''Universltas^''  both  in  the  usual  Latin  and  in  the  technical 
legal  language  of  ancient  Rome,  from  which  last  it  was  probably 
immediately  transferred  to  institutions  of  learning,  means 

1.  A company,  or  corporation,  or  association,  or  organization  of 
persona,  acting  permanently  together,  and  therefore  corresponding 
most  nearly  to  our  word  “ corporation^ 

2.  Any  number  of  things,  either  actually  united  in  some  sense,  or 
legally  considered  as  so  united. 

II.  During  the  middle  ages,  universitas  was  employed  to  denote 

1.  Any  number  or  class  of  persons  mentioned  or  addressed  col- 
lectively ; avS,  “ universitas  vestra^'  applied  by  the  municipality  of 
Oxford,  A.D.,  1212,  to  “all  believers  in  Christ  {omnibus  Christi 
Jidelibus)  and  by  the  Bishop  of  Ely  in  1276,  to  the  same.  This 
is  analogous  to  the  use  of  unitas  in  the  Latin  name  adopted  by  the 
Moravians,  '•'‘Unitas  Fratum'’’  It  was  used  in  a proclamation  by 
one  of  the  kings  of  France,  as  a mode  of  addressing  his  kingdom. 
And  see  Ducange  and  Carpentier,  in  voce, 

2.  A public  corporation;  as  a guild  of  artizans;  a chapter  of 
canons;  and  more  particularly  a town.  An  old  seal  of  Nuremberg 
has  “ Seal  of  the  university”  {i.  e.  incorporated  body)  “ of  citizens  of 
Nuremberg,  {Sigillum  universitatis  civium  de  Nuremherg)r*  Thus 
there  might  be,  as  the  '"'■Penny  Cyclopaedia^''  observes  “a  university 
of  tailors.”  It  was  also  applied  to  a number  of  churches  under  one 
ecclesiastical  superintendent. 

* Description  of  silver  coins  of  Nuremberg,  {Beschreibung  d6r  Silber-M'inzen  der.Reiehs 
Stadt  Niirnberg.’’  By  von  Hagen.  4mo.,  1766.  Preface. 

25 


386 


UNIVERSITY. 


3.  A constituent  member,  or  element,  of  a General  Study  {Studium 
Generale). 

This  third  sense  is  the  subject  of  this  discussion ; the  others,  how- 
ever, being  valuable,  as  furnishing  illustrative  analogies. 

III.  What  was  a Studium  Generate'? 

The  name  first  used  to  designate  the  earliest  European  universities 
was  Schola.  From  the  thirteenth  century,  the  most  common  term, 
,for  a long  time,  was  Studium ; and  as  an  especial  and  honorary 
term,  Studium  Generate.^  This  is  used,  for  instance,  in  the  bull  to 
Piacenza,  1248;  in  the  grant  to  the  school  of  law  at  Rome,  1250; 
in  the  bull  to  Perugia,  1307;  in  the  charter  of  Arezzo,  1356;  of 
Vienna,  1365  ; in  the  bull  for  a theological  faculty  there,  1386  ; in 
the  charter  to  Ferrara,  1391 ; in  the  bull  to  Ingolstadt,  1459  ; in  the 
charter  of  Wittenberg,  1502. 

On  the  meaning  of  Studium  Generate^  Savigny  observes,  (iii.,  412)  : 

“The  name  has  been  interpreted  to  intend  the  whole  collective 
body  of  the  sciences,  but  incorrectly ; because  in  the  first  place,  no 
one  of  the  celebrated  schools  aimed  at  all  those,  but  they  were  at  first 
rather  limited  to  one  single  faculty,  and  might  be  without  any  one  or 
more  fiiculties,  without  being  any  the  less  a studium  generale; 
and  because  in  the  second  place,  the  same  term  was  also  used  by 
single  faculties.f  The  name  rather  refers  to  the  extent  of  the  scope  of 
operation  of  these  institutions,  which  were  intended  for  pupils  of  all 
countries.” 

The  expressions  of  intention  in  the  early  charters  corroborate 
this  view.  Thus,  the  bull  for  Ingolstadt,  1459,  says,  “That  there 
may  be  there  a plentiful  fountain  of  learning,  from  whose  abundance 
all  may  drink  who  desire  to  be  imbued  with  good  literature,  [Quod 
. . . sit  ibi  scientiarum  fons  irriguus,  de  cujus  plenitudine  hauri- 

ant  universi  litterarum  cupientes  imhui  documentis)y\  Rudolph  of 
Austria,  in  the  charter  to  Vienna,  1365,  says:  “In  order  to  do  some- 
thing in  token  of  gratitude  to  God  . . . and  fur  the  benefit  of 

* Savigny,  ^‘•History  of  the  Roman  Law  in  the  Middle  ^ges,”  {Geschichfe  dtr  Rdmischen 
Rerhts  im  M it  tel  alter .)  iii.,  412,  «fec.  Padua,  was  called  studium  scholarium,  by  Rolandinus, 
in  1222.  lb.,  277. 

t Thus  in  the  bull  of  1363,  for  the  theological  faculty  of  Padua:  “We  have  ordained  that 
there  be  a general  study  in  the  said  faculty  of  theology,  (Statuimvs  . . . quod  . . . 

studium  generate  in  cudeni  theologiae facilitate  existat).”  And  in  the  bull  of  1422,  for  the  sarne 
faculty  at  Montpellier;  “ We  ordain  that  there  be  a general  study  of  the  faculty  of  theology, 
{Ordinamus  quod  . . . studium  generale  theologiae facultatis  existat)  f amMor  Wennn, 

1384  We  ordain  that  in  the  said  theology  there  be  a general  study  (Ore/mawiMs  . . . 

in  eadem  theologia  sit  studium  generale) I’  The  law  school  at  Pisa,  was  called  studium  gen 
erute.  Fabroni,  '•'■History  of  the  University  of  Pisa,  (Historia  academine  Pisanae),”  3, 
vols.,  4mo.  Pisa,  1791,  1792.  1793.  Quoted  in  Savigny,  iii.  302. 

7 Mederer,  '•'Annals  of  the  University  of  Ingolstadt,”  {Annales  Ingolstadiensis  academiae. 
Inchoarunt  V.  Rot  mar  us  ct  J.  Engerdus  ; continuavit  J.  N.  Alederer.”-  4 vols.,  4mo.  la- 
golstadt,  1783.  iv.,  42. 


UNIVERSITY. 


387 


the  human  race.”*  Ludwig  of  Bavaria,  in  his  charter  to  Ingolstadt, 
says,  “we  have  therefore  erected,  ordained  and  established  a high, 
common,  honorable  and  free  university  and  school  in  our  city  of  In- 
golstadt, (aS'o  mV  . . . ainhohe  gemainwirdig  und  gefreyet 

Universitet  und  Sckuel  in  unser  Stat  Ingolstat  furgenomen,  geordnet^ 
und  gestlft)y  (Mederer,  iv.,  42).  Kliipfelf  says  of  Tubingen,  founded 
14V  7,  that  it  “ was  not  only  universitas  litterarum,  but  also  an  associa- 
tion [Genossenschafl)  for  the  benefit  of  the  common  study,  [gemeinsa- 
men  Studiums)  ; a universitas  studii  generalise 

Petrus  Gregorius  Tholosanus  says,J  “The  term  public  or  general 
studies  is  applied  to  schools  in  which  study  is  privileged,  either  by  a 
public  grant  of  the  pope,  or  of  the  prince,  or  by  ancient  custom,  of 
whose  beginning  the  memory  is  lost;  and  where  the  society  and 
assembling  of  scholars  and  teachers  is  permitted ; the  name  of  the 
thing  containing,  for  that  contained.  Such  an  institution  may  be 
called  a general  study  or  a university,  for  the  same  reason ; because 
the  studies  pursued  there  are  offered  to  all,  and  are  public,  and  free  of 
expense  to  those  desiring  to  learn,  and  taught  by  settled  teachers ; 
and  are  privileges  granted  to  all  students.  Nor  are  they  any  less  to 
be  called  general  studies,  or  universities  because  not  all  sciences,  but 
some  only,  are  pursued  and  taught  there.  For  their  generality  does 
not  pertain  to  a university  of  sciences,  but  to  the  public  purpose  of 
their  instruction.  For  those  who  originated  and  established  and  privi- 
leged these  “studies,”  intended  that  a lecture  should  be  read  upon  an 
appropriate  number  of  arts  and  sciences  ; and  that  if  they  were  read  on 
others,  that  such  others  should  not  enjoy  the  privileges  accruing  to 
those  prescribed  to  be  taught,  and  to  the  pupils  and  teachers  in  them. 
{Studia  generalia^  hodie,  sen  puMica  dicuntu7\  scholae  in  quihus  publice 
ex  privilegio  pontijicis  summi  vel  principis^  ret  antiqua  consuetudine^ 
cujus  initii  non  extat  memoria^  studium  est  primlegiatum^  et  permissa 
societas  et  concursus  scholasticorum  et  docentiwn  ; continens  pro  contento. 
Potest  did  studium  generale  et  universitas  ratione  eadem^  quod  studia 
quae  ihi  tractantur  universis  p7'oqjosita  sint  et  sint  publica^  et  gratis^ 
volentibus  discere^  proponantur  ah  institutis  preceptoribus^  sintque  privi- 
legia  universis  studentibus  concessa.  Neque  ideo  minus  studia  generalia 
dieentur  aut  universitates^  quod  non  om7ies  scientiae  ibi,  sed  certae  tantum 
tractentur  et  doceantur.  Na7n  generalitas  ad  universitatem  non  pertinet 


* Raumer,  ^'Contributions  to  the  History  and  Improvement  of  the  German  Universities.^' 
Edited  by  Henry  Barnard.  8vo.  New  York  ; 1859,  p.  12. 

t “ History  and  description  of  the  university  of  Tubingen^  ( Geschichte  und  Beschreibung 
der  Universitdt  Tubingen.)  By  Dr.  K.  Kliipfel.  8vo.,  Tiibingen,  1849,  p.  5. 

J “Ort  the  Republic  {De  Republica,")  Lib.  xviii.,  c I.,  § 87.  Quoted  in  Sir  William  Hamil- 
ton’s “ZliscMSstons  on  PAt7osopA?/ anrf  jLzYeran^re.”  8vo.  New  York,  1853,  p.  475.  Hamilton 
calls  him  “ a great  jurist  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  dean  of  the  juridical  faculties  in  three 
universities.” 


388 


UNIVERSITY. 


scientiarum,  sed  ad  publicam  causam  docendi : prout  enim  placuit  in 
qui  instituerunt  et  erexerunt  et  primlegiarunt  studia^  scientiae  et  artes 
ibidem  legi  publice  tantum  debent^  et  si  aliae  legantur^  non  utuntur  privi- 
legiis  quibus  praescriptae  docendae^  et  earum  doctores  et  auditores  utuntur 
et  potiuntury 

Thus  it  appears  that  the  great  European  schools  of  learning  of  the 
thirteenth  and  subsequent  centuries  were  called  studium  generate; 
and  that  this  name  was  given  to  them  because  they  were  for  the  gen- 
eral or  oecumenical  body  of  students ; for  all  comers ; for  the  human 
race;  that  their  generality  was  of  proffered  invitation  to  whatever 
they  could  afford;  not  of  an  asserted  possession  of  whatever  could 
be  desired.  It  meant  not  a place  where  every  thing  was  studied,  but 
a place  to  which  any  one  might  resort  to  study  whatever  was  taught 
there,  whether  but  one  study,  or  several,  or  all  allowable  studies, 
[omni  licita  facultate).  It  might  be  in  one  faculty  only,  in  all,  or  in 
any  selected  number. 

IV.  What  was  the  relation  between  a studium  generate  and  a 
universitas  ? 

The  “ general  study”  was  not  at  first  an  existing  and  acting  body 
in  any  proper  sense.  It  was  a terra  used  to  describe  a place  of  re^ 
sort  for  students.  The  universitates  were  the  efficient  bodies.  As  to 
the  relation  between  the  general  study  and  the  universities  which  ex- 
isted at,  or  within  it,  Savigny  says,  (iii.,  412),  “The  word  “univer- 
sity” did  not  mean  the  school  as  such,  but  had  its  strict  Roman 
meaning  of  a corporation,  formed  for  purposes  connected  with  the 
school.  The  constituent  members  of  this  corporation,  who  exercised 
its  powers  and  appeared  in  its  meetings,  were  not  chosen  in  any  uni-« 
form  manner,  but  under  whatever  rule  was  adopted  at  each  individual 
school.  Thus  at  Bologna,  the  term  universitas  schotarium  was  most 
commonly  used  to  describe  it ; and  at  Paris,  u.  magistrorum.^  But 
in  no  event  did  any  person  then  think  of  that  signification  of  the 
word  which  was  first  invented  at  a very  late  period,  and  which  made 
it  intend  the  whole  body  of  the  sciences.  This  was  an  impossible  idea 
at  a time  when  so  many  of  these  schools  included,  for  instance,  both 
a universitas  juristarum  and  a universitas  artistarum. 

Tomekf  says,  “ It  is  also  of  course  understood  that  the  members 
of  the  studium  generate  had  the  right  to  constitute  a special  organiza- 
tion {^eine  hesondere  Gemeinde)  with  its  own  peculiar  rights.  The 
idea  of  this  organization,  the  university,  must  espcially  be  in  early 
times,  be  strictly  distinguished  from  that  of  a general  study ; for  it 

* Sometimes  here  also.  u.  irwgistrorum  et  scholar ium . When  the  latter  term  is  used  alone 
of  Paris,  it  is  to  be  explained  by  the  early  usage  which  included  magister  in  scholaris. 

t “///story  of  the  University  of  Prague  {Uischichte  der  Prager  Unioersitat).  ’ By  W. 
vy.  Tomek.  8vo.  Prague,  1849.  p.  G. 


ITNIVERSITY. 


389 


was  not  necessary  that  one  general  study  should  also  constitute  but 
one  university.  It  might  include  several  such,  as  well  as  several 
faculties.” 

And  again,  pp.  26,  27;  “After  this  time”  {viz.,  the  end  of  the 
quarrel  of  the  year  1372,  between  the  faculty  of  law  and  the  other 
faculties),  “the  general  study  at  Prague  remained  divided  inio  two 
universities,  having  nothing  in  common,  except  their  chancellor.  . . . 
The  university  of  law  {Jm'iste miniver sitdt)  enacted  its  separate 
statutes  in  the  year  1373.” 

The  stadium  generate  might  include  universities  formed  on  a prin- 
ciple of  nationality.  This  was  the  case  at  Bologna,  where  there  were 
at  an  early  period,  at  least,  two  universities  of  this  kind,  the  ultra- 
montane and  citramontane.  The  universities  might  also  be  termed 
from  their  particular  department  of  study,  as  at  Prague.  This  divi- 
sion afterward  prevailed  at  Bologna,  along  with  the  other ; and  in  1561, 
W’ere  published  these  '■'‘Statutes  of  the  university  of  jurists  in  the 
gymnasium  of  Bologna,  {Statuta  . . . universitatis  juristarum 

gymnasii  Bononiensis).'^* 

There  was  at  Padua,  in  like  manner,  both  a cisalpine  and  a 
transalpine  university,  both  of  jurists,  and  each  with  its  rector ; and 
at  the  same  time  a universitas  artistarum,  with  a third  rector.f  At 
Pisa, I “ The  scholars  constituted  the  university,  except  that  the 
university  in  theology  consisted  exclusively  of  the  teachers  in  that 
department.”  In  1340  there  were  there,  however,  a cisalpine  and  a 
transalpine  university.  At  Vicenza,  there  were  four  separate  univer- 
sities by  nations,  in  1205. § So  there  were  at  Vercelli,  about  1228. || 
At  Ferrara,  the  jurists  and  “artists”  (members  of  the  philosophical 
faculty  or  faculty  of  arts,)  were  separate  universities.^  At  Mont- 
pellier, there  were  two  universities ; in  medicine  and  law.*'^ 

These  universities,  whether  the  general  study  contained  one  or 
more,  and  whether  constituted  by  nations  or  by  the  studies  pursued, 
were  the  bodies  which  transacted  the  business.  They  appointed  profes- 
sors, fixed  salaries,  determined  courses  of  instruction,  enacted  statutes, 
treated  with  all  individuals  and  bodies,  and  gave  the  degrees,  which 
the  chancellor — who  in  this  formed  a center  or  head  to  all  the 
universities  of  each  general  study — approved,  as  the  Pope’s  rep- 
resentative. 

V.  How  did  the  term  universitas  supplant  (as  it  did)  that  of 
stadium  generate  ? 

The  answer  is,  by  the  ordinary  coui-se  of  modification  of  terms ; 

♦ Savigny,  iii,,  160.  | Ib,,  278.  t Ib.,  305.  § lb.,  307-8. 

ab.,310.  Illb.,317.  **Ib.,  383. 


390 


UNIVERSITY. 


according  to  which  they  lose  more  or  less  of  the  close  applicability 
for  which  they  were  at  first  chosen,  and  are  employed  with  whatever 
degree  of  incorrectness  becomes  convenient,  to  designate  something 
in  some  way  descended  from  or  representing  or  related  to  the  oi  iginal 
thing,  but  not  necessarily  the  same,  or  the  like,  in  any  strict  sense. 

Thus,  as  soon  as  the  studia  ffeneralia,  instead  of  immemorial  usage, 
began  to  act  under,  or  originated  from,  some  express  charter  or  grant, 
the  meaning  of  the  term  siudlum  generale^  began  to  tend  to  become 
identical  with  that  of  universitas.  At  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, this  was  substantially  the  case.  The  charter  of  foundation  of 
the  university  of  Wittenberg,  in  1502,  defines  the  new  institution  as 
“a  general  study  or  university,  or  gymnasium,  [studium  generale  sive 
universitatem  aut  gymnasium).'''’  So,  Duke  Ludwig  of  Bavaria, 
thirty  years  before,  in  his  charter  to  Ingolstadt,  calls  it  a “university 
and  school,  {Universitet  und  Schuel).’’’ 

Before  this  period,  the  word  universitas,  when  used  of  a corpora- 
tion at  a studium  was  joined  with  additional  words  showing  what 
university  was  meant ; and  this  of  course,  just  as  much  as  at  present 
we  should  add  the  words  to  “society”  or  “corporation,”  to  signify 
what  sort  of  one  was  meant.  Thus  we  have,  of  Vicenza,  1205,  u. 
scholo.rum  ; of  Paris,  at  sundry  dates,  1209  to  1406,  u.  doctorum  et 
scholarium.,  doctorum  et  discipulorum,  magistrorum  et  scholarium, 
scholarium  ; of  Toulouse,  1223,  scholarium  ; of  Bologna,  1235,  same  ; 
of  Oxford,  1250,  same;  and  1300,  mag'istrorum,  doctorum  et  schola- 
rium ; of  Cambridge,  1268,  scholarium  ; 1276,  regent'ium  et  schola- 
rium ; student'ium  ; of  'Reggio,  121 Q,  scholarium  ; of  Mont- 

pellier, 1289,  same;  Lisbon,  1290,  same;  Perugia,  1307,  same; 
Prague,  Paris,  Vienna,  Turin,  Louvain,  1347  to  1425,  studii. 

But  now,  universitas  had  acquired  a technical  meaning,  from  its 
long  use,  in  speaking  of  these  most  prominent  and  influential  of  all 
the  different  sorts  of  mediaeval  universitates  ; and  from  about  A.  D., 
1500,  the  various  terms  studium,  studium  generate,  universitas,  u. 
studii,  u.  studii  generalis,  academia,  gymnasium,  archigymmasium, 
Universitdt,  and  hohe  Schule,  began  to  be  used  quite  indiscrimin- 
ately, to  designate  what  answered  to  the  earlier  studium  generate  with 
its  included  universitates,  but  what  had  by  that  time  become  sub- 
stantially what  the  present  European  universities  are. 

Here  the  present  historical  discussion  ends ; for  it  is  not  now  pro- 
posed to  speak  of  the  essence  or  powers  of  a university  as  now 
understood. 

During  the  period  of  about  six  hundred  and  fifty  years  since  A.  D. 
1200,  all  of  which,  except  the  last  century,  has  been  one  of  fanciful- 


UNIVERSITY.  39  [ 

ness  in  all  manner  of  interpretation,  various  erroneous  accounts  have 
been  given  of  the  meaning  of  universitas. 

It  was  derived,  for  instance,  from  the  universality  of  the  beneficent 
intentions  of  founders  or  teachers.  That  this  was  wrong,  has  been 
sufficiently  shown  in  treating  of  the  history  of  the  word.  That  charac- 
ter, it  is  true,  was  the  basis  of  the  earlier  term  studium  generate ; 
but  not  of  the  legal  term  universitas. 

It  was  derived,  again,  from  the  assumed  universal  scope  of  their 
field  of  instruction.  This  interpretation  is,  however,  conclusively  an- 
swered, not  only  by  the  same  arguments  as  in  the  former  case,  but  by 
the  absurdity  which  its  admission  would  imply,  on  the  one  hand,  in 
the  usual  expressions  of  u.  doctoruni  or  scholarium^  which  necessarily 
refer  its  university  ness  to  its  human  constituents,  and  on  the  other 
hand,  and  still  more  forcibly,  in  the  equally  common  ones  of  u.juris- 
tarum,  or  artistarum^  or  theologiae^  which  phrases  make  nonsense,  if 
we  permit  one  of  the  words  to  apply  the  university  to  all  things  and 
the  other  to  limit  it  to  one,  as  much  as  to  say  “an  institution  for 
studying  every  thing,  where  they  study  nothing  but  law.’’ 

xVgain ; both  stadium  generate  and  universitas^  were  sometimes 
derived  from  the  generality  or  universality  of  the  currency  of  the 
degrees  which  they  gave.  Though  not  absurd,  no  reason  appears  in 
the  text  of  early  charters  or  authors,  to  support  such  a derivation,  and 
it  seems  mere  conjecture.  The  constant  early  use  of  accompanying 
words  to  define  the  constituents  of  universitas,  seems  positively  to  ex- 
clude the  idea  of  its  having  had  any  other  meaning  than  that  of  a 
collective  body,  organization,  or  corporation. 

The  true  idea  of  the  university  as  it  has  existed,  will  be  developed 
in  the  history  of  a few  of  the  more  prominent  institutions.  The 
accounts  of  their  historical  development,  various  modes  of  action, 
and  connection  with  the  State  and  with  educational  systems,  will 
afford  materials  for  determining  this  question. 

On  the  following  page  is  given  a list  of  some  authorities  on  the 
earlier  Italian  and  French  universities. 


392 


UNIVERSITIES. 


Authorities  on  French  and  Italian  Univerties. 

Berriat-Saint-Prix,  History  of  the  Ancient  University  of  Grenoble 
{Historie  de  V ancienne  universite  Grenoble).  8vo.  Paris,  1820. 

Bini,  Vincenzio,  Historical  Memoirs  of  the  University  of  Perugia, 
{Memorie  istoriche  della  Perugina  Universitd).  4to,  Perugia,  1816.  (OulyVol. 
I.,  then  printed.) 

Bulaeus,  C.  B.,  History  of  the  University  of  Paris,  {Historia  nniversHatis 
Parisiensis).  6 vols.,  folio.  Paris,  1665 — 1673. 

Colle,  F.  M.,  History  of  the  University  of  Padua,  {Storia  dello  Studio 
di  Padova).  4 vols.,  4to.  Padua,  1824-5. 

Crevier,  History  of  the  University  of  Paris,  {Historie  de  V universite 
de  Paris).  7 vols.,  12ino.  Paris,  1761. 

Du  Breul,  Jacques,  Theater  of  Parisian  Antiquities,  {Theatre  des  an- 
iiquitez  de  Paris).  Book  II.,  on  the  University  of  Paris.  Second  edition,  4to. 
Paris,  1639.  (First  edition,  1612). 

Egrefeuille,  Charles  d’..  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Montpellier,  with 
A Historical  Outline  of  its  University  and  Colleges,  {Hisioire  Ecdesiasti- 
que  de  Montpellier).  This  is  volume  two  of  his  History  of  the  city  of  Montpellier. 
2 vols.,  folio.  Montpellier,  1737-9. 

Fabbrucci,  0.  S.  M.,  Fourteen  papers  on  the  University  of  Pisa,  and  its  pro- 
fessors. In  Calogera’s  Scientific  and  Philological  Collections,  {Raccolta  d’ 
opuscoli  scieniifici  e Jilologici).  Published  at  Venice,  12mo.,  1740-61 ; vols.,  21 — 
51,  and  volume  eight  of  new  series,  passim. 

Fabroni,  a..  History  of  the  University  of  Pisa,  {Historia  academioe 
Pisanoe).  3 vols.,  4to.  Pisa,  1791-5. 

Fattorini,  M.,  Eminent  professors  of  the  University  of  Bologna,  from 
THE  Eleventh  to  the  Fourteenth  Century,  {De  Claris  arcliigymnasii  Bononi- 
ensis  professor ibus^  &c.)  Folio.  Bologna.  Part  L,  of  Vol.  I.,  1769;  Part  II., 
1772.  (Begun  by  M.  Sarti). 

Origlia,  G.,  History  of  the  University  of  Naples,  {Istoria  dello  studio 
di  Napoli).  2 vols.,  4to.  Naples,  1753-4. 

Papadopoli,  N.  C.,  History  of  the  University  of  Padua,  {Historia  gym- 
nasii  Patavini).  Folio.  Venice,  1726. 

Pasquier,  K.  S.,  French  Eesearches,  {Recherches  de  la  PVance).  Book  IX., 
chapters  iii.  to  xxviii.,  on  the  University  of  Paris.  In  Vol.  I.,  of  his  Works. 
Folio.  Paris,  1723. 

Renazzi,  F.  M.,  History  of  the  University  at  Rome,  {Storia  delV  univer- 
siia,  &c).  4 vols.,  4to.  Rome  1803-6. 

Riccobonus,  a..  The  University  of  Padua,  {De  Gymnasio  Patavino).  4to. 
Padua,  1598.  Also  in  the  Thesaurus  Italioe,  Vol.  VI.,  Part  IV. 

Sarti,  M.  See  Fattorini. 

Savigny,  F.  C.,  History  of  the  Roman  Law  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
{Geschichie  des  Romischen  Rechts  im  Mittelalter).  Vol.  III.,  pp.  152 — 419,  and 
609 — 718.  Second  edition.  8vo.  Heidelberg,  1834. 

Tomasini,  J.  P.,  University  of  Padua,  {Gymnasium  Patavinum).  4to. 
Udine,  1654. 


IV.  UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN.* 


I.  FOUNDATION  TO  THE  REFORMATION,  1477 — 1535. 

The  universities  of  the  middle  ages  were  centers  of  influence  not 
only  upon  learned  studies,  but  upon  all  departments  of  intellectual 
activity.  They  had  a decisive  influence  upon  the  formation  of 
views  in  philosophy,  theology,  law  and  politics.  Before  the  discovery 
of  printing,  and  indeed  for  a short  time  after  it,  they  were  the  ordi- 
nary means  of  intellectual  intercourse,  filling  the  place  of  the  press, 
both  in  learned  and  in  light  current  literature.  They  were  also  the 
organs  of  public  opinion.  But  the  education  furnished  by  the  uni- 
versities was  still  by  no  means  an  education  for  the  masses  of  the 
people.  It  was  thoroughly  aristocratic,  and  its  recipients  formed  close 
corporations,  which  took  rank  by  the  side  of  the  corporations  of  the 
clergy  and  nobility,  as  a privileged  class ; the  degree  of  doctor,  for 
instance,  conferring  the  privileges  of  nobility.  And  like  those  other 
classes,  the  universities  were  at  first  by  no  means  arbitrary  creatures 
of  political  authority,  but  natural  results  of  the  mental  activity  of  the 
period.  They  arose  in  consequence  of  the  appearance  of  some 
beloved  and  influential  teacher,  around  whom  gathered  a circle  of 
scholars,  which  in  turn  attracted  to  itself  other  teachers  and  other 
scholars.  Thus  originated  the  universities  of  Paris,  Bologna  and 
Salerno.  But  all  this  was  no  longer  the  precise  significance  of  a 
university,  at  the  time  when  the  German  ones  were  founded.  These 
latter  were  no  more  the  natural  outgrowth  of  the  intellectual  life  of 
a nation,  but  arose  only  after  the  period  of  the  bloom  of  the  national 
intellectual  life.  Their  essence  is  to  a far  less  degree  the  mental  life 
of  their  time;  it,  is  no  longer  the  emperor  of  Germany  who  as  such 
establishes  the  university,  but  the  hereditary  lord  of  a country,  who 
directs  the  current  of  learning  and  education  through  separate  canals 
in  his  own  dominions.  The  first  university  which  was  founded  in 
the  German  empire,  that  of  Prague,  is  an  instance  of  this.  It  was 
founded  in  1348,  by  the  emperor  Charles  IV.,  in  his  favorite  city, 
after  he  had  given  up  all  hopes  of  gaining  the  German  empire,  and 
had  withdrawn  to  his  hereditary  dominions,  to  establish  his  auth()rity 
there  on  the  basis  which  he  preferred.  After  this  example,  several 
other  universities  were  founded  in  German  provinces,  but  all  under 


* Compiled  from  '•^KlvpfeVs  History^"  for  the  American  Journal  of  Education.  ^ 


394 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


the  auspices  of  the  immediate  sovereign.  Such  were  Vienna  in  1365  ; 
Heidelberg  in  1386,  and  Leipzig  in  1408.  The  fifteenth  in  order  of 
foundation  is  Tubingen,  which  was  founded  in  1477  by  Count  Eber- 
hard  of  Wirtemberg,  who  was  led  to  follow  the  example  of  other 
German  princes,  by  his  own  opinion  of  the  value  of  learned  educa- 
tion, and  by  the  influence  of  his  accomplished  mother  Matilda,  an 
archduchess  of  Austria,  and  of  some  of  his  council,  especially  Ver- 
gen'hans,  surnamed  Nauclers,  and  Reuchlin.  The  decree  of  founda- 
tion, dated  3d  July,  1477,  thus  speaks  of  his  intention : — 

lie  has  often  considered  how  lie  might  best  set  about  some  enterprise  well 
pleasing  to  the  Creator,  and  useful  for  the  common  good  and  for  his  subjects. 
He  has  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  he  can  begin  nothing  better  or  more  pleas- 
ing to  the  eternal  God  than  to  prepare  means  for  the  instruction  of  good  and 
zealous  youths  in  the  liberal  arts  and  in  learning,  so  that  they  may  be  enabled  to 
recognize,  fear,  and  obey  God.  This  is  better  than  to  build  magnificent  churches 
and  to  found  wealthy  ecclesiastical  institutions;  for  the  best  temple  of  God  is  the 
human  heart,  and  the  Creator  takes  more  pleasure  in  the  goodness  and  holiness 
of  men  than  in  splendid  temples,  which  contribute  but  little  to  happiness;  while 
the  great  object  of  moral  training  and  elevation  can  in  no  way  be  better  attained, 
than  by  means  of  instruction  in  learning.  In  this  good  belief  he  has  determined 
to  found  a school  for  human  and  divine  learning. 

Count  Eberhard  also  uses  some  remarkably  noble  expressions  in 
the  charter,  dated  9th  October,  1477.  He  says  here,  “In  the  good 
design  of  aiding  to  discover  the  well-spring  of  life,  so  that  helpful 
and  healthful  learning,  flowing  thence  in  streams  immeasurable  to  all 
the  ends  of  the  world,  may  work  for  the  quenching  of  the  destruct- 
ive fires  of  human  unreasonableness  and  folly,  we  have  determined 
and  undertaken  to  organize  and  establish  a university  in  our  city 
of  Tubingen.”  As  reasons  for  selecting  Tubingen,  he  mentions  the 
agreeableness  and  fruitfulness  of  the  neighborhood,  and  the  health- 
fulness of  the  air,  as  facts  patent  to  all.  One  main  reason  also 
probably  was  that  Tubingen  was  the  principal  city  in  his  dominions. 

As  universities  were  properly  ecclesiastical  institutions,  their  legal 
establishment  had  to  be  confirmed  by  the  pope.  This  had  already 
been  done,  in  the  application  of  Count  Eberhard,  by  Sixtus  IV.,  by 
a bull  of  November  I4th,  1476,  promulgated  at  Urach  on  the  11th 
of  March,  1477,  before  many  of  the  lay  and  clerical  notabilities  of  the 
country,  by  Heinrich  Faber,  abbot  of  Blaubeuren,  as  apostolical  com- 
missary. Here  was  read  the  papal  act  of  foundation,  which  ordered 
the  establishment  of  the  university  {allgemeines  Studium)  for  every 
faculty  and  every  allowed  branch  of  learning,  the  erection  of  chairs 
of  instruction  in  every  faculty,  and  the  compilation  of  a constitution 
and  statutes  for  the  university.  The  chief  object  of  the  institution 
was  set  forth  as  the  propagation  of  the  orthodox  faith ; since  by 
learned  studies  the  soul’s  health’  is  promoted,  controversies  are  healed, 
peace  and  quiet  induced,  things  permissible  and  forbidden  distinguished, 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


395 


rewards  apportioned  to  the  good  and  punishment  to  the  bad,  and 
thus  eternal  and  temporal  advantages  secured  to  the  world.  A very 
important  point  oT  the  papal  bull  was  the  pecuniary  endowment  of 
the  new  institution.  The  revenues  of  the  benefices  of  Brackenheim, 
Stetten  on  the  Heuchelberg,  Asch,  Ringingen  and  Ehningen,  were 
granted  to  the  University,  which  was  on  its  part  bound  to  have 
their  ecclesiastical  duties  performed  by  competent  vicars.  The  most 
important  endowment,  how^ever,  was  that  of  the  prebends  of  the  St. 
Martin’s  foundation  in  Sindelfingen,  which  were  for  this  purpose 
transferred  to  the  St.  George’s  church  in  Tubingen.  The  eight 
canonries  of  this  foundation  were  to  furnish  the  incomes  of  the  theo- 
logical and  juridical  faculties,  and  the  professors  were  to  be  canons. 
The  deanship  was  to  be  held  by  the  chancellor. 

The  imperial  confirmation  came  some  years  later,  on  the  10th  of 
February  1484,  and  gave  the  university  permission  to  teach  and 
expound  all  the  imperial  laws,  and  to  confer  degrees  in  the  science  of 
the  same.  The  University  was  opened  in  September  and  October 
1477.  On  the  14th  of  September  enrolled  themselves  in  the  matri- 
culation book  several  noblemen  of  the  count’s  court,  the  abbot  of 
^ Blaubeuren,  Johann  Degen,  dean  and  first  chancellor  of  the  university, 
Lucas  Spechzart,  the  count’s  private  physician,  and  some  of  the 
count’s  council.  The  lectures  were  opened  on  the  1st  of  October, 
and  on  the  9th  was  held  the  first  session  of  the  senate,  on  which 
occasion  Count  Eberhard’s  charter  was  read,  and  the  statutes  present- 
ed, compiled  by  Abbot  Heinrich  of  Blaubeuren. 

Constitution  of  the  University. 

This  charter  recognized  the  University  as  a privileged  corporation, 
and  laid  down  the  outlines  of  its  constitution.  Count  Eberhard,  in 
it,  took  all  the  doctors,  masters  and  students  under  his  special  care 
and  protection,  and  commanded  all  his  officers  and  subjects  not  to 
injure  in  body,  goods  or  honor,  any  one  connected  with  the  univer- 
sity, under  a penalty  of  100  florins.  If  any  one  so  connected  has 
a lawsuit  with  a citizen,  the  courts  are  bound  under  penalty  of  100 
florins  and  loss  of  office,  to  do  justice  without  favor.  Under  the 
same  penalty  it  is  forbidden  to  all  authorities  to  seize  any  of  the 
instructors  or  students,  or  to  lay  violent  hands  on  them.  Only  the 
rector  can  order  such  measures,  and  in  him  alone,  with  the  concurrence 
of  the  senate,  renders  the  power  to  decide  upon  university  matters 
and  police.  He  may,  however,  call  on  the  authorities  if  unable  to 
enforce  his  authority.  All  persons  connected  with  the  university, 
and  their  goods,  are  freed  from  all  duties,  tolls,  exactions  and  taxes ; 
a privilege  which  duke  Friedrich  afterward  confined  to  necessaries 


396 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


of  life  for  domestic  use.  All  these  privileges  are  granted  not  only  to 
the  professors  and  students,  but  to  their  wives,  children  and  servant«5, 
and  for  the  beadles,  scribes,  book-binders,  printers  *and  illuminators, 
resident  at  Tubingen.  Without  the  rector’s  permission,  no  one 
might  take  student’s  books  in  pawn  under  penalty  of  40  florins. 
And  no  Jews  or  other  usurers  might  live  in  the  city. 

Without  the  license  of  the  Medical  Faculty,  no  one  might  practice 
medicine  or  surgery  in  the  city  and  neighborhood.  These  privileges, 
granted  by  the  count  as  the  lord  of  the  land,  were  recognized  by 
the  city  by  a special  agreement,  and  sworn  to  in  the  hands  of  the 
rector  by  the  bailiff  and  two  of  the  council.  The  city  clerk  was 
bound  to  read  them  over  in  the  cathedral  every  year  on  St.  George’s 
day,  before  all  the  people.  On  this  occasion  any  grievances  or  wishes 
of  the  city  or  the  university  were  stated,  and  a banquet  concluded  the 
ceremony. 

Next  to  the  charter,  the  chief  authorities  for  the  original  constitu- 
tion of  the  university  are  the  first  statutes  of  1477,  and  the  ordin- 
ances of  the  various  faculties,  drawn  up  from  1480  to  1495.  In  these 
we  find  many  points  of  similarity  to  the  university  of  Paris,  which 
was  the  model  for  most  of  the  German  universities.  Like  that,  the 
university  of  Tubingen  was  universitas,  not  only  litterm'um,  but  also 
in  the  sense  of  being  an  organization  for  the  benefit  of  the  general 
study ; universitas  studii  generalis.  It  was  to  be  one  body,  whose 
members  were  the  separate  faculties,  themselves  again  constituting 
close  corporations.  There  was  here  no  occasion  for  such  a division 
into  “ nations”  as  prevailed  at  Paris,  most  of  the  students  coming 
from  the  immediate  neighborhood.  As  in  Paris,  the  government  was 
exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  teachers.  The  professors,  or  masters 
and  doctors  privileged  and  bound  to  lecture,  were  called  doctores 
regenteSj  an  expression  derived  from  regere=legere^  but  applied  to  their 
share  in  the  government.  The  rector,  as  head  of  the  whole  corpora- 
tion, was  chosen  by  this  body  from  among  themselves,  annually,  on 
St.  Philip’s  and  St.  Jacob’s  day.  The  rector  called  together  the 
senate  for  consultation  upon  all  university  matters,  himself  presiding ; 
had  charge  of  the  finances,  in  connection  with  four  deputies,  and  ex- 
ercised jurisdiction,  in  criminal  affairs  with  the  concurrence  of  the 
whole  senate,  and  in  civil  affairs  with  five  members  of  it,  usually  from 
the  juridical  faculty.  The  chancellor  acted  as  his  substitute  in  the 
government  and  in  the  papal  court,  but  was  subordinate  to  him  in 
rank.  He  had  charge  also  of  the  ordinary  conduct  of  the  university, 
and  with  some  members  of  the  senate  constituted  a tribunal  of  appeal 
from  the  judgments  of  the  senate.  As  the  mandatory  of  the  pope, 
the  chancellor  must  be  an  ecclesiastic,  and  was  usually  dean  of  St. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


397 


George’s,  receiving  his  salary  as  such.  The  officers  and  servants  of 
the  senate  were,  the  Syndic,  the  Notary,  afterward  termed  Secretary, 
and  the  Beadle.  The  syndic  kept  the  accounts  and  the  cash,  and 
ranked  with  the  professors.  The  notary  drew  up  papers  for  the  senate 
and  the  academical  courts,  framed  and  expedited  resolutions  and  de- 
crees, made  reports,  and  kept  the  records.  He  must  have  studied  law, 
and  been  admitted  a notary  of  the  imperial  chamber  of  justice.  The 
beadle’s  duty  was  to  go  upon  errands  for  the  senate  or  its  members, 
to  have  charge  of  the  watch  and  police  departments,  to  collect  fines, 
and  to  inflict  other  penalties.  His  pay  was  one-third  of  all  fines  col- 
lected, and  20  florins  of  fixed  salary. 

Within  the  university  corporation  were  the  four  faculties,  each 
having  a constitution  similar  to  the  general  one,  and  the  right  of 
drawing  up  their  own  statutes.  The  principal  or  speaker  of  each 
faculty  was  the  dean,  who  was  chosen  annually  by  the  other  members. 
The  faculties  stood  in  a certain  gradation  of  rank,  the  theological 
being  the  highest.  This  consisted  of  three  doctors  of  the  Sacred 
Scriptures,  who  were  also  canons  of  St.  George’s  foundation,  whose 
prebends  furnished  their  salaries,  which  were  at  first  about  100  florins. 
The  second  place  was  held  by  the  faculty  of  law,  which  was  also 
graded  within  itself,  the  higher  section  consisting  of  the  Doctors  of 
Decretal  Law,  [doctores  decretorum^)  who  taught  the  canon  law,  were 
usually  theologians,  and  also,  in  virtue  of  their  clerical  dignity,  canons. 
The  senior  professor  I'eceived  120  florins,  the  two  others,  each  fi’om  80 
to  90  florins.  The  lower  section  consisted  of  the  doctors  of  laws 
(doctores  legum^)  who  taught  the  civil  law.  The  senior  professor 
received  100  florins,  the  second  80  florins,  and  the  third,  who  lectured 
on  the  Institutions,  from  30  to  40  florins.  The  medical  faculty,  which 
ranked  third,  consisted  of  only  two  instructors;  of  whom  one  was 
paid  100  florins,  and  the  other  60  florins.  These  three  faculties  were 
termed  the  “superior  faculties,”  in  distinction  from  the  philosophical 
faculty,  or  faculty  of  arts,  as  it  was  at  first  called,  whose  position  was 
quite  inferior  to  theirs,  and  in  a certain  sense  under  their  oversight 
•and  guardianship.  Not  all  its  members  were  admitted  into  the 
senate,  but  only  the  dean  and  two  others;  and  even  these  were  in 
many  cases  excluded  from  acting,  and  they  could  not  be  chosen 
deputies.  The  ordinary  professors  in  their  faculty  were  four,  two  of 
the  old  way,  or  realists,  and  two  of  the  new  way,  or  nominalists. 
There  was  a fifth  professor,  who  was  to  lecture  on  oratory  and  poetry. 
The  four  former  received  25  florins  salary,  and  the  last  20  florins. 
The  ordinary  professors  in  arts  had  also  free  lodging  in  some  of  the 
colleges,  and  might  not  marr}’.  These  five  constituted  the  faculty 
proper,  but  all  those  who  had  taken  an  academical  degree  in  philoso- 


I 


398 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


phy  might  rank  as  members  of  it,  and  might  lecture.  The  statutes 
of  1488  provide  for  the  four  collegiate  doctors,  ten  conventores  (mas- 
ters who  lectured,)  two  pedagogues,  and  two  resumptores  magistran- 
dorum  (probably  a kind  of  repetents  or  tutors.)  This  subordinate 
position  of  the  faculty  of  arts  is  quite  peculiar  to  Tubingen,  and  is 
found  in  no  other  university. 

The  senate  elected  the  professors,  the  chancellor  representing  the 
state ; and  the  ruler  of  the  country  must  confer  the  appointment 
when  the  choice  was  made.  In  these  elections,  as  elsew’here,  the 
philosophical  faculty  was  inferior  to  the  others.  In  1491,  the  rules 
for  electing  were,  that  there  must  be  present  at  choosing  a professor 
of  theology,  besides  the  rector  and  chancellor,  two  doctors  of  the 
sacred  scriptures,  if  there  were  so  many,  one  decretist,  one  legist,  one 
doctor  in  medicine,  and  two  in  arts  ; in  electing  a professor  of  law,  or 
medicine,  all  the  professors  of  the  higher  faculties  must  be  summoned ; 
and  in  electing  a professor  in  arts,  besides  the  professors  in  that 
faculty  itself,  these  must  assist  the  theological  professors,  two  of  lawq 
and  two  of  medicine. 

The  ordinary  professors  were  bound  to  give  one  ordinary  lecture 
daily.  Ordinary  lectures  were  those  delivered  in  the  forenoon,  upon 
the  prescribed  subjects  of  study  or  text-books.  Extraordinary  lectures 
were  those  delivered  in  the  afternoon,  upon  subjects  considered  only 
of  collateral  importance.  Any  professor  omitting  a lecture  had  to 
pay  a fine  of  a half  florin  for  every  hundred  florins  of  yearly  salary, 
or  at  that  rate.  Sickness,  university  business,  &c.,  excused  from  the 
fine.  If  a lecture  was  omitted  by  permission  of  the  rector,  either  it 
might  be  delivered  at  some  unoccupied  hour,  or  the  fine  be  paid. 

Besides  the  salary,  no  fee,  at  least  for  the  public  lectures,  was  paid 
the  professors.  The  decree  of  foundation  expressly  says  that  the  in- 
structors must  have  fixed  salaries,  that  they  may  lecture  gratis,  and 
that  poverty  may  be  no  hindrance  to  a knowledge  of  the  truth.  In 
the  oldest  statutes  of  the  faculty  of  arts,  a pastus  or  lecture-fee  is 
mentioned.  Until  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  however, 
the  honorarium  was  an  exception,  and  very  small.  The  vacations, 
which  are  not  mentioned  in  the  earliest  statutes,  &c.,  were  in  1518 
fixed  as  follows : at  Christmas,  from  St.  Thomas’  day  to  the  Epiphany ; 
eight  days  from  Quinquagesima  Sunday  ; from  Maundy  Thursday  to 
the  end  of  Easter-week  ; eight  days  at  Whitsuntide;  and  an  autumn 
vacation  from  St.  Michael’s  day  to  St.  Luke’s  day,  usually  some  two 
and  a half  weeks;  in  all,  about  eight  and  a half  weeks. 

An  important  feature  of  the  older  universities  on  the  plan  of  that 
of  I’aris  was  the  “colleges,”  or  boarding  establishments,  where  the 
scholars  lodged,  with  their  instructors,  and  boarded.  Of  these  there 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


399 


were  only  two  at  Tiibingen,  called  the  Bursen,  or  Contubernium^ 
and  which  both  occupied  a single  building.  They  were  designed  for 
scholars  in  arts,  and  one  was  occupied  by  nominalists  and  the  other 
by  realists.  They  were  called  the  Eagle  and  the  Peacock  {aquile 
and  pavile.)  A professor  in  arts  was  usually  at  their  head,  and  was 
entitled  rector  contubernii.  A steward  had  charge  of  the  boarding 
arrangements.  A moderate  rate  was  charged  for  board  and  lodging, 
and  that  it  might  be  lower,  a hundred  measures  of  barley  were 
furnished  annually,  gratis,  by  the  university  and  the  state. 

The  income  of  the  university,  from  the  eight  canonries  and  five 
benefices  already  mentioned,  from  a title  given  by  a papal  bull  in 
1480,  was  not  more  than  1000  florins  a year,  which  was  all  expend- 
ed in  salaries,  except  the  small  donation  to  the  Bursen^  none  being 
laid  out  on  scientific  objects  or  collections. 

Literary  Condition. 

The  university  was  founded  at  a period  not  unfavorable  to  literary 
labors.  The  revival  of  classical  learning  had  already  directed  atten- 
tion to  elegant  studies,  which  were  already  eagerly  pursued  by  circles 
of  students  in  various  parts  of  Germany.  But  this  spirit  did  not  at 
once  penetrate  the  universities.  At  Heidelberg,  close  by.  Agricola 
had  been  unable  to  maintain  himself ; and  Johann  Wessel,  the 
theological  forerunner  of  Luther,  had  been  obliged  to  leave  it.  At 
all  the  universities  the  old  scholastics,  founded  partly  on  the  dogmas 
of  Christianity  and  partly  on  the  misapprehended  doctrines  of  Aris- 
totle, possessed  their  ancient  dominion,  although  they  had  long  lost 
any  creative  vigor,  and  consisted  only  of  monotonous  repetitions, 
and  a sophistical  play  of  logical  forms.  The  actual  amount  of 
knowledge  which  was  communicated  at  the  universities  was  both 
strictly  limited  in  extent,  and  remarkably  dry,  In  natural  science, 
history  and  antiquities,  it  consi.sted  in  a disconnected  miscellany  of 
detached  scraps  of  knowledge.  Even  in  jurisprudence,  which  had 
just  received  a new  element  by  the  resumption  of  the  study  of  the 
Roman  law,  there  was  no  really  vigorous  investigation.  Under  such 
circumstances  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  literary  aspect  of 
things,  at  the  opening  of  the  new  university,  would  be  remarkably 
flourishing.  It  was  also  at  first  found  difficult  to  secure  distinguished 
instructors.  The  most  eminent  of  the  theologians  was  Gabriel  Biel,  the 
last  of  the  scholastics,  who  had  much  influence  upon  the  organization 
and  administration  of  the  university.  Besides  him  we  find  one 
Conrad  Summenhard,  of  whom  it  was  reported  that  he  studied  the 
Scripture  with  too  free  a spirit;  one  Martin  Plantsch,  who  seems  to 
have  distinguished  himself  as  a pulpit  orator ; Wendelin  Steinbach 


400  UNIVERSITY  OF  TtJBlNGEN. 

and  Jacob  Lempp,  pupils  of  Biel,  and  confirmed  scholastics.  Among 
the  jurists,  the  most  eminent  was  Johann  Vergenhans,  surnamed 
Nauclerus,  though  he  is  better  known  for  character,  varied  attain- 
ments, and  the  high  opinion  entertained  of  him  by  Count  Eberhard, 
than  for  any  particular  juridical  labors.  He  is  also  known  for  his 
Chronicle,  which  began  after  the  manner  of  the  period,  with  the 
foundation  of  the  world,  and  is  an  important  authority  for  the  fifteenth 
century.  Most  of  the  names  of  the  rest  of  this  faculty  are  quite 
unknown  ; as  Marenchus,  Vesselen,  Ochsenbach,  Truchsess,  Widmann, 
Hartsesser.  One  of  them,  Vitus  Fiirst,  afterwards  became  Podesta 
i^Stattholter)  of  Modena.  Among  the  medical  faculty  was  one  emi- 
nent man,  Joliann  Widmann,  also  known  by  the  names  of  Mochin- 
ger  and  Salicetus.  In  the  faculty  of  arts,  Paul  Scriptoris  had  a 
reputation  as  a man  of  intellect,  an  expounder  of  Duns  Scotus,  and  a 
mathematician.  In  the  same  faculty  was  Johann  Reuchlin,  who 
however  only  remained  a year ; although  his  influence  even  during 
that  short  time  may  have  aided  in  causing  the  invitation  of  Heinrich 
Rebel  of  Justingen,  sixteen  years  afterwards  to  the  professorship  of 
polite  letters.  Bebel  labored  at  Tubingen  for  about  twenty  years,  and 
was  one  of  the  most  eminent  humanists  of  the  day,  and  an  ornament 
to  the  university.  His  zeal  for  the  study  of  an  elegant  latinity  bore 
good  fruit  in  the  labors  of  his  pupils,  Michael  Coccinus,  Johann 
Heinrich  man  n,  and  Johann  Brassicanus.  Other  eminent  teachers  in 
the  university  during  this  period  were  Georg  Simmler,  who  was 
Melanchthon’s  teacher  in  Greek  at  Pforzheim  ; Hildebrand,  another 
of  Melanchthon’s  teachers  at  Pforzheim,  a continuer  of  Nauclerus’ 
Chronicle,  and  a zealous  and  successful  student  of  Greek  and  Hebrew 
literature;  Melanchthon  himself,  who  was  professor  from  1514  to 
1518,  when  he  went  to  Wittenberg;  the  aged  Reuchlin,  who  was 
appointed  a professor  of  Greek  in  1522,  but  who  died  before  begin- 
ning his  lectures ; the  mathematician  Johannes  Stoffler,  celebrated 
for  mechanical  skill,  and  who  was  reputed  a magician.  He  published 
in  1499  an  astronomical  ephemerides  which  excited  great  terror  by 
predicting  a remarkable  conjunction  which  was  to  be  followed  by  a 
universal  flood.  As  the  year  approached  writers  came  out  for  and 
against  it,  and  when  the  fated  month  of  February  1524  passed  over 
with  dry  and  fair  weather,  the  tottering  reputation  of  astrology 
received  a new  blow.  But  he  was  a good  mathematician  and  suc- 
cessful teacher,  brought  many  students  to  the  university,  and  was  also 
much  liked  as  a man  of  wit  and  social  talent. 

The  first  statutes  of  the  faculties  give  but  little  information  regard- 
ing the  studies ; but  it  is  evident  that  the  formal  studies  and  disputa- 
tions, constituted  an  important  part  of  them.  To  become  bachelor 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


401 


of  arts  it  was  necessary  to  attend  the  formal  lectures  on  loa:ic,  dia- 
lectics and  Aristotle,  for  a year  and  a half,  to  go  through  the  usual 
exercises,  reviews,  and  repetitions,  to  attend  thirty  of  the  ordinary 
bachelors’  disputations,  and  thirty  of  those  of  the  masters,  and  to 
have  been  respondent  in  at  least  four  disputations.  After  this  the 
candidate  stood  a public  and  private  examination,  the  dean  of  faculty 
first  giving  him,  by  the  beadle,  two  candles ; and  expounded  and  de- 
fended a thesis  given  him.  He  then  received  his  baccalaureate,  and 
a banquet  followed,  toward  which  the  candidate  paid  something.  A 
similar  series  of  exercises  preceded  the  promotion  to  the  master’s  de- 
gree, as  a sign  of  which  a round  violet-colored  birett  or  cap  was 
given.  The  examinations  for  degrees  in  theology  and  law  were  of  the 
same  character. 

King  Ferdinand  gave  the  univei'sity  a new  order  of  studies,  ap- 
parently the  first  one,  in  1525.  In  this,  instead  of  the  wearisome 
paraphrases  and  translations  of  Aristotle,  were  prescribed  the  newer 
and  more  reasonable  treatises  of  Faber  Stapulensis  on  dialectics  and 
logic;  and  of  the  commentaries,  Averroes  and  Avicenna  of  the  Arabic 
ones,  Themistius,  Simplicius  and  Theophrastus  of  the  Greek,  and 
Albertus  Magnus,  Thomas  and  Scotus  of  the  Latin.  Those  of  the 
monk  Johannes  de  Gandano  were  prohibited,  as  were  all  of  those 
sectarian  and  innovating  writers  who  fancy  that  there  are  several 
roads  to  truth  instead  of  one.  The  conventores  (a  sort  of  tutors  who 
lodged  with  the  scholars,)  were  to  use  in  the  contubernium  the 
epitomes  and  smaller  Logic  of  Faber,  the  text  of  Petrus:  flispanus,  or 
Rudolph  Agricola.  In  theology,  the  course  for  which  was  fixed  at 
five  years,  the  work  of  the  professors  was  thus  distributed’.  The  first 
was  to  lecture  on  the  Pentateuch,  Paul’s  epistles,,  and  one  book  of 
Sentences  of  Petrus  Lombardus;  the  second,  or  the  Gospels  of  Mat- 
thew and  John,  Psalms,  Job,  and  one  book  of  Sentences ; the  third 
on  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Daniel,  Mark,  Luke,  Acts,  the  canonical  Epistles, 
and  one  book  of  Sentences  ; and  the  fourth  on  one  book  of  Sentences, 
the  minor  prophets,  and  Hebrews. 

The  lectures  for  the  five  years’  course  in  jurisprudence  are  similarly 
prescribed.  The  medical  students,  whose  course  was  of’ four  years, 
studied  Avicenna,  Almansor,  Galfen,  and  Hippocrates.  A course  of 
anatomy  was  to  be  given  at  least  as  often  as  once  in  five  years ! 

This  course  of  studies  was  narrow,  but  not  more  so-  than  in  the 
other  German  universities. 

Manners  and  Morals. 

There  being  but  one  Burse  at  Tubingen,  that  institution  did 
not  so  much  facilitate  the  oversight  of  the  students  as  in  some 

26 


402 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


other  universities,  most  of  them  being  left  to  their  own  selection  of 
lodffinofs. 

o O 

The  disciplinary  ordinances  of  the  first  statutes  are  in  substance  as 
follows : — The  students  are  to  be  respectable  in  deportment  and 
clothing,  respectful  to  the  doctors  and  masters,  peaceable  among 
themselves,  and  shall  not  insult  any  one.  Strolling  about  the  street 
at  night  is  especially  forbidden,  as  well  as  unfair  gaming,  going  to 
public  dances  without  an  invitation,  and  nocturnal  debauchery  in 
houses  of  ill-fame.  If  a student  uses  insulting  language  to  another, 
he  is  to  pay  to  the  university  a fine  of  two  pounds  of  wax  (about  15 
kreutzers ;)  if  he  seizes  a stone  or  weapon  without  actually  using  it 
against  any  one,  three  pounds ; if  he  inflicts  a slight  injury  with 
them,  two  florins,  besides  the  confiscation  of  the  weapon.  Severe  in- 
juries were  to  be  punished  by  the  rector  and  senate  according  to  the 
nature  of  the  ease.  For  clothes,  the  ecclesiastical  or  scholastic  cut  is 
prescribed,  and  garments  cut  short,  or  otherwise  indicating  frivolous- 
ness are  especially  forbidden.  Mantles  must  open  only  at  the  breast 
or  the  side,  and  must  cover  the  whole  body.  Weapons  may  be  car- 
ried, but  not  unusual  ones.  No  spurs  must  be  worn  more  than  a 
finger  long.  Red  or  round  biretts  or  caps  are  forbidden,  with  a view 
to  preserve  the  distinctions  of  the  clerical  and  other  dignitaries. 
Warnings  ag'ainst  the  company  of  disreputable  women  are  repeatedly 
given.  For  introducing  any  such  person  into  the  Buisie,  the  first 
lime,  a fine  must  be  paid  of  a quarter  of  a ilorin  ; the  second  time  of 
a half  florin,  the  third  time  of  a whole  one ; and  for  a fourth  offence 
the  penalty  is  exclusion  from  the  Burse.  It  is  observable  that  these 
statutes  name  no  penalty  of  imprisonment. 

A rescript  of  Eberhard  II.,  to  the  university  -and  to  the  bailiff  of 
the  city,  of  the  6th  February,  1498,  gives  but  a poor  impression  of 
the  morals  of  the  students.  The  duke  says  that  it  is  reported  that 
the  students  of  Tubingen  squander  much  money  and  study  little,  and 
lie  therefore  requests  these  authorities  to  be  a.ssiduous ‘in  causing  them 
to  be  studious,  and  to  avoid  insolence,  expensive  dissipations  and  dis- 
orderly behavior.  The  bailiff  is  ordered  to  assist  the  rector  and  sen- 
ate in  upholding  discipline ; and  to  proclaim  to  the  tradesmen, 
mechanics,  and  inn-keepers,  that  they  must  not  trust  the  students,  ex- 
cept merely  for  the  necessaries  of  life,  on  pain  of  being  deprived  of 
the  usual  means  of  enforcing  payment. 

In  1523,  King  Ferdinand  administered  a very  severe  reprimand  to 
the  senate  for  permitting  such  disorder,  at  wdiich  that  body,  in  a great 
fright  lest  their  privileges  should  be  taken  from  them,  sent  a deputa- 
tion to  beg  for  a remission  of  the  meditated  deprivations,  in  which 
they  succeeded,  and  seem  for  a time  to  have  enforced  better  order. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


403 


There  was,  however,  no  want  at  any  time  of  re2:ulations  for  maintain- 
ing discipline,  which  are  given  at  great  length  in  the  ordinances  of 
1518.  Every  student  was  at  his  first  coming  to  report  himself  to  the 
dean  of  his  faculty,  to  state  his  lodgings  and  the  lectures  which  he 
was  to  attend.  The  dean  was  to  examine  twice  a year  into  the  in- 
dustry and  morals  of  the  students  of  his  faculty,  to  call  up  and  ad- 
monish the  delinquent,  and  to  report  the  incorrigible  to  the  senate  for 
dismissal.  Every  student  not  in  the  Burse,  was  to  select  a master 
or  preceptor,  who  was  to  be  responsible  for  his  conduct.  The  pro- 
fessors often  performed  this  duty. 

Religious  observances  were  prominently  enforced.  All  the  students 
were  expected  to  attend  all  the  sermons  and  litanies.  Any  one  found 
about  the  city  or  the  country  during  the  service  was  to  be  reported  to 
the  rector  for  punishment.  Blasphemy,  cursing,  and  similar  offenses, 
were  punished  with  imprisonment  in  the  career,  or  university  prison. 
Any  one  guilty  of  injurious  words  or  actions  to  an  officer  or  watch- 
man of  the  university  was  to  be  imprisoned  fourteen  days,  or  fined 
two  florins,  or  more,  if  the  rector  should  so  decide.  Imprisonment 
was  inflicted  for  all  nocturnal  disturbances,  which  term  included  music, 
which  was  never  allowed.  Any  one  abroad  after  the  evening  bell 
without  a lantern,  was  imprisoned  fourteen  days.  Frequenting 
taverns  is  also  strictly  forbidden  ; being  allowed  only  in  company  with 
the  preceptor,  or  in  searching  for  a friend.  Drinking-bouts  are 
forbidden  under  a penalty  of  twenty  florins,  and  if  attended  with  dis- 
order the  rector  may  also  imprison. 

Nocturnal  tumults,  attacking  or  insulting  the  watchmen  Dr  citizens, 
concealing  delinquents,  were  frequent  causes  of  complaint  and  investi- 
gation, but  were  seldom  adequately  punished.  For  instance,  some 
students  of  noble  birth  had  in  1533,  been  drinking  all  day  at  a tavern, 
and  tried  to  stab  the  host.  At  night  they  went  into  the  market- 
place, and  rioted  and  made  outcries  until  two  o’clock.  Finding  that 
there  was  a dance  in  the  house  of  a neighboring  shopkeeper,  they 
demanded  admission,  and  on  refusal  threatened  to  break  in.  The 
woman  of  the  house  called  out  the  neighbors,  who  came  with  lances 
and  halberts  and  drove  the  students  off.  The  testimony  at  the 
investigation  of  this  affair  shows  that  such  disturbances  were  not 
uncommon,  and  that  there  were  frightful  alarms,  and  assaults  on  the 
watch,  almost  every  night.  But  it  does  not  appear  that  the  senate 
ever  inflicted  any  exemplary  punishment  for  such  doings.  On  the 
rioters  just  mentioned,  for  instance,  no  sentence  of  penalty  seems  to 
have  been  passed.  And  all  the  provisions  for  maintaining  public 
order  seems  to  have  been  very  incomplete,  and  the  respect  paid  to 
the  academical  authorities,  very  small,  as  the  following  instance  shows. 


404 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


One  Beg,  of  Reutlingen,  had  wounded  a farmer  of  the  vicinity  and 
the  rector  summoned  him,  by  the  beadle,  to  appear  before  him  at 
noon.  The  student  replied  to  the  officer  “ I will  come  if  I have 
time,”  but  did  not  come.  The  rector  then  sent  to  the  city  bailiff, 
Johannes  Breuning,  requesting  that  four  of  the  town  constables 
might  be  sent  to  carry  the  recusant  Beg  to  prison,  and  to  watch 
the  city  gates,  so  that  he  might  not  get  away.  The  bailiff  replied 
that  he  could  not  accommodate  the  rector,  having  but  one  constable; 
the  two  others  being  sick;  and  besides,  that  nobody  wantedTo  inter- 
meddle with  the  affair,  at  all.  The  senate  was  now  assembled  and 
sent  its  notary  and  beadle  together  to  Beg,  to  either  pul  him  into  the 
prison,  or  bring  him  before  the  senate.  He  came,  at  last,  and  on 
appearing  was  condemned  to  imprisonment,  and  shut  up.  A few 
days  afterward,  a deputation  of  noble  students  appeared  before  the 
the  senate  to  demand  his  release.  One  of  the  most  prominent  of 
the  students,  Vitus  Lang  von  Planeck,  who  had  before  been  threat- 
ened with  dismission  for  keeping  a mistress  and  attending  no  lectures, 
and  who  had  been  one  of  the  worst  actors  in  the  late  riot  in  the 
market-place,  acted  as  speaker,  and  had  a hearing.  The  senate 
finally  concluded  to  release  Beg  on  condition  that  he  should  promise 
not  to  take  any  revenge,  for  the  inconvenience  of  imprisonment! 

Bloody  contests  with  the  townsmen  often  took  place,  especially  on 
wedding  occasions,  when  the  students  often  attended  uninvited,  and 
behaved  insultingly.  On  one  such  occasion,  at  the  wedding  of  a 
vine-dresser  a body  of  students  coming  in  that  manner,  the  same 
Vitus  von  P*laneck  at  their  head,  was  received  by  some  young  vine- 
dressers with  clubs,  and  there  was  a pitched  battle  in  front  of  the 
Hospital  church,  the  vine-dressers,  however,  getting  the  worst  of  it. 
They  complained  to  the  authorities,  investigations  were  made,  and 
the  delinquent  students,  punished,  as  the  protocol  states,  “as  justice 
required.”  What  the  penalty  was,  does  not  appear.  Going  to 
dances  in  this^  way  was  often  prohibited,  but  apparently  without 
much  result.  The  students  also  often  got  up  dances.  But  this 
required  the  permission  of  the  senate,  which  was  frequently  refused, 
to  the  great  disappointment  of  the  young  gentlemen. 

Dice  was  a prohibited  amusement,  the  penalties  being,  for  the 
6rst  offense  an  admonition,  for  the  second  half  a florin  fine,  for  the 
third  dismissal.  But  no  instance  is  found  of  the  latter.  Lampoons 
were  forbidden,  and  were  to  be  punished  at  the  discretion  of  the 
rector.  And  indeed,  nothing  whatever  might  be  printed  in  any 
language  or  on  any  subject,  without  the  apj)robation  of  a censorate 
consisting  of  the  rector  and  the  four  deans  of  faculty. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


405 


n.  REFORMATION  TO  RE-ESTABLISHMENT  AFTER  THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA, 

1535—1652. 

Changes  at  the  Reformation. 

Duke  Ulrich  of  Wirtemberg,  at  regaining  possession  of  his  domin- 
ions, proceeded  to  introduce  the  principles  of  the  reformation  into 
them,  and  of  course  into  the  university.  Here,  however,  he  found  a 
bitter  and  obstinate  opposition  from  some  of  the  scholastics;  although 
on  the  whole  pecuniary  considerations  seem  to  have  prevailed  so  far 
that  the  university  vailed  its  intention  of  yielding  to  the  Duke,  under 
the  decent  show  of  a request  for  a public  discussion,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  day,  on  the  new  principles ; designating  Melanchthon, 
then  in  high  reputation,  as  the  opponent  most  acceptable  to  them. 
But  the  duke,  who  had  some  reasons  for  disliking  him,  only  applied 
to  him  after  unsuccessful  negotiations  with  Osiander,  and  Grynaus, 
and  Blarer.  But  Melanchthon  refused  to  undertake  so  onerous  and 
contentious  a task,  for  the  duke  wished  him  to  reorganize  the  univer- 
sity and  set  it  in  motion  upon  the  new  principles.  The  work  was 
therefore  necessarily  done  by  others  ; and  the  institution  only  passed 
into  the  control  of  Protestant  instructors,  after  a disastrous  period  of 
some  ten  years  of  dismissions,  recusancy,  and  quarrels,  both  between 
Catholics  and  Protestants,  and  Lutheians  and  Zwinglians.  The  at- 
tendance, while  second-rate  men,  mainly  interested  in  fighting  about 
doctrines  and  appointments,  filled  the  chairs  of  instruction,  also 
nationally  decreased  very  much. 

Blarer  and  Grynaus,  the  former  a commissary  for  introducing  the 
reformation  into  Wi  i tem  berg,  and  the  latter  a theologian  of  Basle, 
were  the  authors  of  the  scheme  upon  which  the  university  was  re- 
arranged. This  scheme  was  substantially  intended  to  bring  the  course 
of  study  into  harmony  with  the  recent  progress  in  liberal  learning, 
b}/  substituting  classical  studies  for  the  ancient  scholasticism,  and  the 
new  for  the  old  theology.  It  charged  the  former  course  with  neglect 
of  the  languages,  Greek  and  Hebrew  especially,  obscurity,  as  to  the 
liberal  arts,  and  teaching  a philosophy  not  pure  and  clear,  but  unin- 
telligible to  the  young.  Thus  the  students  received  little  benefit,  and 
many  only  acquired  a disgust  for  their  studies. 

The  reformed  scheme  contemplated,  as  a means  of  improving  studies 
in  philosophy,  a consolidation  of  the  two  Bursen.^  and  the  discontinu- 
ance of  the  two  “ ways,”  in  which  these  studies  had  b|fore  been 
pursued.  But  it  was  found  necessary  to  concede  to  the  philosophical 
faculty,  that  Aristotle  might  be  studied  from  the  Latin,  with  the 
Greek  for  comparison’s  sake,  the  Greek  alone,  instead  of  being  the 
only  text,  as  at  first  proposed  by  the  reformers,  being  only  to  be 


406 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


Studied  when  some  number  of  uncommonly  capable  students  should 
be  forthcoming,  and  under  special  teachers  with  special  salaries. 

For  better  preparation  in  the  languages,  two  preparatory  schools, 
were  adjoined  to  the  university  proper ; a “Trivial  School,”  for  the 
rudiments,  and  a “ Psedagogium”  immediately  preceding  entrance  to 
the  university.  An  eminently  fit  person  was  to  be  made  “ Picdagog- 
arch,”  with  three  masters  to  assist  him ; and  they  were  principally  to 
teach  grammar  and  rhetoric;  to  read  with  their  pupils,  Teience,  Vir- 
gil, and  Cicero’s  epistles  ; to  make  them  compose  a poem  (carmen)^ 
and  an  epistle  {epistolam)  ; to  instruct  them  in  music,  both  simple 
and  figured,  and  to  sing  with  them,  sometimes  after  meals,  a motet 
or  a psalm.* 

The  university  proper,  formed  the  third  of  this  series  of  institutions, 
and  its  first  course  was  to  be  that  of  the  faculty  of  arts  (philosophi- 
cal faculty).  This  included  three  sorts  of  lectures  ; 1.  Lectiones  com- 
munes^ for  both  bachelors  and  masters,  on  Cicero  De  Officiis,  and  on 
mathematics  ; 2.  Special  lectures,  a,  for  those  studying  for  the  degree 
of  bachelor,  on  dialectics  (after  Melanchthon),  rhetoric,  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments  in  Latin,  with  the  original  texts  compared,  Greek 
grammar,  and  Lucian ; 5,  for  those  studying  for  a master’s  degree ; 
Aristotle’s  dialectics,  with  the  Greek  text  compared,  physics,  and  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  with  the  originals  compared.  3.  Free  or 
optional  lectures,  not  obligatory  ; on  Hebrew,  poetry,  and  oratory. 
The  usual  weekly  disputations  in  the  faculty  of  arts  were  continued, 
but  for  those  in  the  Burse  were  substituted  (Latin)  poems  and  letters 
composed  by  the  students,  and  exercises  in  declamation. 

In  the  faculty  of  law,  were  substituted  for  two  of  the  three 
canonists,  two  professors  who  were  to  read  on  the  customs  of  feudal 
law  [usus  feudorum),  novissima  jura  (the  novels?)  and  Greek  constitu- 
tions. The  remainder  of  that  faculty,  and  the  medical  faculty,  re- 
mained unchanged.  Except  the  introduction  of  the  comments  on  the 
Bible  with  the  comparison  of  the  originals,  in  the  faculty  of  arts,  no 
changes  were  made  in  the  course  of  theology.  The  number  of  ordin- 
ary instructors  was  fixed  at  23 ; 2 theologians,  6 jurists,  2 medical,  7 
in  arts,  1 Hebraist,  1 poet  or  orator,  and  4 in  the  Paedagogium. 

This  plan,  a year  after  its  preparation,  was  reviewed  after  consulta- 
tion with  Melanchthon  but  not  essentially  changed. 

I ^ Finances  ai  the  time  of  the  Reformation. 

The  increase  in  the  number  of  professors,  and  the  appointment  of 

*TUis  Paedagogium  lasted  until  the  Thirty  Years’  War,  when  it  fell  into  ruin,  and  was 
succeeded,  in  1655,  by  the  higlier  gymnasium  of  Stutfgard. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


407 


new  ones  with  larger  salaries,  made  an  increase  in  the  income  of  the 
university  urgently  necessary,  but  no  aid  could  be  obtained  from 
Duke  Ulrich,  except  tithes  to  the  value  of  about  434  florins  a year, 
made  up  to  600  florins  from  the  public  treasury ; an  addition  quite 
insufficient. 

The  gross  income  of  the  university  was  about  5,378  florins,  from 
which  deducting  expenses  of  management  and  incumbrances  on  some 
of  the  estates,  amounting  to  2,197  florins,  the  balance  for  the  expen- 
ses of  the  university  is  only  3,181  florins,  of  which,  (in  1540-41), 
2,493  florins  were  paid  in  salaries  to  tlie  twenty-three  teachers,* 
These  salaries  were  mostly  very  small,  a very  few  of  the  highest, 
reaching  200  florins,  the  rest  being  of  160,  140,  120,  80,  and  40 
florins.f  Those  of  the  faculty  of  arts,  except  a few,  had  at  most  80 
florins,  but  with  lodgings  rent  free,  though  they  were  required  to  live 
unmarried.  The  professors  might  also  buy  wine  and  fruit  at  low  rates 
from  the  university  stores.  They  might  not  receive  any  lecture  fee, 
except  for  private  instruction.  Perquisites  accrued  to  the  jurists,  for 
giving  opinions  on  cases  in  the  courts,  and  to  the  medical  professors 
from  their  annual  visitations  to  the  apothecaries’  shops  and  lepers  ;f 
and  in  the  faculty  of  arts,  from  promotion  fees. 

Salaries  of  instructors  were  the  only  regular  expenditures  of  the 
university  for  educational  purposes;  as  there  were  no  special  scientific 
collections  or  organizations.  Consultations  were  frequent  about  re- 
placing the  library,  burnt  in  1534,  and  the  duke  promised  books  from 
the  discontinued  monasteries  ; but  no  money  seems  to  have  been  spent 
for  the  library  either  by  the  university  or  the  government,  for  a long 
time. 

The  amounts  paid  to  the  financial  officers  were  trifling;  but  their 
traveling  expenses,  dinners  and  drinking-bouts,  (Untertrunke)^  cost 
quite  a sum.  After  the  frequent  journeys  to  collect  tithes,  for  in- 
stance, it  was  usual  to  have  an  Untertrunk.  Dinners  were  often 
made,  also,  on  occasion  of  important  transactions,  especially  at  balanc- 
ing accounts,  at  which  the  whole  senate  was  frequently  present ; 
and  the  same  at  the  half-yearly  reading  of  the  statutes,  the  election 
of  rector,  &c.,  all  at  the  expense  of  the  university.  Although  the 
whole  senate  could  be  feasted  for  a few  florins,  the  entire  amount 
thus  spent  was  quite  large. 

♦The  income  of  Wittenberg,  was,  in  1532,  4,711  thalers. 

t At  about  this  time,  Luther  had  at  Wittenberg,  300  florins.  At  Heidelberg,  in  1558,  after 
being  materially  increased,  the  salaries  of  the  theological  professors  were  from  160  to  250 
florins,  and  of  the  others,  120  to  150  florins.  Twenty  years  before,  the  celebrated  Hermann 
von  Buscheck,  but  80  florins;  Grynaus,  60  florins;  Seb.  Munster,  25  florins;  Micyllus,  60 
florins. 

t The.se  annual  visitations  were  an  official  duty  of  the  medical  professors. 


408 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


Expenses  by  way  of  honorary  gifts,  and  to  sustain  the  reputation 
of  the  university,  were  also  frequent.  If  a foreigner  of  learning  or  a 
graduate  who  had  attained  civil  or  ecclesiastical  eminence,  came  to 
Tubingen,  he  received  some  measures  of  malmsey  or  other  good  old 
wine  from  the  university  cellar,  or  an  honorary  present  in  money 
or  ’Was  invited  to  a banquet  in  the  university,  with  the  senate.f  If 
a professor’s  son  or  daughter  was  married,  a wedding  present  of  from 
2 to  4 ducats  was  made ; if  a member  of  the  university  published  a 
book  and  presented  a copy  to  the  senate,  he  received  8 or  10  thalers, 
or  if  special  honor  was  intended,  a silver  pitcher.  Thus,  while  close 
economy  was  practiced  in  salaries  and  educational  expenditures, 
quite  the  opposite  was  the  case  when  the  object  was  to  represent  the 
the  corporation,  or  to  pass  a day  of  genial  social  festivity  {hei  einem 
guten  Trunk  einen  vergnugten  Tag  zu  machen). 

EstaMishmerd  of  the  “ Theological  Foundation^ 

This  establishment,  organized  after  the  pattern  of  one  previously 
existing  at  Marburg,  was  the  most  important  benefit  which  occurred 
to  the  university  from  the  reformation  ; richly  supplied  Wirteraberg 
with  clergymen  and  teachers,  and  made  Tubingen  a leading  theolog- 
ical university. 

It  was  supported  by  annual  payments  from  the  parish  treasuries, 
according  to  their  ability.  Two  God-fearing  men,  one  from  the  citi- 
zens and  one  from  the  university,  had  charge  of  the  funds.  Each 
beneficiary  received  25  florins  a year,  of  which  18  were  reckoned  as 
the  expense  of  board.  A provost  or  steward  {Hausvater)  had  charge 
of  the  boarding  arrangements,  and  was  to  see  that  the  living  was 
decently  good.  The  necessary  corn  and  wine  were  to  be  furnished  at 
a moderate  price,  from  the  ducal  granaries  and  cellars.  The  rector, 
the  high  bailiff  of  Tubingen,  and  the  mayors  {Bur germeister')  of 
Stuttgart  and  Tubingen,  were  to  audit  the  accounts,  and  to  act  as 
general  supervisory  authority  over  the  institution  and  pupils.  Each 
beneficiary  bound  himself  to  study  only  at  the  university  of  Tubin- 
gen, and  to  labor  within  the  duchy  of  Wirtemberg. 

After  some  years  of  difficulty  arising  from  insufficient  oversight 
and  loose  habits  among  some  of  the  beneficiaries,  the  senate  of  the 
university,  at  first  unfriendly  to  the  foundation,  from  fear  of  its  trench- 
ing on  their  privileges  or  income,  consented  to  take  charge  of  it,  and 

♦ Thus  in  1605,  when  Prof.  Menzer  of  Marburg  came  to  Tiibingen,  the  rector  put  it  to  vote 
in  the  senate,  what  should  be  done  to  honor  him.  It  was  decided  to  invite  him  to  a supper 
(coenula) ; and  as  he  declined  this  in  consequence  of  a prior  invitation  from  chancellor  Haffen- 
refer,  they  sent  him  two  measures  of  malmsey  and  sugar 

t When  the  exiled  patriarch  of  Constantinople  was  visiting  Crusius  in  1600,  the  senate 
complimented  him  with  three  Hungarian  ducats. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


409 


rented  half  of  the  Burse  building,  to  which  the  pupils,  39  in  number, 
were  admitted  in  May,  1541.  Three  however  were  excluded  because 
they  were  married,  two  for  insufficient  attainments,  and  for  bad  char- 
acter. Two  masters  were  put  in  charge,  one  called  magister  domus^ 
and  acting  as  a superior  to  the  steward,  and  the  other,  called  preceptor^ 
to  conduct  the  studies.  Both  were  to  live  in  the  Burse^  ho,  present  at 
meals,  and  to  drill  (repetiren)  the  beneficiaries  on  the  lectures  an  hour 
daily.*  A beneficiary  had  6 florins  salary  for  giving  directions  to  new 
comers. 

As  to  interior  arrangements  the  stipendiaries  were  admonished 
not  to  forget  that  they  lived  on  alms.  At  rising — in  summer  at  four, 
and  in  winter  at  five — they  offered  a special  prayer  for  the  duke,  in 
consideration  of  their  benefits  from  him.  At  dinner  the  Bible  was 
read,  and  at  supper  some  historical  book ; and  after  eating  they 
might  walk,  or  indulge  in  any  proper  sports.  All  must  be  at  home 
by  eight  at  night  in  summer  and  seven  in  winter,  and  delinquents 
were  deprived  of  their  wine.  Imprisonment  in  the  career  was  in- 
flicted for  attending  dances  and  drinking-bouts.  The  ordinary  side- 
weapons  were  allowed  only  on  journeys.  The  letter  of  the  statutes 
permitted  the  younger  pupils  to  be  whipped  with  the  rod.  One, 
named  Gabler,  left  because  he  had  been  well  whipped  several  times ; 
and  another  from  fear  of  it. 

Condition  and  finances  of  the  University  after  the  introduction  of  the  Reformation. 

Little  alteration  was  made  by  the  reformation  in  the  constitution 
of  the  university.  A change  became  necessary  in  the  chancellorship. 
The  chancellor  was  originally  the  representative  of  the  Pope,  and 
one  of  his  especial  duties  was  to  sanction  in  the  Pope’s  name  the 
giving  of  academical  degrees.  Ambrosius  Widmann,  the  chancellor 
for  the  time,  had  at  the  beginning  of  the  controversy  fled  to  Roten- 
burg  to  avoid  it,  and  also  to  make  a difficulty  for  the  reformers.  A 
long  series  of  negotiations  followed,  but  without  inducing  the  obstinate 
Romanist  either  to  resume  his  functions  or  to  delegate  them ; during 
w’hich  either  no  degrees  could  be  given,  or  those  actually  conferred  were 
not  recognized  by  other  universities ; and  when  valid  ones  were  once 
more  conferred,  they  were  sanctioned  no  longer  apostoUca  auctoritate, 
but  in  the  name  of  the  state;  auctoritate  puhlica  et  ordinaria ; the 
civil  government,  by  an  application  of  the  reformed  principles,  taking 
the  place  of  the  Romish  See  as  supreme  authority. 

It  also  followed  on  the  same  principles  as  applied  to  the  university^ 
that  it  ceased  to  be  an  ecclesiastical  corporation,  and  had  to  be  reor- 

* This  was  substantially  the  same  duty  as  that  of  the  present  French  repititeur. — Trans. 


410 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


ganized  as  a secular  one,  the  government  assuming  an  increased  share 
in  its  regulation  and  internal  management.  Thus,  the  duke  now- 
approved  the  choice  of  theological  professors,  as  having  the  right  to 
appoint  them  to  their  canonries  &c. ; a ducal  ordinance  designated 
adherents  of  the  Augsburg  Confession  and  persons  of  experience  in 
church  matters  in  Wirtemberg,  as  the  only  ones  from  whom  to  chose 
them,  &c.,  &c. 

The  disqualifications  and  disadvantages  of  the  faculty  of  arts  were 
under  the  new  regime  gradually  to  some  extent  removed. 

An  important  part  of  the  constitution  of  the  university  consisted 
in  the  privileges  of  its  officers,  such  as  an  independent  legal  jurisdic- 
tion, freedom  from  tolls  and  taxes,  independent  control  of  the  univer- 
sity property,  <fec.  There  were  some  other  minor  privileges,  not  found 
mentioned  until  after  the  reformation.  Thus  the  professors  might 
retail  a certain  quantity  of  wine.  When  this  privilege  was  granted 
is  unknown ; but  it  existed  and  was  ordinarily  exercised,  and  occa- 
sioned sundry  controversies  with  the  town.  It  was  at  last  agreed,  in 
1541,  that  each  university  official  might  bring  into  the  town,  free  of 
toll,  what  wine  he  needed  for  household  use,  also  what  grew  on  his  own 
property,  and  if  he  kept  house,  thirty  casks  more  per  annum,  to  sell 
at  wholesale  or  by  the  glass.  The  town  government  frequently  com- 
plained that  this  permission  was  abused  by  the  introduction  of  an 
excessive  quantity  on  pretence  of  storing  it  up,  <fec. 

The  privileges  of  the  university  officials  as  to  the  acquisition  of 
real  estate  were  also  diminished,  by  an  ordinance  of  1545,  permitting 
each,  besides  what  he  might  receive  by  inheritance  or  marriage,  to 
own  a house  and  barn,  and  if  a professor,  300  florins’  worth,  and  if 
any  other  official,  200  florins’  worth  of  lands.  The  higher  limit  was 
afterward  raised  to  400  florins.  Each  official  was  also  allowed  pasture 
for  two  cows  and  two  goats. 

The  special  privileges  of  the  senate  as  to  inheritance  led  to  a long 
and  angry  controversy  between  that  body  and  Duke  Frederic  I.,  aris- 
ing from  his  promulgation  of  a new  code  whose  application  to  the 
university  was  resisted.  They  were,  however,  at  last  obliged  to  con- 
form to  the  law  of  the  land. 

Under  Duke  Frederic,  the  university  received  a new  set  of  ordi- 
nances, and  new  faculty  statutes,  but  with  no  essential  change.  Among 
the  more  prominent,  were  a requirement  that  all  the  teachers  of  the 
university  should  subscribe  to  the  ^'‘Formula  Concordioe^^  and  the  ap- 
pointment of  a regular  commission  for  visiting  the  university ; a 
mark  of  the  increasing  control  of  the  government,  and  first  introduced 
at  the  reformation. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


411 


The  ordinance  of  1601,  gave  the  senate  privilege  of  censorship 
The  printers  were  forbidden  to  print  any  theological  tract  or  contro- 
versial writing,  until  it  had  been  passed  upon  by  the  senate.  Disputa- 
tions, orations,  and  wedding  or  funeral  sermons,  were  to  be  submitted 
to  the  chancellor,  or  to  the  dean  of  the  theological  faculty.  The 
other  faculties  decided  upon  publications  within  their  respective  de- 
partments, or  if  thought  necessary,  referred  to  the  members  of  the  visita- 
torial commission.  Nothing  might  be  reprinted  without  the  knowledge 
and  consent  of  the  former  printer,  or  the  permission  of  the  senate. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  salaries  of  the  pro- 
fessors were  much  enlarged,  although  the  property  of  the  university 
did  not  increase.  Thus,  Frischlin,  while  not  yet  ordinary  professor, 
received,  in  1575,  174  florins.  Various  additions  were  given,  also,  in 
kind.  Thus  medical  professor  Mogling,  in  1616,  received  210  florins 
salary,  26  florins  senatorial  allowance,  15  florins  allowance  for  rent, 
12  florins  wood  money,  32  bushels  spelt,  4 bushels  oats,  and  six  casks 
{Elmer)  of  wine.  In  the  next  year,  the  income  of  the  university  was 
15,886  florins  in  money,  6,000  bushels  spelt,  600  casks  [Eimer)  of 
wine,  and  a large  amount  of  other  produce;  the  expenditure  12,000 
florins.  This  increase  resulted  from  improvements  in  the  property, 
and  the  rise  in  the  price  of  produce. 

Great  carelessness  and  peculation  often  prevailed  among  the  finan- 
cial and  other  officers,  and  occasioned  many  severe  reprimands  from 
the  visiting  commission.  Thus,  five  per  cent,  was  the  usual  deficit  of 
the  income  payable  in  corn,  and  often  more.  Great  quantities  of 
wine  were  also  embezzled.  The  coopers,  (fee.,  drank  without  limit, 
and  much  was  taken  on  pretence  of  filling  up  casks.  In  500  casks, 
a deficiency  of  eighteen  was  thus  found.  The  rector,  chancellor,  four 
deputies  and  syndic,  each  used  to  take  two  measures  from  each  wagon- 
load as  it  was  brought  in  ; which,  to  save  appearances,  they  commonly 
drew  in  the  cellar  after  storage,  and  rather  more  than  their  share. 
Any  remainder  after  distribution  to  the  various  officers  of  their  shares, 
&c.,  was  not  stored  or  sold  and  the  proceeds  invested,  but  divided 
among  the  senate,  and  various  other  impositions  of  the  same  kind 
were  practiced,  by  embezzlement,  bribery,  <kc.,  both  in  the  grain  and 
wine  department,  and  upon  the  cash  in  the  university  treasury. 

The  Thirty  Years’  War,  seriously  decreased  the  property  and  in- 
creased the  debts  of  the  university;  and  we  find  the  expenses  estima- 
ted in  1652,  at  7,800  florins  cash,  1,400  bushels  spelt,  140  bushels 
rye,  450  bushels  oats,  and  200  casks  wine. 

Literary  Condition  after  the  Reformation. 

The  theological  faculty  soon  recovered  from  the  dubious  condition 


412 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


into  which  it  fell  at  the  introduction  of  the  reformation,  and  rose  to 
a position  of  great  influence  in  the  theological  controversies  of  the 
period.  Beurlin,  Heerbrand,  Jacob  Andrea  and  Stephan  Gerhich 
gained  great  renown  in  the  army  of  Protestant  orthodoxy.  It  is 
true  that  they  failed  to  win  permanent  reputations,  because  they 
neither  established  any  new  principle,  nor  any  peculiar  modification 
of  the  Protestant  system.  They  were  only  close  followers  of  the 
scholasticism  of  Lutheran  orthodoxy ; but  they  acquired  great  influ- 
ence in  the  church,  by  vindicating  their  belief  against  any  real  or 
fancied  variations,  with  vigorous  and  unwearied  polemic  efforts.  In 
most  of  the  theological  controversies,  conferences  and  attempts  at 
union,  of  the  second  half  of  the  16th  century,  we  find  Tubingen 
theologians  in  the  first  ranks  of  the  combatants.  Jacob  Andrea,  one 
of  the  most  influential  Protestant  theologians  of  his  day,  especially 
distinguished  himself  by  energetic  labors  and  travels  throughout 
Germany,  by  means  of  which  he  succeeded  in  gaining  the  assent  of 
a majority  of  the  German  princes  and  theologians  to  the  '■'‘Formula 
ConcordiaeP  This  creed,  adopted  in  1581  by  three  electors  and 
twenty-one  princes,  became  the  rule  of  faith  for  the  church  of  Wir- 
temberg,  and  was  required  to  be  subscribed  not  only  by  all  holders 
of  offices  in  the  church,  but  by  all  the  professors  of  the  university. 

These  and  the  other  Lutheran  champions  made  Tubingen  a chief 
arsenal  of  the  militant  Lutheran  orthodoxy,  which  prevailed  in  Wir- 
temberg  with  so  much  exclusiveness  that  it  was  not  inappropriately 
termed  “ the  Lutheran  Spain.”  The  university  requirement  of  strict 
orthodoxy  was  extended  even  to  the  students.  A visitatorial  rescript 
of  1584  complains  that  there  are  many  foreign  students  wdio  pri- 
vately and  publicly  advocate  Calvinism  ; which  causes  many  parents 
to  be  troubled  lest  their  sons  should  be  perverted  from  the  true  faith  ; 
and  therefore  requires  a watchful  eye  to  be  kept  upon  these,  and  the 
proper  means  of  correction  used,  or  that  if  obstinate  and  irreclaim- 
able they  be  dismissed ; as  the  duke  will  not  endure  Calvinism  or 
any  other  harmful  error  at  the  university.  In  1593  and  afterward? 
the  theological  faculty  were  required,  after  the  Frankfort  fair,  to  ex- 
amine the  book-stores,  lest  any  sectarian  books  may  have  crept  in, 
and  Calvinistic  ones  especially,  as  those  of  Calvin,  Beza,  Pezelius, 
Aretius  and  Piscator. 

The  juridical  faculty  was  not  so  prosperous  during  this  period,  which 
was  indeed  not  a flourishing  one  for  the  study  of  law  in  Germany, 
although  in  France  illuminated  by  the  fame  of  Cujacius.  Several  of 
the  jurists  of  Tubingen,  as  Nicolaus  Varnbiiler,  Mathaeus  Enslin, 
Christoph  Besold,  were  men  of  some  eminence  both  in  the  university 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


413 


and  in  the  state ; but  their  mode  of  instruction  was  a frequent  sub- 
ject of  reproof  from  the  visitatorial  commission,  for  difluseness  and 
prolixity  of  lectures,  omission  of  the  prescribed  disputations  by  the 
students,  and  their  neglect  of  juridical  studies  for  political  ones. 
Professor  Johannes  Ilalbritter,  for  instance,  was  found  fault  with  for 
occupying  two  whole  years  with  his  course  on  the  two  first  books  of 
the  institutions ; and  ordered  to  get  through  the  whole  work  in  two 
years.  He  remonstrated,  saying  that  at  least  three  were  necessary, 
but  some  years  after  we  find  only  one  year  allowed  for  the  course  on 
the  Institutions. 

Similar  complaints  that  the  students  neglected  jurisprudence  for 
studium 'politic arrC'  were  made,  from  1605  to  1609.  This  term  in- 
cluded subjects  of  national  finance,  civil  and  ecclesiastical  adminis- 
tration, proceedings  against  heretics,  &c.  The  modern  authors  used 
on  these  subjects  were  especially  Justus  Lipsius,  Bodin,  de  Thou,  and 
^neas  Sylvius,  and  the  pei’iod  of  history  searched  for  materials  was 
that  of  the  Roman  and  German  empires.  Of  Macchiavelli,  the 
chief  politician  of  the  time,  few  traces  appear. 

Disputations  on  theses  from  the  portions  of  law  under  consideration 
were  contrived,  for  the  sake  of  relieving  somewhat  the  dryness  of  the 
study,  and  the  professors  were  exhorted  to  make  them  acquainted 
with  its  practical  applications,  by  proposing  cases  for  their  decision, 
and  conversing  on  them. 

The  medical  faculty  fills  quite  a subordinate  place  during  the  same 
period ; and  they  confined  their  instructions  to  expositions  of  Galen 
and  Hippocrates.  The  extent  of  their  independent  investigations  of 
nature  may  be  judged  by  the  fact  that,  in  1588,  the  faculty,  on  being 
admonished  by  the  visiting  commission  to  institute  anatomical  lec- 
tures, replied  that  they  would  have  such  holden  as  often  as  they 
could  procure  a cadaver.  This  was  difficult,  as  no  law  provided  for 
procuring  any,  and  the  students,  if  they  desired  to  have  a dis- 
section, had  to  contribute  money  to  procure  a corpse  from  some 
executioner. 

There  was  no  botanic  garden.  Leonard  Fuchs  appears  to  have 
had  a private  one,  but  no  trace  of  any  appears  afterw^ard.  For  study- 
ing botany,  apparently  the  favorite  natural  science,  the  professors 
were  directed  to  take  the  students  into  the  fields  and  show  them  the 
herbs  and  simples. 

It  is  a significant  index  to  the  condition  of  medical  science  at  the 
period,  that  various  professors  shifted  from  the  philosophical  to  the 
medical  faculty,  and  vice  versa.  In  fact,  medicine  was  in  theory  only 
physics  and  metaphysics,  as  exegesis  a philology  of  Galen  and  Hip- 


414 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


pocrates,  and  as  practice  no  application  of  any  theory  at  all,  but  mere 
incoherent  quackery. 

During  this  period  the  faculty  of  arts  or  philosophical  faculty  re- 
mained in  a quite  subordinate  relation  to  the  other  faculties ; a position 
which  could  not  but  influence  its  prosperity. 

A detailed  course  of  study  was  prescribed  for  this  faculty  in  1557, 
by  which  the  first  class  of  the  Paedagogium  was  to  study  Melanch- 
thon’s  Grammar,  Cicero  De  Amicitia^  Virgil’s  Bucolics,  with  industrious 
study  of  prosody,  and  reading  and  explanation  of  Terence ; and  in 
Greek,  every  day  half  an  hour  of  grammar,  and  half  an  hour  of 
Xenophon.  For  the  second  class,  are  prescribed  Cicero  I)e  Ojfficiis, 
and  his  orations  and  letters  ; and  Linacer  is  recommended  as  the  best 
grammar.  The  Greek  grammar  and  Xenophon  are  continued.  The 
third  class  is  to  study  Melanchthon’s  Dialectics  and  Rhetoric,  Cicero’s 
Orations  and  Letters,  and  in  Greek  the  Philippics  of  Demosthenes  and 
Xenophon’s  Cyclopaedia;  and  the  fourth,  Aristotle’s  Organon,  Rheto- 
ric, and  Partitiones  Oratorias^  Cicero’s  Orations,  and  mathematics. 
All  the  classes  were  also  to  write  on  given  subjects  weekly,  and  ex- 
amined and  drilled  on  Saturdays  in  Ciceronian  phrases. 

For  the  university  lectures  proper,  in  arts,  were  recommended  “ the 
most  celebrated  and  excellent  authors,  such  as  Homer,  Hesiod,  Euri- 
pides, Sophocles,  Demosthenes,  Plutarch  and  Xenophon.”  No  par- 
ticular authors  are  named  for  Latin,  which  seems  to  have  been  finish- 
ed in  the  Paedagogium.  Melchior  Volmar,  however,  lectured  on  that 
language  daily.  Hebrew  was  taught  alternately  in  this  and  the 
theological  faculty. 

Besides  the  languages,  lectures  were  delivered  in  the  faculty  of 
arts  on  the  following  subjects : dialectics,  rhetoric,  the  ethics,  physics 
and  organon  of  Aristotle,  geometry,  arithmetic,  spherics,  and  theoria 
planetarum.  In  music,  an  instructor  from  Nuremberg  was  invited, 
who  was  to  lecture  and  drill  the  students,  under  the  regulations  of  the 
faculty.  History  was  not  a distinct  study,  but  was  only  a collateral 
department  of  the  professor  of  litterce  elegantiores  or  of  rhetoric. 

The  studies  in  this  faculty  were  feebly  taught,  and  its  internal  ad- 
ministration confused  and  disturbed.  Complaints  were  made  at  dif- 
ferent times  from  1560  to  1630,  that  the  instruction  in  Aristotle’s 
Dialectics  and  Organon  was  inefficient;  that  the  lectiones  classicce 
were  taught  exiguo  fructu^  SLX\d  with  too  wire-drawn  expositions,  more 
than  six  months,  for  instance,  being  used  on  one  book  of  Homer ; 
that  the  exercises  in  style  were  not  thoroughly  taught,  and  that  the 
historical  lectures  went  on  sleepily ; that  the  instruction  at  lectures, 
disputations  and  declamations,  covered  too  much  ground,  and  was 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


415 


wearisome;  tlbat  the  ethical  and  political  portions  of  the  old  writers 
were  taught,  to  the  exclusion  of  Latin  and  its  elegances;  that  a 
contempt  for  logic  prevailed,  and  that  its  true  use  was  not  taught,  but 
metaphysics  and  real  knowledge  confused  together. 

Special  institutions  connected  with  the  University. 

The  theological  Stipendium''’  or  foundation,  during  the  present 
period,  became  a prosperous  and  important  institution.  Its  purposes 
were  especially  promoted  by  Duke  Christopher’s  organization  of 
many  of  the  sequestered  convents  into  preparatory  schools  for  theolo- 
gical study.  These  schools  received  boys  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  years 
old,  and  taught  them  for  three  years,  when  if  fitted  they  entered  the 
Stipendium  at  Tubingen.  In  these  schools  there  were  two  teachers, 
one  for  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  and  the  other  for  rhetoric  and 
dialectics.  Especial  attention  was  paid  to  Greek  and  Hebrew. 

The  theological  foundation  was  reorganized  in  1557,  with  some 
changes.  With  it  were  also  connected  the  foundation  of  Michael 
Tyffernus,  for  four  sons  of  poor  and  pious  parents,  whether  natives  of 
Wirtemberg  or  not,  desiring  to  study  theology  in  Tubingen,  and  that 
of  Count  George  von  Mompelgard  for  ten  beneficiaries  from  Mompel- 
gard,  Reichenweiher  and  Horburg.  Among  the  students  of  the 
theological  foundation  at  this  period,  were  Egidius  Hunnius,  the  Wit- 
tenberg theologian,  and  Johann  Kepler,  the  astronomer. 

Much  disorder  and  rebellious  conduct  prevailed  at  various  times 
among  the  students  on  the  foundation  ; but  the  Thirty  Years’  War, 
by  crippling  its  income,  cured  all  these  difficulties  by  almost  extin- 
guishing the  Stipendium  itself.  As  prosperity  returned,  however, 
after  1648,  the  disorders  came  back  with  it. 

An  organization  intended  by  Duke  Christopher  to  do  for  the  State 
nearly  what  the  Stipendium  was  to  do  for  the  church,  was  the  Colle- 
gium illustre,  established  by  him  in  1559,  to  educate  sons  of  Wir- 
temberg noblemen  from  their  ninth  to  fifteenth  year,  appropriating  20 
florins  a year  to  each.  If  hopeful  pupils,  they  were  then  to  receive 
40  florins  a year  until  the  age  of  twenty,  as  students  in  the  university, 
with  free  lodgings ; and  then  ten  of  the  best  each  year  received  100 
florins  a year  for  three  or  four  years  to  be  expended  in  travel- 
ing for  their  improvement.  They  were  bound  to  enter  the  duke’s 
service  if  required,  and  he  was  to  select  his  councillors  and  high 
officers  from  among  them. 

But  Duke  Christopher’s  son  and  successor,  Duke  Ludwig,  entirely 
broke  up  this  scheme,  and  transformed  the  Collegium  Illustre  into  a 
mere  independent,  aristocratic  school  of  proud,  idle  and  debauched 


416 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


young  noblemen,  as  well  from  Wirtemberg,  as  elsewhere,  who  instead 
of  the  regular  university  course,  pretended  to  debate  questions  of  polity, 
finance,  economy  and  government,  but  were  ringleaders  in  all  the 
iniquities  of  the  students,  and  a pest  to  the  university.  Both  the  in- 
structors and  pupils  were  quite  independent  of  the  university  jurisdic- 
tion ; a sufficiently  ill-judged  arrangement.  The  greatest  prosperity  of 
the  Collegium  Illustre^  was  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
In  1599,  its  students  included  eleven  princes  and  sixty  noblemen;  in 
1606,  nine  princes,  five  counts,  and  fifty-one  other  nobles.  In  all, 
thirty-six  reigning  princes  pursued  their  studies  there.  The  Thirty 
Years’  War  rendered  it  necessary  to  close  the  Collegium^  which  was 
afterward  re-opened,  but  never  regained  its  former  prosperity. 

Besides  these  two  ducal  foundations  there  were  various  private  en- 
dowments, for  furnishing  lodging  and  board  to  their  beneficiaries. 
Such  was  the  Martinianum,  founded  in  1514,  by  Martin  Plantsch, 
theological  professor,  and  George  Hartsesser,  dean  in  Stuttgard,  to 
supply  eighteen  students  with  board  and  lodging,  in  a house  occupied 
for  the  purpose.  It  was  for  poor  young  men  of  good  talents  and 
character.  During  the  sixteenth  century  were  founded  various 
family  endowments,  for  some  seven  or  eight  additional  students  to  be 
accommodated  in  the  Martinianum  ; namely,  the  Farner,  Lemp, 
Gockel,  Mendlin,  Vogler  and  Pfluger  foundations;  and  in  the  follow- 
ing century,  those  of  Laubmaier,  Dracb,  Ilallberger,  Dempsel,  and 
Ziegler.  The  most  important  gift  of  this  kind,  was  that  of  Criminal 
Procurator  J.  M.  Fickler,  of  9,000  florins,  invested  to  support  nine 
beneficiaries  of  the  founder’s  family,  in  a separate  house. 

The  Hochmannianum^  founded  in  1603  by  J.  Hochmann,  professor 
of  canon  law,  was  another  similar  foundation.  Another,  and  a quite 
important  establishment,  was  the  endowment  of  professor  Grernp  von 
Freudenstein,  established  by  his  sons-in-law  after  his  death  in  pursu- 
ance of  his  wishes  (he  left  no  sons) ; for  the  descendants  of  himself, 
his  brother  Dionysius  Gremp,  and  his  cousin,  Hans  Conrad  Gremp, 
councillor  to  the  Margrave  of  Baden.  This  was  endowed  with  20,- 
000  florins,  and  was  to  educate  the  beneficiaries  in  all  desirable  studies, 
up  to  their  twenty-fourth  year.  A foundation  library  was  also  provi- 
ded for.  The  allotments  from  this  fund  were,  at  first,  fixed  at  60 
florins  a year,  from  10  to  16  years;  during  the  philosophical  course 
at  Tubingen  70  florins,  in  the  other  courses  80  florins.,  and  at  other 
universities  120  florins.  This  endowment  grew  important  in  the 
course  of  time,  and  some  of  the  families  entitled  becoming  extinct, 
and  others  remaining  small,  the  capital,  notwithstanding  losses  in 
war,  in  1823,  was  175,000  florins,  and  in  1849,  230,000  florins; 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


417 


from  which  each  member  of  the  families  of  Gremp  von  Freudeiislein 
and  Leutrum-Ertingen  is  entitled  to  receive  during  a course  of  ed- 
ucation of  eighteen  years,  9,600  florins. 

The  sum  set  apart  to  increase  the  Greinp  Library  was  fixed,  in  1804, 
at  200  florins  annually.  The  books  may  be  used  by  the  foundationers, 
by  the  university  instructors,  and,  on  permission  of  the  administrator, 
by  others  also. 

2Iorals  and  Manners^  Reformation  to  Thirty  War, 

The  condition  of  morals  and  manners  at  the  university  during  this 
period,  was  almost  inconceivably  debauched  and  brutal.  Street  fights 
between  students  and  citizens,  with  stones,  swords,  halberds  and  lan- 
ces, the  most  excessive  orgies  of  drunkenness,  organized  rebellions  by 
the  students,  murders,  stabbings,  the  grossest  licentiousness,  befoul 
the  pages  of  the  university  history  to  an  inconceivable  degree.  Duel- 
ing however  seems  to  have  been  scarcely  practiced  until  after  the 
Thirty  Years’  War.  Too  many  of  the  professors  were  involved  in 
similar  vices.  They  did  not  mingle  in  the  students’  drunken-bouts, 
street  fights  and  nocturnal  riots,  but  were  sometimes  almost  openly 
licentious,  very  commonly  addicted  to  the  excessive  use  of  wine,  and 
often  permitted  the  most  disgraceful  disorders  to  creep  into  their  own 
families,  invoking  the  aid  of  the  senate  to  constrain  a scolding  wife,  or  a 
rebellious  child, or  to  enforce  reparation  for  the  lost  honor  of  a daughter. 

A corresponding  looseness  and  extravagance  naturally  prevailed 
in  eating,  and  in  dress ; on  which  subjects  frequent  regulations  were 
made,  but  to  little  purpose.  Wine  was  remarkably  cheap  at  Tubin- 
gen, but  every  thing  else  very  dear ; so  that  a student’s  total  expenses 
seem  to  have  been,  for  instance,  quite  double  what  they  were  at 
Marburg. 

Some  traces  of  the  organizations  called  “ Nations”  and  ^'‘Lands- 
monnschaften''  appear,  but  no  details.  The  practice  of  pennalism 
seems  not  to  have  been  so  extremely  abused  here,  as  at  most  other 
universities. 

The  first  actual  contact  of  the  university  with  the  Thirty  Years’ 
War,  was  in  May,  1631,  when  a report  was  brought  in  that  six  hun- 
dred musketeers  were  on  the  march  to  rob  the  convent.  There  was 
great  fright,  money  and  jewels  were  hidden,  and  the  university  plate 
sent  to  the  syndic’s  house;  but  the  alarm  proved  false.  But  during 
the  July  then  following,  a detachment  of  the  imperial  army  was 
quartered  in  Tubingen,  and  from  that  time  until  the  peace  of  West- 
phalia, the  university  was  oppressed  with  unrelenting  extortions  in 
the  name  of  contributions,  both  bv  Swedes  and  imperialists,  ehiefl}’  the 


418 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


latter,  however,  who  squeezed  the  unfortunate  institution  with  a special 
delight  on  account  of  its  notorious  and  rampant  and  not  very  tolerant 
advocacy  of  a stiff  Protestantism.  Important  portions  of  its  estates 
were  also  sequestered,  it  was  forced  to  admit  a Catholic  to  the 
deanship  of  St.  George,  and  was  plagued  with  public  discussions 
by  Jesuits,  who  strove  zealously,  under  imperialist  protection,  to 
reestablish  Catholicism  in  the  “ Lutheran  Spain.”  These  impositions 
almost  destroyed  the  university,  and  almost  starved  its  instructors, 
who  lost  either  most  or  all  of  their  incomes  for  the  time  being. 

Ill,  FROM  1652  TO  THE  ACCESSION  OF  DUKE  CHARLES,  1737. 

Literary  Condition. 

The  Thirty  Years’  War  inflicted  great  injury  upon  the  university. 
Sickness  and  trouble  destroyed  many  of  the  professors,  fourteen  dying 
from  1634  to  1638.  The  number  of  students  decreased  proportion- 
ally, the  young  men  being  employed  in  military  service,  and  those 
who  grew  up  in  their  places  not  acquiring  any  taste  for  literature;  so 
that  it  was  not  necessary  to  fill  the  vacant  chairs.  The  professors  who 
remained  were  impoverished  by  the  excessive  contributions  levied, 
and  their  means  of  pursuing  their  studies  thus  lessened.  Many  of 
them  had  also  become  corrupt  in  morals;  for  at  the  first  visitation 
after  the  war,  we  find  complaint  made  that  the  professors  were  in  the 
habit  of  spending  whole  nights  in  the  “university  house,”  or  at  the 
beadle’s,  gaming,  drinking,  and  rioting. 

The  university  seemed  in  danger  of  entire  ruin  ; but  not  only  sur- 
vived, but  rose  to  increased  eminence.  Duke  Eberhard  III.,  and  his 
councilor,  Nicolaus  Myler  von  Ebrenbach,  were  efficient  patrons  of  it, 
and  gradually  its  vacant  professorships  were  filled,  the  salaries  newly 
regulated,  and  the  different  foundations  reorganized. 

Theology  was  during  this  period,  as  well  as  the  previous  one,  a 
science  of  controversy ; and  proficiency  in  it  was  measured  not 
so  much  by  profound  investigation  and  broad  comprehension,  as  by 
skill  in  polemics.  Among  the  most  eminent  of  the  Tubingen  theolo- 
gians during  this  period  were,  Tobias  Wagner  and  J.  A.  Osiander; 
as  well  as  Wolflin,  Haberlin,  Raith,  Keller,  and  Foertsch.  Of  these, 
Wagner  held  the  place  of  professor  controversiarum  ; and  it  was  his 
duty  to  go  through  all  the  current  points  in  controversy,  and  after 
stating  the  opposite  arguments,  to  give  a written  decision  of  them. 

In  1700,  the  theological  studies  were  laid  out  on  the  following 
plan  ; the  professor  controversiarumwdi^  every  year  to  refute  some  one 
class  of  adversaries;  the  professor  theologiee  theticoe.,  to  go  at  least 
once  a year  through  the  compendium  of  theology  (that  of  J.  W. 


UNIVGRSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


419 


Jager,  was  then  in  use),  and  examine  his  auditors  upon  its  contents; 
the  dean  was  to  read  each  year  upon  one  of  the  books  of  the  Old 
Testament;  the  professor  of  the  New  Testament,  each  year  on  one  at 
least  of  the  Gospels,  some  practical  lectures  {collegioB  practica)  were 
also  to  be  given,  to  instruct  the  students  in  an  edifying  style  of  preach- 
ing, and  in  an  easy  mode  of  catechising.  Professor  of  morals  Hoch- 
stetter,  and  magister  domus  Hiller,  were  to  have  charge  of  this  de- 
partment, and  to  lecture  on  any  Saturday’s  when  the  ordinary  pro- 
fessor was  prevented  by  preaching  or  confession. 

The  inaugural  oration  of  the  chancellor  C.  M.  Pfaft’  in  1720, 
affords  a view  of  the  general  character  of  theological  studies  in  the 
first  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century.  He  complains  bitterly  that 
the  theological  students  busy  themselves  exclusively  with  the  bread- 
earning part  of  their  studies,  without  acquiring  any  sufficient  prepara- 
tion in  philosophy  and  philology,  and  without  any  deep  practical 
knowledge  of  divine  truth;  and  that  the  consequence  is  a dry  and 
unedifying  character  of  pulpit  speaking,  a purely  theoretic  theology, 
and  the  entire  devotion  of  their  zeal  and  energy  to  the  persecution  of 
those  who  vary  in  the  least  from  the  precise  standard  of  orthodoxy, 
with  the  view  of  proving  them  hetrodox  or  heretic,  indifferentist  or 
syncretist,  when  they  scarcely  know  themselves  what  indifferentism 
and  syncretism  are. 

Besides  the  theologians  above  named,  should  also  be  mentioned  J. 
C.  Pfaff,  father  of  the  chancellor,  J.  W.  Frommann,  G.  Hoffmann,  and 
C.  E.  Weismann.  Chancellor  Pfaff  was  the  most  eminent  of  them, 
and  had  a European  reputation. 

The  predominance  and  character  of  the  theological  studies  of  this 
period  threw  the  philosophical  faculty  quite  into  the  background.  Its 
studies  were  regarded  as  little  more  than  preparatory  to  the  theologi- 
cal course.  Very  many  studies  which  should  supply  the  various  parts 
of  a general  liberal  culture,  such  as  philology,  history,  ethics,  languages, 
mathematics,  &c.,  were,  for  the  most  part,  carelessly  or  superficially 
taught  and  studied. 

But  the  faculty,  richest  in  distinguished  teachers  during  this  period, 
was  the  juridical.  The  most  eminent  of  these  was  Wolfgang  Adam 
Lauterbach,  one  of  the  greatest  jurists  of  his  time,  a favorite  instructor, 
and  the  author  of  the  ^'■Collegium  Pandectarum''  published  after  his 
death,  and  long  in  great  repute.  Others  were  Erich  Mauritius,  F.  C. 
Harpprecht,  Schweder,  Scheffern,  and  Schopff. 

The  high  teputation  of  the  Tubingen  jurists  however  occasioned 
them  to  be  so  much  occupied  in  consultations  and  drafting  opinions 
on  questions  of  legal  practice,  that  their  lectures  were  negligently 


420 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


prepared,  and  their  students,  in  consequence,  fell  into  very  irregular 
habits,  being  also  much  corrupted  by  the  debauched  example  of  the 
young  nobles  of  the  Collegium  Illustre. 

The  medical  faculty  was  in  a wretched  condition,  consisting  for  a 
time  only  of  Johann  Gerhard,  much  employed  as  a practitioner,  but 
of  little  eminence  as  a man  of  science,  and  Samuel  HafFenreffer,  now 
an  aged  man,  of  whose  instructions  nothing  is  known.  There  was 
neither  a school  of  anatomy  with  a supply  of  bodies  for  dissection,  a 
botanic  garden,  nor  a hospital.  After  a long  resistance  from  the 
professors,  who  wished  to  use  the  space  for  a pleasure  ground,  a bo- 
tanic garden  was  laid  out,  but  even  then  was  not  completed  for 
twenty  years.  Even  so  late  as  1725,  it  was  thought  remarkable  that 
Prof.  J.  G.  Gmelin,  then  a student  at  Tubingen,  had  been  able  to  be 
present  at  the  dissection  of  two  corpses.  During  the  latter  portion 
of  this  period,  however,  this  faculty  rose  to  a somewhat  higher  ce- 
lebrity, by  the  exertions  of  some  eminent  professors,  G.  B.  Mezger, 
E.  R.  Cammerer,  B.  D.  Mauchart,  Alexander  Cammerer,  J.  Zeller,  &c. 

Special  Institutions. 

1.  Collegium  Illustre. — This  institution,  which  was  quite  closed  dur- 
ing the  war,  was  afterwards  reopened,  but  was  attended  by  a de- 
creased number  of  princes  and  noblemen  from  abroad.  The  man- 
agement of  the  institution  was  now  somewhat  less  disconnected  from 
that  of  the  university,  the  chairs  of  instruction  being  sometimes  filled 
by  professors ; and  the  senate  in  one  case  at  least  formally  protested 
against  an  appointment  in  the  Collegium  of  one  Lang,  an  enemy  to 
the’  university.  The  salaries  of  instructors  here  were  however  much 
smaller  than  those  of  ordinary  professors. 

2.  Evangelical  Stipendium. — This  institution  increased  after  the 
peace  so  rapidly  that  it  became  necessary  to  enlarge  the  building. 
In  1667  it  contained  213  persons  in  all,  of  whom  seven  were  “ repe- 
tents,”  188  students,  five  proselytes,  twelve  officials  and  famule,  (students 
paying  their  expenses  by  menial  services,)  and  the  magisier  domus. 
The  proselytes  were  refugee  monks;  but  were  mostly  worthless 
fellows. 

The  institution  suffered  a temporary  inconvenience  in  consequence 
of  the  French  invasion  in  1688,  but  only  for  a short  time.  In  1704, 
a separate  statute  book  was  drawn  up  for  the  Stipendium^  of  the 
same  general  character  with  the  university  code,  and  containing 
many  stringent  regulations  as  to  studies  and  deportment.  The  im- 
mediate charge  of  the  students  was  intrusted  to  the  repetents,  who 
were  chosen  no  longer  from  among  the  masters  who  were  still  pursu- 
ing their  studies,  but  from  those  who  had  completed  them,  and  who 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN, 


421 


vere  eminent  not  only  for  attainments  in  learning,  but  for  prudence 
and  good  character.  They  were  to  watch  over  the  general  condition 
of  the  Stipendium  and  to  report  on  it,  and  to  hold  a repetition  at  least 
once  in  eight  days,  in  theology  and  philosophy,  on  the  basis  of  the 
authors  used  in  the  lectures. 

There  were  many  regulations  for  maintaining  good  conduct  and 
morals,  such  as  the  prohibition  of  drunkenness,  gaming,  dancing, 
smoking  and  licentiousness.  All  unnecessary  luxury  in  dress  is  for- 
bidden, such  as  silk  waistcoats,  red  and  blue  hose,  &c.  A wig  was 
allowable  only  when  the  physician  prescribed  it.  At  table  all  must 
wear  a cowl  ; a relic  of  monkery  which  was  not  agreeable  to  the 
students,  and  maintained  for  the  sake  of  preserving  something  of  the 
conventual  discipline.  Many  other  regulations  were  made  on  very 
insignificant  points,  rather  for  the  sake  of  keeping  up  the  same  obso- 
lete order  of  things  than  for  any  especial  moral  influence. 

3.  Private  foundations. — No  particular  change  took  place  in  these 
during  this  period.  The  Martinianum  and  the  Fickler  foundation 
together  occupied  a new  building. 

Morals  and  Manners. 

The  moral  condition  of  the  students  would  naturally  be  somewhat 
unsatisfactory,  as  they  had  grown  up  under  the  unfavorable  influence 
of  the  Thirty  Years’  War.  But  the  visiting  commissioners  found  it 
necessary  in  1652,  to  administer  to  the  professors  also  a reproof  for 
their  frequent  debaucheries  and  gaming  in  the  university  house.  It 
is  characteristic  that  in  the  same  report,  these  same  professors  are 
praised  for  their  pure  and  correct  orthodox  belief. 

Detailed  testimonies  to  the  condition  of  matters  among  the  stu- 
dents are  wanting ; but  there  remain  so  many  records  of  proceedings 
in  cases  of  tumults  and  other  excesses,  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  of 
the  coarseness  and  brutality  that  prevailed.  But  the  previous  kind 
of  fighting  was  now  more  and  more  displaced  by  the  practice  of  du- 
eling, which  began  to  come  in  about  the  end  of  the  period  before 
this,  and  which  was  now  a standing  article  in  disciplinary  investiga- 
tions and  proceedings.  Many  enactments  were  made  for  the  pre- 
vention and  punishment  of  the  practice,  by  dismissing  principals  and 
otherwise  punishing  other  partakers,  &c. ; but  with  no  important 
result.  The  first  important  investigation  on  the  subject  was  in  1657 ; 
when  the  parties  were  punished  with  eight  days  imprisonment  and 
twelve  reichsthalers  fine,  and  the  seconds  with  six  thalers  fine.  Mrs. 
Professor  Gerhard  was  concerned  in  this  affair,  the  quarrel  which  occa- 
sioned it  having  arisen  at  her  house.  She  was  summoned  before  the 


422 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


senate,  but  examined  privately  by  Profs,  Lauterbach  and  HafFenretFer. 
She  was  fined  ten  reichsthalers  and  forbidden  to  keep  boardei*s ; it 
being  thought  improper,  as  her  husband  was  so  much  absent  from 
home,  and  unable  to  see  what  was  going  on  there.  Mrs.  Gerhard 
complained  bitterly  of  this  decision,  saying  that  she  had  much  wine 
in  her  cellar,  which  she  could  not  pour  into  the  street,  but  must  keep 
boarders  to  drink  it  out,  unless  she  was  to  be  deprived  of  her  living. 
And  she  said  that  there  were  disturbances  at  other  boarding  houses, 
without  causing  them  to  be  prohibited. 

There  were  many  similar  investigations  during  the  next  ten  years, 
but,  on  the  whole,  dueling  does  not  seem  to  have  been  more  frequent 
at  Tubingen  than  at  the  other  universities ; and  none  of  them  were 
fiital.  Very  noticeable  lenity  was  used  toward  sons  of  eminent  per- 
sons or  nobles  in  punishing  for  this  reason. 

There  were  also  other  disturbances,  such  as  extended  feuds  between 
the  stipendiaries  and  the  other  students,  and  the  students  and  the 
servants  of  the  nobles  in  the  Collegium  Illustre.  Other  disorders 
and  licentiousness  seem,  on  the  whole,  to  have  somewhat  decreased 
during  this  period,  except  in  the  first  ten  years  of  it,  when  we  find 
among  houses  of  evil  repute  that  of  Mrs.  Prof.  Harpprecht,  whose 
three  daughters  had  a most  undesirable  reputation.  In  1658,  some 
stipendiaries  were  rejected  because  they  frequently  visited  the  Misses 
Harpprecht. 

The  boarding  houses  kept  by  many  of  the  professors,  and  their 
retail  wine-selling  business,  occasioned  much  social  intercourse  between 
them  and  the  students.  This  wine  trade  also  caused  many  complaints 
from  the  citizens,  with  whose  business  it  seriously  interfered.  Beer 
seems  to  have  been  also  frequently  drank.  Tobacco  smoking  was 
apparently  introduced  about  1660,  and  was  first  prohibited  in  the 
Stipendium^  on  penalty  of  imprisonment  and  dismission. 

There  are  no  very  distinct  details,  but  some  few  traces  of  the  exist- 
ence of  students’  societies,  orders,  and  Landsmannschaften.  We  find 
the  senate  prohibiting  “ Garlands,”  “ conventicles,”  and  “ kingdoms.’* 
These  last  were  undoubtedly  regular  organizations  for  social  debauch- 
ery, with  a king  at  the  head,  officers,  and  codes. 

The  origin  of  the  orders,  and  of  the  grades,  derived  from  Pennal- 
ism,  of  Fox,  Bursch,  Mossy-Head,  and  Gold-Fox,  is  doubtless  quite 
ancient ; and  here  we  are  to  look  for  the  rise  of  very  many  of  the 
fantastic-student  usages,  the  comment,  and  the  dueling  practices.* 
When  the  gradual  amelioration  of  manners  extinguished  the  evils  of 


* <^or  an  account  of  Pennalism,  set  Barnard’s  American  Journal  of  Education:’  Vol.  VI. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


423 


Pennalism,  its  custom  of  abuse  of  the  “ Foxes  ” or  freshmen  remained 
longest  in  the  theological  Stipendium^  where,  according  to  old  cus- 
tom, they  were  made  to  perform  all  manner  of  menial  services. 

IV.  FROM  THE  ACCESSION  OF  DUKE  CHARLES  TO  THE  CHANGE  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY 
INTO  A STATE  INSTITUTION,  1737  TO  1811. 

New  Statutes  under  Duke  Charles. 

The  interest  taken  by  Duke  Charles  in  the  university,  marked  the 
beginning  of  a new  epoch,  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century.  He 
gave  the  university  many  new  regulations,  but  without  introducing 
any  essential  change  in  its  constitution. 

With  the  view  of  enlarging  the  attendance,  he  enacted  by  an  ordi- 
nance of  July  24,  1744,  that  all  youths  intended  for  learned  studies, 
should  either  pursue  them  at  the  university  of  Tubingen,  or  should  at 
least  study  there  for  some  years.  And  those  who  have  now  been 
studying  abroad,  or  shall  hereafter  do  so,  were  to  present  at  Tubin- 
gen such  a public  testimonial  {specimen  studiorum)  as  may  enable 
their  native  country  to  know  what  their  studies  have  been.  This  is 
the  first  trace  of  any  state  examination  to  succeed  the  completion  of  a 
course  of  study.  Other  new  regulations  were  intended  to  increase 
the  efficiency  of  instruction,  and  the  industry  of  both  students  and 
professors. 

Such  were  reproofs  of  the  careless  and  neglectful  mode  in  which 
the  professors  labored;  prohibitions  of  the  common  practices  of  dic- 
tating a lecture,  reading  some  printed  treatise  in  place  of  it,  heaping 
up  a mass  of  references  and  citations,  and  quoting  authors  not  ob- 
tainable by  the  students,  <fec.,  <fec.  The  censorship  on  matter  to  be 
printed  by  members  of  the  university  was  confined  to  the  respective 
faculties,  but  they  were  admonished,  in  all  cases  where  practicable,  to 
negotiate  in  a friendly  manner  with  the  author  for  the  change  of  ob- 
jectionable matter  instead  of  proceeding  publicly. 

In  order  to  remove  the  common  complaint  that  the  expenses  of 
living  at  Tubingen  were  remarkably  high,  the  senate  was  ordered  to 
refrain  from  all  unnecessary  expenditures,  such  as  printing  the  numer- 
ous poems  of  congratulation,  condolence,  <fec.,  the  “ opposition  din- 
ners,” ridings-out  and  receptions  of  boarding  housekeepers,  professors 
and  students,  costly  processions,  music  for  the  rectors,  <fec.  The  stu- 
dents were  to  be  prevented  from  giving  so  man}’^  presents,  and  ex- 
pending so  much  money  at  weddings,  visits,  and  with  female  acquaint-, 
ance,  <fec.  An  earlier  statute  forbidding  any  landlord  from  trusting 
any  one  to  the  amount  of  more  than  ten  florins  was  renewed. 

The  ordinance  of  1744  was  followed  by  a fuller  one  of  1751,  new 
statutes  in  1752,  and  another  revision,  with  additions,  in  1770;  from 


424 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


which  we  quote  the  fees  for  private  lectures  and  the  doctor’s  de^ee. 
A half  year’s  theological  course  cost  three  florins ; a juridical  course, 
on  the  pandects,  (two  hours  daily  for  a year,)  eighteen  to  twenty 
florins ; on  the  institutions,  or  on  church,  feudal,  criminal  or  common 
law  {Landrecht)y  eight  florins ; on  practice  and  law  of  nations,  ten 
florins.  A course  on  medicine  cost  six  florins,  on  anatomy  nine  florins. 
If  the  number  of  hearei*s  was  too  small,  the  medical  lecturer  might 
collect  from  fifty  to  sixty  florins  for  his  whole  (half  year’s)  course ; or 
for  a pathologico-practical  course,  lasting  a whole  year,  from  100  to 
120  florins.  In  the  philosophical  faculty  only  two  florins  were  ordi- 
narily paid  for  a half  year’s  course,  but  in  mathematics  one  ducat;  for 
a course  on  the  history  of  the  German  Empire  six  florins,  but  for  one 
on  universal  history  only  two  florins.  An  examination  for  a licen- 
tiate’s degree  cost,  in  the  theological  and  medical  faculties,  for  a na- 
tive, ten  ducats  ; for  a foreigner,  fifteen  ducats ; in  the  juridical  faculty, 
seventy-five  florins.  The  doctor’s  diploma  cost  sixty  florins.  At  a 
disputation,  the  Prseses  was  to  be  paid  twelve  florins,  and  three  florins 
was  also  charged  for  each  sheet  of  the  disputation.  If,  however,  the 
candidate  had  drawn  this  up  himself,  he  need  only  pay  the  pro- 
fessor one  florin  per  sheet  for  revising  it.  The  degree  of  master  in 
the  philosophical  faculty  (master  of  arts)  was  somewhat  cheaper,  cost- 
ing two  florins,  besides  thirteen  florins,  fifty  kreutzers  to  the  funds  of 
the  faculty,  and  six  florins  for  the  subsequent  dinner. 

Personal  relations  of  Duke  Charles  to  the  University. 

Duke  Charles  showed  an  active  interest  in  the  university  by  often 
visiting  Tubingen,  for  weeks  at  a time,  and  by  taking  part  in  various 
ways  in  the  ovei^ight  and  general  discipline  of  it.  Sometimes  he 
attended  the  lectures  of  the  professors;  he  allowed  himself  to  be 
chosen  rector  during  a number  of  years ; he  provided  for  various 
scientific  departments  which  he  observed  to  be  wanting,  such  as  an 
observatory,  a chemical  laboratory,  an  anatomical  room,  means  for 
preserving  the  library,  and  an  apparatus  for  experiments  in  physics. 
At  these  visits  of  the  duke,  he  was  received  with  much  pomp,  and  his 
presence  caused  much  excitement  and  occasioned  much  show,  and 
many  balls,  concerts,  <fec.  To  all  these  many  professors  and  students, 
the  theological  stipendiaries  especially,  were  invited,  and  with  them 
the  duke  took  pleasure  in  much  intercourse,  both  sportive  and  earnest. 
At  the  celebration  of  the  third  university  jubilee  in  1777,  there  was  a 
remarkably  magnificent  display,  with  a procession,  orations  in  many 
languages,  banquets,  disputations,  <fec.,  &c.,  extending  over  eight  days. 
The  honorary  gifts  to  the  university  on  this  occasion,  consisted  not  of 
rich  drinking  vessels,  but  of  books ; the  city  of  Tubingen  giving  the 


UNIVERSITY  OP  TUBINGEN. 


425 


“ M Liseum  Florentinum''  the  Estates  giving  Dumont’s  “ Corps  univer- 
sel  diplomatique  du  droit  des  gens''  and  Rymer’s  “ Fcedera^"  Esslin- 
gen,  Baronius’  “ Annales  Fcdesiastici''  and  Stuttgard,  Sandrart’s 
“ German  Academies''  “ WeisskunigC  and  several  other  works. 

But  the  duke’s  interest  in  the  university  did  not  always  continue. 
An  independent  corporation,  not  entirely  under  his  authority,  was  not 
according  to  his  taste ; and  he  therefore  founded  another  institution, 
which  he  could  organize  and  manage  entirely  according  to  his  own 
views.  As  this  institution  grew  up,  and  was  in  1781  made  a uni- 
versity by  the  emperor  Joseph,  the  duke  entirely  lost  his  affection  for 
the  University  of  Tubingen,  to  which  there  thus  arose  a dangerous 
rival.  The  number  of  students  gradually  fell  from  311  in  1775,  when 
the  Charles  Academy  was  transferred  to  Stuttgard,  to  188  in  the  year 
1791.  This  decrease  appears  still  more  remarkable  on  deducting  the 
number  of  students  from  the  city  on  the  theological  foundation ; 
after  which  there  were,  in  1791,  of  jurists,  only  thirty-one;  medical 
students,  seven  ; and  philosophical,  two.  Jlepeated  applications  were 
made  to  the  duke  by  the  university  and  the  city  authorities,  but  in 
vain,  and  matters  remained  in  the  same  condition  until  the  death  of 
the  duke,  and  the  discontinuance  of  his  academy  by  his  successor. 

Literary  Condition. 

An  important  document  of  the  year  1751,  serves  to  mark  nearly 
the  period  of  the  introduction  of  a new  kind  of  instruction  in  philoso- 
phy into  the  university,  to  wit : not  in  metaphysical  speculation,  but 
a rational  treatment  of  empirical  departments  of  learning,  of  those 
especially  which  admit  of  application  to  common  life,  state  manage- 
ment, and  industrial  pursuits.  This  kind  of  philosophy  was  naturally 
a grief  to  the  old  professors  who  had  stiffened  in  the  ancient  literary 
pedantry  of  their  department,  and  it  is  no  wonder  that  they  earnestly 
warned  the  students  against  the  lectures  of  the  talented  young  pro- 
fessor Bilfinger,  who  had  expounded  the  new  views,  and  that  they 
took  great  satisfaction  in  drawing  off  his  hearers.  The  professorship 
of  philosophy,  vacated  by  the  death  of  Bilfinger  about  a year  before 
the  date  of  this  ordinance,  was  however  filled  by  Gottfried  Ploucquet, 
a man  of  the  same  school. 

In  1750  a distinct  professorship  of  history  was  established,  and 
filled  by  the  appointment  of  0.  C.  Lohenschiold ; and  C.  F.  Schott 
was,  in  1752,  made  professor  of  poetry  and  eloquence,  with  which 
history  had  previously  been  connected. 

The  professorship  of  Greek  and  oi’iental  languages  was  somewhat 
feebly  filled  during  this  period.  Mathematics  was  better  taught.  An 
astronomical  observatory  was  established  in  1752  in  one  of  the  towers 


426 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


of  the  castle,  and  fitted  with  very  good  instruments  for  that  period. 
In  the  same  year  an  apparatus  for  experiments  in  physics  was  pro- 
cured, and  a large  lecture  room  set  apart  for  its  use  in  the  Collegium 
Illustre. 

In  the  theological  faculty,  both  the  more  intelligent  method  of 
comprehending  religious  dogmas,  which  PfafF  and  Weismann  had 
begun  to  introduce  by  the  admixture  of  some  of  the  principles  of 
Spener,  and  also  the  philosophical  tendencies  of  Bilbnger  and  Canz, 
had  for  a time  to  make  way  again  for  a stiff  ecclesiastical  orthodoxy, 
whose  chief  upholders  were  J.  F.  Cotta  and  C.  F.  Sartorius.  On  the 
other  hand,  J.  F.  Reuss,  the  chancellor,  laying  not  so  much  stress  on 
the  teachings  of  the  church,  and  more  upon  the  letter  of  the  Bible 
and  the  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament,  aided  in  preparing  the 
way  for  the  exegetical  school  of  Storr.  The  visitatorial  reports  had 
heretofore  frequently  recommended  the  study  of  theology  ; but  in  the 
year  1780,  the  number  of  theological  students  had  become  too  large, 
and  they  had  to  wait  until  they  were  thirty  years  old  or  more  before 
they  could  obtain  appointments,  thus  losing  the  youthful  vigor  of 
mind  and  feeling  which  their  duties  require.  To  remedy  this  evil,  no 
more  children  of  the  common  people  were  to  be  received  to  study 
theology,  unless  in  case  of  extraordinary  capacity. 

In  the  juridical  faculty  the  course  was  reorganized  by  the  ordinance 
or  “recess”  of  1744  into  one  of  three  years,  a new  one  being  com- 
menced each  year,  and  the  lecturing  so  apportioned  that  three  pro- 
fessors were  engaged  in  it  during  the  winter,  and  three  during  the 
summer.  Many  disorders  prevailed  in  this  faculty ; and  one  profes- 
sor, Harpprecht,  was  suspended  and  heavily  fined  in  1749,  for  non- 
fulfillment of  his  duties.  'But  neither  admonitions  nor  punishments 
availed  with  this  faculty;  and,  in  1750,  we  find  the  duke  in  great 
wrath  at  finding  it  not  improved,  the  recess  of  1744  disregarded,  the 
students  obliged  to  resort  to  foreign  universities,  the  public  lectures 
• almost  wholly  neglected,  the  private  ones  so  disorderly  arranged  and 
so  wearisome  in  extent,  that  scarcely  any  student  could  go  through 
them. 

The  medical  faculty  had  always  been  the  smallest  in  number  both 
of  teachers  and  pupils;  and  even  in  1772,  before  the  academy  at 
Stuttgard  could  have  influenced  it,  we  find  only  one  medical  student ; 
a state  of  things  probably  in  part  owing  to  the  fact  of  there  being  no 
trace  of  any  arrangement  for  clinical  instruction.  Among  its  instruct- 
ors in  this  period,  however,  are  found  several  of  distinction  in  their 
departments,  as  J.  G.  Gmelin,  the  traveler  and  botanist ; his  brother, 
P.  F.  Gmelin  ; a third  member  of  the  same  family,  J.  F.  Gmelin ; the 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN.  427 

anatomist,  G.  F.  Sigwart,  and  the  distinguished  practical  physician, 
0.  F.  Jager. 

Transition  to  the  Modern  Period. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  last  century,  a period  of  new  activity 
for  university  studies  arose  from  the  intellectual  activity  inspired  in 
Germany,  by  the  philosophy  of  Kant,  by  the  political  activity  and 
speculations  resulting  from  the  French  revolution,  and  by  the  wde 
extension  of  scientific  researches  consequent  upon  the  growth  of  inter- 
course with  European  colonies. 

Kant’s  philosophy  was  first  introduced  at  Tubingen  by  J.  F.  Flatt, 
who  was  appointed  extraordinary  professor  of  philosophy  in  1785, 
and  who  was  zealous  and  successful  in  advocating  it.  The  chair  of 
history  was  filled  in  1777  by  C.  F.  Rosier,  the  first  real  historian  be- 
longing to  the  university,  an  eminent  and  useful  writer  and  a success- 
ful teacher. 

The  philological  condition  of  the  university  was  not  so  good.  The 
Wirtemberg  divines  had  from  old  times  the  reputation  of  thoroughly 
trained  philologists  ; but  this  was  due  rather  to  their  instruction  in 
the  trivial  schools  than  to  that  of  the  university.  The  philological 
chairs  were  filled  only  with  theologians,  who  used  the  study  of  the 
ancient  languages  not  for  strictly  philological  purposes,  but  only  for 
use  in  the  explication  of  the  Scriptures  and  in  the  usual  Latin  writing. 
No  chair  of  classical  literature  was  established  until  1776,  when  D.  C. 
Seybold  was  appointed  professor.  He  was  succeeded  by  K.  P.  Canz, 
a polished  classical  scholar,  and  known  for  his  translations  from  Aris- 
tophanes, ^schylus  and  Sophocles.  In  oriental  philology.  Prof.  C. 
F.  Schnurrer  had  a European  reputation,  and  was  an  efficient  laborer 
and  instructor. 

In  mathematics,  the  university  enjoyed  during  this  period  the  aid 
of  several  good  instructors,  and  eminent  in  their  science.  Such  were 
C.  F.  Pfleiderer,  Wurm,  Cammerer,  Hauber,  Pfaff,  Renz,  and  J.  G.  F. 
Bohnenberger,  a man  of  great  physical  and  mental  activity,  and  a 
good  astronomer,  surveyor  and  engineer. 

But  the  most  important  of  all  the  faculties  during  this  period  was 
the  theological,  in  which  the  school  of  C.  G.  Storr  introduced,  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  a new  phase  of  development. 
Storr’s  labors  covered  the  period  from  1775  to  1797,  when  he 
removed  to  Stuttgard.  He  was  a man  of  extensive  and  profound 
learning,  of  earnest  piety,  a successful  and  industrious  author,  and  as 
a teacher,  interesting  by  reason  of  the  interest  which  he  himself  felt 
in  his  work.  Storr  and  his  followers,  departing  from  the  theological 
systems  of  the  seventeenth  century,  with  their  group  of  religious  sym- 


428 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


bols  and  their  great  dogmatic  authorities,  introduced,  though  in  a 
conservative  spirit  and  with  the  design  of  counteracting  the  various 
phases  of  neology  then  making  their  appearance,  a theology  based 
upon  the  doctrine  of  the  plenary  inspiration  of  the  Scriptures,  and  the 
diligent  interpretation  of  its  words,  but  which  labored  under  the  dis- 
advantage of  a tendency  to  base  its  conclusions  upon  single  books,  or 
isolated  texts  of  Scripture.  Among  Storr’s  most  efficient  disciples  and 
followers,  were  J.  P'.  Flatt,  V.  G.  Siiskind,  C.  G.  Flatt,  and  E.  G. 
Bengel. 

In  the  juridical  faculty,  we  find  prominent  toward  the  end  of  the 
last  century,  K.  C.  Hofacker,  J.  C.  Majer,  J.  F.  Malblanc,  S.  J.  KapfF, 
J.  D.  Hoffmann,  and  C.  G.  Gmelin,  able  jurists  and  successful  teach- 
ers, who  maintained  the  reputation  and  prosperity  of  that  faculty. 

The  medical  faculty,  hitherto  always  playing  a subordinate  pa?'t, 
became  in  this  period  quite  celebrated,  chieffy  by  means  of  two  learned 
men  who  exercised  a most  powerful  influence  upon  the  progress  of  the 
new  principles  in  medicine,  and  acquired  a European  reputation. 
These  were  Kielmeyer  and  Autenrieth.  Prof.  K.  F.  Clossius,  a good 
physician  and  a zealous  instructor,  had  already  succeeded,  after  long 
and  unwearied  efforts,  in  organizing  an  imperfect  hospital  department, 
which,  after  some  vicissitudes,  became  under  the  care  of  Autenrieth 
an  important  aid  in  the  medical  instruction  of  the  university. 

Evidence  of  the  good  condition  of  science  at  Tubingen  is  to  be 
found  in  the  scientific  organ  of  the  university,  the  “ Gazette  of  Li  ter  a- 
turef  {Gelehrte  Anzeiger^  which  appeared,  though  with  important 
intermissions,  from  1737  to  1808.  It  was  at  first  called  the  ^'‘Weekly 
Literary  Noveltiesf  ( Wochentliche  gelehrte  Neuigkeiten,)  and  was 
both  a literary  journal  and  a vehicle  of  intelligence  on  the  subject, 
containing  brief  notices  of  new  books,  and  the  lecture  lists.  At  a 
later  period,  its  contents  were  chiefly  rather  descriptions  of  and  ex- 
tracts from  new  books,  than  critiques  on  them ; the  other  matter 
being  principally  on  natural  science,  literary,  history  and  law ; the- 
ology being  comparatively  neglected.  Still  later,  when  revived  by 
Schnurrer  in  1783,  it  was  a close  imitation  of  the  “ Gottingen  Litera- 
ry Gazette,''  and  was  a journal  of  considerable  value,  especially  for  its 
reviews  on  subjects  of  speculative  philosophy. 

The  theological  Stipendium  long  adhered  strictly  to  the  ancient 
Lutheran  orthodox  dogmas  and  symbols,  and  unfriendly  and  severe 
investigations  were  repeatedly  made  into  the  motives  and  manage- 
ment of  the  prayer-meetings  which  began  to  be  held  by  students 
inclining  toward  the  beliefs  of  the  Moravians.  Besides  the  pietist 
sentiments  which  thus  developed  themselves,  rationalism  began  to 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


429 


show  itself  and  to  gather  strength  in  the  last  ten  years  of  the  century. 
Duke  Charles  took  much  interest  in  the  Stipendium^  sometimes  him- 
self taking  part  in  theological  deputations,  and  often  dispensing  praise 
and  reproof  as  he  thought  necessary  to  professors  and  students. 
The  disciplinary  arrangements  on  details  of  clothing,  such  as  cowls, 
cloaks,  ttc.,  occasioned  much  trouble,  and  much  ridicule.  The  stu- 
dents indulged  excessively  in  beer  and  card-playing,  evading  the  rules 
in  many  ways,  and  taking  many  opportunities  to  make  sport  of  their 
instructors.  Many  of  the  wild  ideas  to  which  the  French  revolution 
gave  rise,  made  their  way  into  the  minds  of  the  students,  amongst 
whom  there  were  democrats  and  royalists  who  disputed  vehemently 
with  each  other,  even  to  the  extent  of  street  fights  and  duels.  Some 
of  the  republican  students  even  set  on  foot  a correspondence  with  the 
French  general,  Custine,  which  occasioned  an  investigation,  and  the 
flight  of  one  of  the  students  most  compromised.  Some  of  the  stu- 
dents used  also  to  represent  comedie.s,  and  a general  spirit  of  disobe- 
dience and  rebelliousness  infected  the  whole  institution,  which  at  one 
time  broke  out  into  an  organized  riot  or  movement  of  the  students, 
who  marched  in  procession  with  music,  insulted  their  instructors,  and 
sung  forbidden  songs  in  the  market-place.  Various  vain  attempts 
were  made  to  reestablish  the  ancient  strictness  of  discipline,  but  to 
no  purpose ; the  kantian  philosophy,  and  even  rationalism  and  infi- 
delity, and  many  more  wild  notions,  had  rooted  themselves  too  firmly. 
In  1808,  was  discovered  a sort  of  conspiracy  or  scheme,  having  an 
odd  similarity  to  the  “ Pantisocracy  ” which  so  nearly  made  Cole- 
ridge, Wordsworth,  and  Douthey,  settlers  in  Pennsylvania.  Some 
theological  students,  with  sOme  from  the  city,  had  elaborated  a plan 
of  a natural  model  state  on  republican  principles,  which  they  proposed 
to  organize  on  some  island  in  the  South  Pacific.  They  made  many 
preparations;  hired  laborers,  were  having  girls  educated,  learned 
trades,  had  set  up  a common  treasury,  and  statutes,  to  which  each 
member  swore  to  observe  on  penalty  of  being  punished  “according  to 
the  law  of  nature.”  A member  who  had  joined  in  hopes  of  getting 
his  debts  paid,  on  being  disappointed,  revealed  the  plan  to  a clergy- 
man and  he  to  the  government;  an  investigation  followed,  some  of 
the  students  were  imprisoned  for  a time,  and  the  scheme  was  broken 
up. 

Since  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  the  Collegium  Illustre 
fell  into  entire  disuse.  There  was  still  a principal  {Oberhofmeister) 
and  professors,  but  no  princes,  not  even  from  Wirtemberg ; and 
thenceforward  the  building  was  only  used  to  lodge  the  duke  or  other 
high  officials  at  their  visits  to  Tubingen.  The  Burse  also  was  partly 


430 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


empty,  and  was  rather  a burden  than  a source  of  income  to  the  phil- 
osophical faculty,  which  owned  it,  and  which  was  therefore  pleased 
at  its  change  into  a clinical  department  in  1802. 

Manners  and  Morals. 

Complaints  continued  to  be  made  about  nocturnal  tumults,  and 
many  reproofs  and  commands  were  issued  to  the  university  and  town 
authorities  on  this  point,  but  seemingly  without  accelerating  the  ame- 
lioration which  time  gradually  introduced.  Thus,  in  1778,  there  was 
a regular  skirmish  between  the  students  and  towns-people,  which  orig- 
inated in  a quarrel  about  a dog  which  some  boys,  as  the  students 
claimed,  set  on  them  in  the  market-place.  This  contest  lasted  for 
several  hours,  the  beadle  and  watchmen  in  vain  endeavoring  to  repress 
it ; and  many  serious  wounds  were  inflicted  on  both  sides. 

The  feuds  between  the  city  students  and  the  stipendiaries  also  con- 
tinued. In  1780,  a student  fired  a pistol  at  the  window  of  the  Sti- 
pendium,  having  been  attacked  with  stones  by  the  students  there. 
At  the  funeral  of  Chancellor  Cotta,  the  two  opposing  parties  quar- 
reled about  precedence.  The  procession  itself  took  place  without 
disturbance ; but  the  stipendiaries,  who  had  been  kept  out  of  it,  re- 
venged themselves  by  an  attack  afterwards,  during  which  numbers 
on  both  sides  were  severly  cudgeled,  and  parties  meeting  at  various 
places,  pistols  and  swords  were  drawn,  but  there  were  ultimately  no 
further  results  except  abuse,  threats,  and  some  slight  wounds.  About 
ten  stipendiaries  were  imprisoned  for  from  six  hours  to  twelve  clays, 
and  one  city  student  received  a dismission  (consilium  obeundi).  After 
this  time  the  parties  seem  to  have  remained  at  peace  with  each  other 
for  a time,  until  the  feud  broke  out  again  in  1792  and  3,  when  we 
find  Hegel,  afterwards  the  celebrated  philosopher,  one  of  the  leaders 
for  the  Stipendium.  He  told  one  of  the  city  students  that  they  must 
keep  out  of  the  market-place  in  the  evening,  or  run  the  risk  qf  being 
shot  down.  The  exciting  occurrences  of  the  period  seem  to  have  in- 
spired the  students  with  a warlike  spirit,  for  we  scarcely  find  at 
any  other  period  so  many  quarrels,  fights,  and  wounds.  Dueling 
grew  more  and  more  frequent,  but  was  still  not  as  much  practiced  as 
at  Heidelberg,  Gottingen  and  Jena,  during  the  same  time  ; a fact 
due  to  the  large  proportion  of  students  who  were  studying  theology, 
and  under  a stricter  supervision.  The  laws  before  enacted  against 
duels  remained  on  the  statute  book,  but  were  very  seldom  applied  in 
their  full  extent,  and  the  defective  police  of  the  university  rendered 
full  investigation  practically  impossible.  Fencing  exercises  were, 
moreover,  regularly  authorized,  and  were  recommended  as  among  the 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN.  431 

appropriate  bodily  exercises,  “ by  the  practice  of  which  students  are 
distinguished  from  the  populace.”  A fencing  master  was  always  em- 
ployed from  the  establishment  of  the  Collegium  Illustre ; and  in 
1792  a second  one  w^as  appointed;  and  there  was  also  a riding  mas- 
ter, and  a master  of  ball-playing  and  billiards. 

Visiting  was  mostly  done  by  individuals,  large  assemblies  not 
being  common.  There  were,  however,  among  the  students  some 
societies  of  a half  literary  and  half  social  character.  The  Swiss  phy- 
sician, Am-Stein,  a student  at  Tubingen  in  iVGo-S,  in  a letter  to  his 
friend  Aepli,  describes  one  of  these,  at  whose  meetings,  in  a room  set 
apart  for  the  purpose,  the  members  drank  coffee,  and  had  a Latin 
oration  and  disputations.  They  wore  a gilded  badge,  and  had  a 
secret  motto.  Various  professors  were  sometime  present  at  their  ex- 
ercises and  anniversaries.  There  were  at  the  same  time  other  stu- 
dents’ societies,  apparently  merely  for  students’  ceremonials,  dueling, 
and  drinking.  A Free  Mason’s  Lodge  seems  to  have  been  erected 
among  the  students  in  1765  by  a doctor  Richeville,  but  was  attempted 
to  be  broken  up  by  the  authorities,  notwithstanding  the  very  good 
character  of  the  members.  Richeville  was  sent  away  from  Tubingen, 
but  the  lodge  remained ; as  the  order  at  that  time  included  many 
eminent  and  influential  military  and  civil  personages,  and  it  was  not 
thought  best  to  offend  them.  An  ordinance  of  1770,  however,  de- 
clared all  societies  of  the  kind  dissolved,  forbid  the  wearing  of  their 
badges,  and  affixed  severe  punishments  to  the  offence  of  being  a mem- 
ber of  one  of  them.  We  find,  however,  six  years  afterward,  traces 
of  students’  societies,  in  a controversy  which  arose  between  two  op- 
posing parties,  who  elected  two  rival  “ seniors  ” of  some  such  body. 

New  Ordinances  under  King  Frederick^  1798 — 1811. 

The  main  characteristic  of  this  course  of  legislation  was  the  discon- 
tinuance of  existing  privileges  and  exemptions.  The  first  step  in  this 
direction  was  the  ordinance  of  1798,  which  revoked  the  former  law 
prohibiting  children  of  the  common  people  from  studying  theology, 
and  made  admission  into  the  theological  department  depend  entirely 
upon  the  result  of  an  examination. 

Soon  after  the  erection  of  Wirtemberg  into  a kingdom,  was  com- 
menced a thorough  revolutionizing  of  the  constitution  of  the  univers- 
ity. In  1806,  it  was  enacted  that  in  case  of  a vacancy  in  a professor- 
ship, the  senate  must  in  future  ask  leave  to  proceed  to  an  appointment; 
the  limit  of  penalties  inflictable  by  the  academical  authorities  was  set 
at  twenty  reichstkalers  and  fourteen  days’  imprisonment;  lawsuits 
between  members  of  the  university  must  go  before  the  ordinary  courts ; 


432 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


the  booksellers,  binders,  printers,  (fee.,  to  the  university  were  deprived 
of  their  academical  privileges,  (fee.  Two  days  later  the  university  was 
declared,  to  be  under  the  authority  of  the  newly  organized  ministry  of 
religion,  and  a curator,  the  well-known  historian,  L.  T.  Spittler,  placed 
at  his  head,  whose  duty  it  was  to  be  familiar  with  the  condition  of 
the  university,  to  supply  defects  and  wants  as  found  out,  or  to  bring 
them  to  the  notice  of  the  ministry  ; and  in  case  of  vacant  professor- 
ships, to  make  nominations  for  filling  them.  The  earlier  law  that  all 
Wirtemberg  students  should  spend  some  time  at  Tubingen  was  mod- 
ified to  enact  that  no  one  should  offer  himself  for  any  official  station 
requiring  a learned  education,  unless  he  could  show  that  he  had 
studied  at  Tubingen  at  least  two  years;  and  in  1807,  all  persons 
were  prohibited  from  resorting  to  any  foreign  university,  and  the 
professors  were  first  forbidden  to  accept  academical  honors  from  any 
foreign  university,  and  a few'  years  later  to  accept  any  invitations 
from  abroad. 

New  and  strict  disciplinary  laws  were  also  made ; providing  for 
monthly  meetings  of  the  senate  to  hear  reports  from  the  rector  on  the 
state  of  discipline  ; for  increased  amenability  of  the  students  to  the  or- 
dinary legal  authorities  ; for  greater  strictness  in  attending  lectures ; 
and  for  prevention  of  irregular  indebtedness  by  the  students. 

Another  law,  encroaching  deeply  upon  the  prerogatives  of  the  uni- 
versity, was  that  of  1810,  subjecting  the  students  to  the  military- con- 
scription. This,  however,  excited  so  much  feeling  that  it  was  with- 
drawn, under  color  of  a misunderstanding.  In  the  previous  year.  Col. 
Von  Llndenau  had  called  on  the  students  for  volunteers,  and  of  the 
number  who  enlisted,  some  became  honorably  distinguished.  In 
1811,  the  raising  of  the  contingent  for  the  Russian  campaign  produc- 
ing a great  demand  for  men  fit  for  service,  twenty  students  were 
forcibly  enlisted  as  privates,  most  of  whom  perished  during  the  expe- 
dition. The  senate  made  a forcible  representation  on  this  measure, 
but  received  a rude  reproof  in  consequence,  with  notice  of  an  entire 
reform  of  the  university  constitution,  which  should  completely  discon- 
tinue all  its  privileges. 

V,  FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  OLD  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNIVERSITY  TO  THE  PRESENT 

TIME 1811  TO  1848. 

Reorganization  of  the  University. 

This  took  place  under  a decree  of  September  17, 1811,  and  although 
immediately  a consequence  of  the  king’s  initation  at  the  reclamation 
of  the  senate  airainst  the  forcible  enlistment  of  the  students,  was  a 
legitimate  result  of  the  change  of  the  whole  system  of  government, 
in  w'hose  centralized  absolute  sovereignty  an  independent  corporation 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


433 


was  a disagreeable  exception.  Under  the  new  law,  the  university,  as 
the  highest  educational  institution  of  the  state,  was  placed  under  the 
ministry  of  religious  affairs,  and  at  its  head  was  set  a curator,  who 
was  to  be  president  of  the  Board  of  Studies,  and  to  reside  in  Tubin- 
gen. This  office  was  conferred  upon  Baron  von  Wangenheim,  suc- 
cessor of  the  deceased  Privy-Councilor  Spittler,  a capable  and  useful 
officer.  His  official  duties  were  to  watch  over  the  teachers  and  stu- 
dents, and  to  take  measures  or  make  propositions  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  university  ; and  to  exercise,  in  conjunction  with  other 
officers,  its  remaining  civil  and  police  jurisdiction.  The  rector  was 
now  merely  an  organ  for  communicating  the  orders  of  government  to 
the  senate  and  its  chairman.  The  chancellor’s  office  remained  as 
before,  with  a few  changes ; and  the  property  of  the  university  was 
managed  by  the  public  department  of  finance. 

Admission  to  the  university  was  made  dependent  upon  a strict  ex- 
amination; the  course  of  study  in  law  and  in  medicine  was  fixed  at 
four  years  at  least,  and  in  theology  it  remained  at  five  years.  Various 
other  changes  were  introduced  into  the  course  of  study,  and  strict  ex- 
aminations established  at  the  end  of  each  course  of  lectures,  and  of  the 
whole  course  of  study.  Premiums  were  offered  in  all  the  faculties,  to 
be  distributed  before  the  full  senate ; and  to  conclude,  all  the  privi- 
leges of  the  university,  and  all  its  regulations  inconsistent  with  the  new 
law,  were  declared  discontinued.  Some  months  afterward,  a uniform 
was  prescribed  to  the  professors. 

The  university,  knowing  the  impossibility  of  resistance,  received  the 
deprivation  of  their  corporate  independence  with  grief  and  resigna- 
tion. In  1816,  however,  when  a general  desire  for  a restoration  of 
the  old  constitutional  rights,  the  university  also  laid  before  the  Cham- 
bers a demand  for  many  of  the  powers  and  privileges  which  it  had 
lost.  The  government  included  a grant  of  most  of  these  demands  in 
the  form  of  a constitution,  which  it  submitted  to  the  chambers,  in 
1817,  with  a view  of  gaining  the  support  of  the  university  to  the 
scheme ; but  while  the  plan  as  a whole  was  rejected,  the  grants  to 
the  university  were  accepted,  and  became  a law  June  13,  1817. 

This  state  of  things  was,  however,  quickly  ended  by  the  decree  of 
the  German  Union  (Bund)  in  1719,  which  subjected  the  university 
to  a system  of  guardianship  so  strict  as  to  result  in  the  fettering  of  all 
free  movements,  and  effectually  to  restrain  all  historical  and  political 
studies.  Vice  Chancellor  Autenrieth  was  made  extraordinary  royal 
commissioner,  with  the  duty  of  observing  carefully  the  spirit  in  which 
the  professors  taught,  and  of  directing  it  properly.  All  the  academ- 
ical teachers  were  warned  not  to  transgr;ss  the  limits  of  their  duty, 

28 


434 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


in  lecturing  to  avoid  all  reference  to  cotemporary  political  tendencies, 
or  if  (as  in  history  and  statistics)  some  such  reference  was  unavoida- 
ble, to  use  all  possible  prudence,  on  penalty  of  removal  and  banish- 
ment from  the  university. 

The  character  of  the  professors  prevented  this  action  from  being 
much  felt,  those  whose  duties  were  most  likely  to  bring  them  in 
contact  with  the  forbidden  subjects,  being  either  elderly  and  cautious 
men,  taking  little  interest  in  the  movements  of  the  day,  or  such  as 
were  of  reactionary  tendencies.  But  the  students  felt  it  sensibly,  as 
it  maintained  and  strictly  applied  the  existing  laws  against  secret  asso- 
ciations among  them,  a step  which  at  once  broke  up  the  Burschens- 
chaft,  then  in  the  highth  of  its  prosperity.'^ 

During  the  difficulties  arising  from  the  existence  and  suppression 
of  the  Burschenschaft  and  similar  societies,  a commissary  was  placed 
at  the  head  of  the  university,  with  powers  much  like  those  of  the  ex- 
traordinary royal  commissioner  under  the  Bund.  While  this  officer 
was  employed,  a proposition  was  put  forward  by  the  government  to 
remove  the  university  to  Stuttgard,  but  after  a sharp  skirmish  of 
pamphlets  and  anonymous  articles,  was  dropped,  being  extremely 
unpopular. 

The  commissary  was  replaced  in  1829,  when  a new  change  was 
made  in  the  constitution  of  the  university,  by  a head  entitled  a Chan- 
cellor, to  be  permanent  principal  of  the  institution  in  place  of  the 
rector,  and  to  be  appointed  once  in  three  years  by  the  king.  In  this 
position  was  placed  Autenrieth,  who  had  already  made  himself  disa- 
greeable to  his  colleagues  by  his  activity  in  the  affair.  There  was  also 
a vice-chancellor,  and  instead  of  the  deans  of  faculty,  those  places 
were  held  by  the  senior  professors.  This  new  organization  was  emi- 
nently arbitrary,  left  the  senate  no  duties  except  advisory  and  regula- 
tive ones,  and  gave  most  of  the  management  of  the  university  to  the 
chancellor. 

This  constitution  was  received  with  very  great  disfavor,  and  was 
violently  attacked  both  at  home  and  abroad,  and  there  was  quite  a 
flood  of  pamphlets  and  other  publications  for  and  against  it.  The 
result  of  the  opposition  however,  was  the  appointment  of  a commis- 
sion to  prepare  still  another  scheme  of  organization  for  the  university, 
and  to  do  away  with  the  obnoxious  features  ; and,  in  1831,  the  united 
officers  of  royal  commissary  and  head  of  the  university  were  separa- 
ted, the  permanency  of  the  latter  office  done  away  with,  and  the  rec- 


* For  an  account  of  the  Landsmannschaften  and  Burschenschaft,  see  Raumer’s  German 
Universities^’^  edited  by  H.  Barnard,  pp.  53  and  80.  Raumer  makes  many  extracts  from 
and  references  to  Kliipfel. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


435 


torate  restored,  to  be  appointed  by  the  king  annually  from  three 
nominated  by  the  senate.  Tire  royal  commissaryship  was  vested  in 
the  chancellor,  who  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  king,  and  to  act  as 
a general  supervisor  of  the  discipline  and  studies  of  the  university. 
There  was  also  appointed  a business  agent  or  manager  {universitdts 
amtmann)^  to  have  charge  of  investigations  into  offences,  prohibited 
societies,  duels,  <fec.,  actual  performance  of  executive  duties,  the  debts 
of  the  students,  and  law  business ; aided,  also,  by  an  actuary.  The 
faculties  were  again  to  possess  their  deans,  who  was  to  be  chosen  for 
a year  in  a certain  order.  The  introduction  of  this  organization  gave 
satisfaction  to  the  university,  and  its  establishment  was  confirmed  by 
a law  of  1832. 

Later  Improviements. — Additions  to  the  Faculty  and  Apparatus. 

During  seven  years,  from  1835  to  1842,  in  consequence  to  a great 
extent  of  the  zealous  efforts  of  Robert  Mold,  a member  of  the  senate, 
the  university  made  great  and  important  advances,  the  total  sums  ex- 
pended for  the  purpose  within  that  period,  amounting  to  more  than 
200,000  florins.  A new  university  house  was  built,  with  a large  hall 
for  solemn  occasions,  greatly  improved  lecture  rooms,  fourteen  in 
number,  an  examination  room,  senate  chamber,  and  facult}^  and 
chancery  rooms.  A large  new  hospital  was  also  erected,  affording 
much  needed  space  for  a clinical  practice.  There  were  added  new 
professorships  of  geognosy,  administrative  management,  political  his- 
tory and  statistics,  zoology  and  surgery,  and  all  filled  with  able 
instructors. 

The  number  of  regular  professors  was  fixed  in  March,  1843,  by 
ministerial  ordinance  as  follows,  in  the 

Ordinary.  Extraordinary 


Protestant  theological  faculty, 4 1 

Catholic  “ “ 4 1 

Juridical  “ 6 1 

Medical  “ 8 3 

Philosophical  “ 9 3 

Public-economical  “ 6 1 


The  present  relative  numbers  are  somewhat  different.  The  scien- 
tific departments  were,  during  this  time,  so  far  enlarged  and  improved 
as  to  answer  all  reasonable  expectations,  and  to  raise  the  university 
to  a middle  grade  among  those  of  Germany.  Besides  the  strictl)^ 
learned  department,  physical  training  was  not  neglected.  A new 
riding-house  was  substituted  for  the  old  one,  and  the  exercising-ground 
vacated  at  the  dissolution  of  the  Burschenschaft  was  made  an  official 


436 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


academical  department,  and  a teacher  of  gymnastics  was  soon  after- 
wards appointed. 

Literary  Condition^  1811  to  1848. 

The  system  of  half-yearly  and  final  examinations  introduced  in 
1811,  has  given  rise  to  great  complaint,  as  being  an  interference  with 
fi  eedom  of  study,  by  making  the  examination  in  certain  departments 
obligatory.  But  the  system  has  been  maintained. 

The  philosophical  faculty  was  not  during  the  first  part  of  this 
period  very  prominent  among  the  leaders  of  German  thought  in  its 
departments.  Prof.  Schott  was  a genial  and  witty  man  in  society, 
but  no  enthusiast  for  philosophy.  Eschenmayer,  a|)pointed  as  a rep- 
resentative of  Schelling’s  school,  was  too  mystical,  and  too  confined 
to  a narrow  scheme  of  classifications,  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  the 
age.  And  Sigwart,  appointed  1816,  though  clear  in  stating  forms  of 
thought,  was  not  a profound  nor  productive  ])hilosopher.  In  oriental 
philology,  modern  philology  and  French,  the  instruction  given  was 
somewhat  inefficient  and  inattractive.  Von  Wangenheim  caused  the 
establishment  of  a professorship  of  the  German  language  and  litera- 
ture, which  was  for  some  time  filled  with  no  great  success,  by  S.  H. 
Michaelis,  and  was  then  left  vacant.  The  chair  of  history,  at  first 
unsatisfactorily  filled  by  the  old  professor,  Rosier,  was  afterwards 
more  efficiently  occupied  by  Dresch,  and  by  K.  F.  Haug. 

From  about  1830  to  1840,  the  situation  of  this  faculty  was  much 
changed  by  the  succession  of  new  teachers. 

In  1833,  Dr.  Moritz  Rapp  lectured  on  the  scientific  side  of  modern 
philology,  commenting  on  Shahspeare,  Moliere  and  Cervantes,  and  ex- 
plaining the  physiology  of  language,  with  much  force  and  effect.  He 
also  introduced  a series  of  exercises  in  the  production  of  parts  of  cele- 
brated dramatic  works,  which  excited  much  interest. 

The  Hegelian  philosophy  crept  gradually  into  the  university  be- 
tween 1828  and  1832,  being  earnestly  investigated  by  some  of  the 
students,  who  kept  it  to  themselves  as  a sort  of  aristocratic  or  esoteric 
philosophy,  and  some  of  them  losing  their  interest  in  it  afterwards, 
when,  in  spite  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  professors,  it  was  pub- 
licly expounded  with  great  popularity  by  D.  F.  Strauss,  then  a repe- 
tent,  afterwards  author  of  the  celebrated  '"'‘Life  of  Jesus P Strauss 
was  followed  by  Fischer,  a “ new  Schellingian,”  and  he  by  Vischer, 
who  inclined  to  an  jesthetic  Hegelianism. 

A chair  of  geology  having  been  established,  Prof.  F.  A.  Duenstedt 
was  appointed  to  it  in  1837;  and  he  has  been  an  acceptable  and 
efficient  instructor.  This  department  had  previously  been  in  charge 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN  437 

of  a member  of  the  medical  faculty ; and  some  other  departments  of 
natural  sciences  still  remained  so. 

At  the  removal  of  Profs.  Sigvvart  and  Fischer  from  the  university 
in  1841,  a new  movement  was  made  to  obtain  a representative  of  the 
modern  speculative  philosophy,  but  was  opposed  by  those  who  feared 
that  the  current  tendencies  of  that  philosophy  were  rather  against 
than  for  evangelical  Christianity.  The  former,  however,  substantially 
carried  their  measure. 

From  about  1838,  the  study  of  the  oriental  languages  was  quite 
flourishing  at  Tubingen,  under  the  instructions  of  Julius  Mold,  L. 
Kaptf,  Dr.  Wolff,  and  G.  H.  A.  Ewald,  the  last  of  whom,  however, 
though  learned  and  efficient  in  his  duties,  made  himself  very  disagree- 
able as  an  associate,  and  after  no  very  long  period  returned  to  Got- 
tingen, where  he  had  previously  been. 

To  the  department  of  the  philosophical  faculty  belonged  the  sem- 
inary for  teachers  of  real  schools,  and  the  philological  seminary ; both 
organized  in  the  spring  of  1838  under  the  direction  of  the  ministry. 
The  former  was  under  charge  of  Prof.  Ilaug,  and  was  intended  to 
afford  a higher  scientific  training  to  those  candidates  for  employment 
as  teachers  in  real  schools,  as  might  desire  it.  Its  instruction  was 
given  free  by  professors  in  the  philosophical  faculty,  who  received 
from  the  government  a compensation  for  lectures  in  mathematics, 
physics,  chemistry,  geography,  history,  and  modern  languages.  The 
members  were  also  permitted  to  practice  in  the  real  schools,  and 
received  during  two  years,  an  allowance  from  the  state  of  150  florins 
a year.  This  institution  was  discontinued  in  1846,  the  instruction  not 
being  as  thorough  as  desired,  and  the  instructors  not  taking  sufficient 
interest  in  their  duties,  which  were  indeed  mere  additions  to  their 
regular  employment.  Since  that  time  the  same  public  allowance  has 
been  made  to  some  candidates  for  places  in  real  schools,  who  desire 
to  study  at  the  university,  and  present  satisfactory  testimonials. 

The  philological  seminary  is  in  charge  of  the  two  professors  of 
classical  literature,  (at  present  Profs.  Walz  and  Schwegler,)  and  the 
rector  of  the  Lyceum.  Its  members  are  from  the  theological  and 
other  students ; and  the  course  of  study  consists  in  the  interpretation 
of  the  classics,  composition,  and  exercises  in  practical  teaching  in  the 
Lyceum.  It  is  intended  to  train  philological  teachers. 

Evangelical-1  heological  Faculty^  1812 — 1848. 

In  this  faculty,  Dr.  Bengel  was  for  a long  time  the  most  influential 
member.  During  his  period,  which  may  be  stated  as  from  1812  to 
1826,  appeared  the  Archives  of  Theology  and  New  Literature f 


438 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


edited  by  him  from  1816  to  his  death,  and  intended  as  a vehicle 
both  for  criticisms  and  for  careful  original  discussions  in  its  de- 
partment. 

A new  period  in  the  progress  of  this  department  is  maiked  by  the 
introduction  of  Schleiermacher’s  system  of  theology  about  1829.  This 
gave  rise  to  much  controversy,  and  to  an  increased  interest  in  that 
department  of  study.  In  1828,  Prof.  Steudel  established  the  “ T'd- 
hingen  Journal  of  Theology  f intended  to  keep  pace  with  the  progress 
of  theological  investigation,  and  to  serve  as  a guide  to  opinion  on  the 
subject.  Since  1830,  the  aid  of  various  learned  men,  especially  from 
among  the  colleagues  of  the  editor  in  the  theological  faculty,  has 
given  this  journal  a fixed  position  in  theological  literature.  Mention 
should  here  be  made  of  Strauss’  '"'‘Life  of  Jesus  f a work  whose  repu- 
tation and  influence  are  well  known,'  and  which  proceeded  from 
Tubingen  while  its  author  was  an  instructor  within  the  evangelical- 
theological  seminary  there.  The  first  of  all  the  controversies  into 
which  the  author  found  himself  plunged,  was  one  with  Dr.  Steudel, 
which  attracted  much  attention.  The  death  of  Steudel,  in  1837,  left 
the  theological  faculty  in  an  unsettled  condition  with  regard  to  teach- 
ers, which  is  not  yet  (1848)  entirely  adjusted. 

Evangelical-theological  Seminary. 

The  influence  of  political  movements  upon  this  institution  has 
already  been  alluded  to.  In  1811,  a renewed  attempt  was  made  to 
maintain  the  strictness  of  the  ancient  laws  as  to  drinking,  &c.,  while 
the  antique  costume  hitherto  prescribed,  was  permitted  to  be  ex- 
changed for  ordinary  pantaloons,  boots,  gray  over-coat,  and  round  hat. 
This  change  resulted  from  Curator  Voif  Wangenheim’s  dislike  to  see 
the  stipendiaries  in  their  quaint  clerical  costume  in  the  beer  houses. 
The  political  tendencies  of  the  seminary  are  illustrated  by  the  excite- 
ment at  the  report  that  the  French  Army  was  totally  destroyed  at 
Liitzen,  when  the  whole  institution  broke  out  into  shouts  of  exulta- 
tion, and  for  a long  time  nothing  was  to  be  heard  except  furious  war- 
songs,  vivats  for  Alexander  and  Wittgenstein,  and  pereats  for  Napoleon 
and  the  king.  Some  of  the  students  enlisted  for  the  campaign  of 
1814  into  France,  and  for  that  of  the  next  year. 

There  grew  up  about  this  time  among  the  stipendiaries  a tendency 
to  single  combat  and  to  the  usual  dissipations  of  the  students,  quite 
inconsistent  with  the  regular  discipline,  and  very  troublesome  to  the 
instructors.  An  investigation  into  alleged  disorders  of  this  nature,  on 
complaint  of  the  repetents,  led  to  no  result  except  the  breaking  up  of 
some  harmless  associations  among  the  foundationers.  Much  more 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN 


439 

iritevrnption  of  their  studies  resulted  from  tlie  passage  aud  delay  of 
some  of  the  Russian,  Austrian  and  Prussian  army-corps. 

In  1816,  more  complaints  were  made  of  the  association  of  some  of 
the  stipendiaries  with  the  “Corps,”  and  their  indulgence  in  a Lands- 
mannschaft  of  their  own,  and  the  usual  drinking  and  dueling,  d'hese 
proceedings  were  investigated  and  stopped  ; but  the  foundationers 
took  part  in  the  quarrel  between  the  Land smannschof ten  and  the 
Burschenschaft,  and  thus  had  a disagreement  between  themselves. 
There  was  at  this  time  a strong  radical  tendency  amongst  a large 
part  of  the  stipendiaries,  and  indeed  of  the  repetents  also. 

In  1826  a new  set  of  statutes  were  enacted,  substantially  the  same 
as  at  present  in  force.  Their  chief  purpose  was  a stricter  provision  for 
the  fi.xing  and  oversight  of  the  whole  course  of  study,  whicdi  must  be 
approved  by  the  instructors  for  each  student,  and  then  followed  by 
him.  The  plan  has  had  one  bad  result,  namely,  to  prevent  the  pur- 
suit of  any  study  besides  theology,  philosophy  excepted.  There  was 
also  established  a system  of  written  themes,  sermons,  &c.,  all  to  be 
prepared  under  strict  inspection  by  the  instructors ; all  the  stipendia- 
ries were  required  to  attend  church  on  all  Sundays  and  festivals,  ex- 
cept in  case  of  sickness,  &c. ; going  to  taverns  is  forbidden,  except 
occasionally  in  vacation;  practicing  the  student-customs  and  all  fencing 
are  forbidden  on  pain  of  imprisonment  or  expulsion  ; smoking  is  pro- 
liibited  except  in  the  study-rooms  ; a uniform  black  costume  is  pre- 
scribed, except  that  a proper  over-coat  of  not  too  violent  a color  may 
be  worn,  and  gray  pantaloons  on  working-days.  Neckcloths  must 
be  worn,  and  may  be  either  black  or  white. 

During  the  present  period,  the  growing  demand  for  freedom  pro- 
duce frequent  manifestations  ofi  dissatisfaction  with  the  strict  discipline 
of  the  foundation,  and  more  than  one  plan  was  considered  for  discon- 
tinuing it,  or  remodeling  it  into  a merely  literary  institution  ; these 
schemes  being  upheld  by  the  evangelical  clergy,  who  were  displeased 
at  the  progress  in  it  of  rationalist  and  even  theistical  views. 

The  expense  of  the  foundation  has  been,  for  the  last  three  years 
(1846-8),  at  an  average,  36,000  florins,  with  an  average  of  120  stu- 
dents. That  of  the  current  year  (1849)  is  computed  at  41,000  florins. 
Each  stipendiary  receives  free  lodging,  dinner  and  supper,  sixty  florins 
a year  in  lieu  of  wine,  fuel,  attendance,  medical  services,  and  instruc- 
tion, all  gratis,  at  an  expense  to  the  state  of  about  230  florins  per 
liead.  The  salaries  of  teachers,  (fee.,  amount  to  3,000  florins,  of  which 
the  Ephorus  or  principal  receives,  besides  free  lodging,  600  florins ; 
each  of  the  nine  repetents,  board,  lodging,  180  florins,  and  100  florins 
wine  money;  and  3,700  florins  more  is  expended  for  household  ser- 


440 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


vices,  performed  by  a steward,  two  under-overseers,  four  waiters,  one 
repe tent’s  servant,  and  nine  students’  servants. 

Catholic  Theological  Faculty — the  Wilhelmsstift. 

After  the  large  addition  to  the  Catholic  part  of  Wirtemberg,  which 
resulted  from  the  Napoleonic  wars,  the  need  of  an  institution  for  the 
training  of  Catholic  clergymen  began  to  be  felt.  In  consequence  of 
this,  king  Frederic  I.  attempted  to  supply  the  want  by  a so  called 
Catholic  Theological  University,  which  he  established  at  Ellwangen 
in  1812.  This  consisted  only  of  a theological  faculty  with  five  in- 
structors, and  depended  for  the  necessary  introductory  philosophical 
and  philological  instruction  upon  the  gymnasium  there,  an  institution 
not  competent  to  the  task.  As  the  addition  of  these  faculties  would 
have  demanded  too  large  an  outlay,  it  was  decided  to  transfer  the 
new  institution  to  Tubingen,  which  was  done  during  the  fall  and  win- 
ter of  ISlY-lS.  The  new  faculty  was  installed  as  next  in  rank  to  the 
evangelical-theological  faculty,  with  similar  rights  to  the  others.  It 
consisted  of  five  chairs  ; for  ecclesiastical  law  and  history,  exegesis  of 
the  New  Testament,  oriental  languages  and  the  Old  Testament,  dog- 
matics, and  ethics  and  pastoral  theology. 

But  as  there  was  no  great  concourse  of  students  for  the  Catholic 
priesthood,  and  as  many  of  those  who  would  have  pursued  the  requi- 
site studies  w^ere  prevented  by  poverty,  the  government  resolved  to 
establish  a Catholic  institution  similar  to  the  evangelical  foundation, 
which  was  opened  accordingly  in  the  autumn  of  1817,  in  the  build- 
ing of  the  old  Collegium  Illmtre. 

The  new  institution,  usually  called  the  “ Wilhelmsstift,”  was  under 
the  authority  of  the  Catholic  ecclesiastical  council,  and  admitted  every 
year,  after  a competitive  examination,  forty  pupils.  The  general 
character  of  the  institution  is  very  similar  to  that  of  the  theological 
foundation,  as  regards  interior  arrangements,  management,  allow- 
ances, (fee. ; but  the  disciplinary  regulations  w'ere  much  stricter,  and 
less  recreation  and  absence  permitted. 

Juridical  Faculty,  1811 — 1848 

A succession  of  instructors,  all  competent  and  some  distinguished, 
have  lectured  in  this  fiiculty  during  this  period.  No  change  has  been 
introduced  in  the  course,  except  that  lectures  on  the  constitution  and 
laws  of  the  German  empire,  discontinued  since  the  end  of  that  empire, 
were  reestablished  by  order  of  the  ministry  in  1815,  on  the  ground 
that  many  legal  decisions  yet  valid  and  important,  were  based  on 
that  law,  and  were  unintelligible  without  it. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


441 


Faculty  of  Political  Economy. 

This  faculty,  a supplement  to  that  of  law,  was  established  in  181 7, 
and  may  be  said  to  have  had  predecessors  in  the  Collegium  Illustre 
and  the  “ economical  faculty  ” of  the  Karls- Akademie  at  Stuttgard. 
It  was  established  in  consequence  of  the  recommendation  of  Baron 
von  Wangenheim,  as  a means  of  furnishing  public  officers  better 
trained  in  the  various  branches  of  administration.  The  departments 
to  be  taught  were  fixed  as  follows : theory  of  political  economy, 
especially  state  polity,  national  economy,  and  finance ; public  admin- 
istration, especially  practical  governmental  management,  {regiminal- 
praxis^  exchequer  and  finance  management;  agricultural  economy; 
forestry ; technology,  trades,  mining ; and  civil  architecture.  Lec- 
tures were  also  prescribed  in  the  juridical  faculty,  on  public  law  gen- 
erally, state  law,  philosophy  of  enacted  law,  Wirtemberg  common 
law,  [privatrecht).,  as  far  as  intelligible  without  a knowledge  of  Ro- 
man law,  and  financial  law.  It  was  intended  to  afford  means  of 
practical  exercises  in  agriculture  and  forestry,  but  the  plan  did  not 
succeed.  In  order  to  offer  some  inducements  to  students,  it  was  de- 
creed that  in  future  supplies  of  public  offices,  preference  should  be 
given,  other  things  being  equal,  to  those  who  had  studied  in  this  fac- 
ulty, and  passed  the  faculty  examination ; and  from  four  to  six 
stipends  were  offered,  to  be  given  during  the  next  ten  years,  of  about 
150  florins  each,  besides  an  annual  distribution  of  prize  medals,  simi- 
lar to  that  in  the  other  faculties. 

The  attendance  was  at  first  large,  in  the  second  year  being  over  a 
hundred  ; but  soon  decreased  again,  the  higher  authorities,  themselves 
trained  as  clerks,  neglecting  to  comply  with  the  provision  for  prefer- 
ring students,  when  vacancies  occurred  in  the  public  service ; and  the 
instruction  given  by  the  faculty  being  itself  defective.  The  number 
of  students  began  to  increase  again  however  after  the  appointment  of 
Robert  Mohl  as  professor  of  public  law.  About  1836  the  studies  in 
this  faculty  were  arranged  into  two  classes,  one  for  those  intending  to 
pursue  financial  employments,  and  one  for  those  preparing  for  situa- 
tions in  the  ministry  of  the  interior. 

This  faculty  gives  the  university  of  Tubingen  an  advantage  over 
most  of  the  German  universities.  Most  of  them  have  no  similar  one, 
and  none  one  so  complete.  Its  diploma  of  Doctor  of  Political  Econ- 
omy is  sought  after  from  every  part  of  Germany  ; its  organization  has 
served  as  a model  for  similar  ones  even  in  France;  Mold’s  writings 
on  the  training  of  administrative  public  officers  have  mostly  been 
translated  into  French,  and  in  Sweden  the  examinations  for  such 


442 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


offices  have  been  organized  on  the  principles  fixed  by  the  Tubingen 
faculty. 

Medical  Faculty^  1811 — 1848. 

During  this  period,  this  faculty  flourished  and  extended  its  sphere 
of  operations  quite  importantly ; although  no  improvements  of  great 
consequence  took  place  until  1835,  the  results  of  Prof.  A.  F.  Schill’s 
vigorous  advocacy  of  the  late  new  discoveries  in  medicine,  and  of  the 
necessity  for  greater  efforts  to  accommodate  students.  More  beds 
were  aftbrded  in  the  hospital,  and  .better  clinical  instruction,  both 
from  hospital  and  out  patients,  was  enjoyed. 

In  1841,  Dr.  C.  A.  Wunderlich,  head  of  the  clinical  department, 
and  Dr.  Roser,  established  a medical  periodical,  the  ^‘‘Archives  of  Phys- 
iological Medicine f since  edited  by  Dr.  Griesinger,  and  which  has 
done  much  service  in  its  department. 

The  annual  public  appropriation  for  the  clinical  departments  at 
Tubingen  were,  in  184Y-8,  17,000  florins.  That  for  the  next  year  is 
computed  at  23,000  florins.  Besides  this,  there  is  an  annual  income 
of  from  6,500  to  7,500  florins,  from  payments  for  board,  &c.,  from  an 
invested  capital,  and  extraordinary  appi-opriations. 

Eschenmayer  first  introduced  the  department  of  insanity,  and  Dr. 
Leube  aftewards  lectured  on  it.  The  latter  also  proposed  and  planned 
an  asylum  for  the  insane,  but  it  has  not  yet  been  erected.  Some 
cases  are  received  in  the  new  hospital,  and  a few  cells  are  fitted  up  for 
cases  of  mania. 

The  senate  discussed  a plan  for  a veterinary  hospital  as  early  as 
1812,  and  one  was  ordered  by  the  ministry,  and  money  given  for  it, 
in  1817.  J.  D.  Ilofacker  was  also  appointed  veterinary  professor  in 
1814,  and  lectured  ably,  but  to  no  great  effect,  for  want  of  practical 
illustrations.  Ilofacker  died  in  1829,  and  no  successor  was  appointed. 
At  present,  occasional  lectures  on  veterinary  medicine  are  given  by  the 
veterinary  surgeon  of  the  district. 

Three  new  ordinary  professorships  were  established  ; and  instead 
of  the  mere  rudiment  of  a cabinet  of  natural  productions,  the  small 
botanic  garden  with  a green-house  for  exotics  and  no  herbarium,  a 
kitchen  incapable  of  being  heated  for  a laboratory,  a little  chapel  for 
an  anatomical  theater,  and  a couple  of  rooms  for  patients,  where  one 
patient  at  a time  could  be  seen  exceptionally,  there  is  now  a large 
zoological  collection,  a cabinet  of  comparative  anatomy  of  remarkable 
beauty  and  extent,  a large  building  for  botanical  collections  and  in- 
vestigations, one  of  the  finest  botanic  gardens  in  Germany,  two  large 
chemical  lal»oratories,  a handsome  building  for  human  anatomy,  with 
collections,  already  important,  a well  built,  roomy  and  well  furnished 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


443 


hospital,  and  a large  building  used  as  a lying-in  hospital.  And  be- 
sides these  material  advantages,  the  medical  faculty  at  Tubingen  pos- 
sesses another,  perhaps  hardly  existing  to  an  equal  degree  in  any 
German  university,  that  the  professors  now  in  charge  of  the  most  im- 
portant institutions  for  practical  instruction  are  young  men. 

VI.  SCIENTIFIC  COLLECTIONS  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

Libraries. 

University  Library. — The  origin  of  this  library  is  unknown  ; our 
first  notice  of  it  is,  that  it  was  burnt  in  1534  with  the  Wisdom  House, 
[Sapienzhaus.)  It  was  slowly  replaced,  from  poverty  ; its  main  addi- 
tions being  from  the  books  of  the  convents  broken  up  at  the  Reforma- 
tion, which  were  divided  between  Tubingen  and  Stuttgard.  There  were 
also  valuable  smaller  libraries  in  the  Contuhernium  and  in  the  Sti- 
yyendiuin  Martinianum.,  which,  however,  have  entirely  disap}ieared. 
An  important  addition  was  the  library  of  Prof.  Ludwig  Gremp, 
already  mentioned,  of  some  2,600  well  selected  useful  volumes,  all 
handsomely  bound  in  hogskin,  and  especially  rich  in  jurisprudence 
and  theology. 

The  first  regular  arrangement  of  the  library  was  made  about  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century  by  the  librarian.  Prof.  George  Burkhard, 
who  completed  an  arrangement  and  catalogue  in  1792.  During  the 
Thirty  Years’  War,  the  whole  collection  fell  into  great  confusion,  from 
which  it  was  not  rescued  until  about  1680.  It  did  not  begin  to  in- 
crease much  until  after  1750,  a little  after  which  time  the  librarian, 
Dr.  Scheinemann,  had  the  library  open  for  use  by  the  students,  under 
careful  oversight,  twice  or  thilce  a week.  In  1774  arrangements 
were  made  which  permitted  a somewhat  fuller  use  of  it,  but  it  was 
of  very  little  service  in  the  winter,  being  still  in  the  lower  dark  rooms 
of  the  university  house,  where,  if  a book  was  wanted  for  use,  it  was 
necessary  to  go  in  with  the  beadle  and  a lantern,  and  carry  the  requi- 
site writing  materials.  The  students  were  now  permitted  to  carry 
away  books  for  from  eight  to  fourteen  days,  on  security  of  a professor. 

The  addition  of  the  library  of  the  philosophical  faculty,  and  of  the 
Martinianum.,  and  of  the  valuable  works  presented  at  the  jubilee  of 
1777,  directed  more  attention  to  the  library;  plans  were  agitated  for 
better  rooms  for  it,  and  various  private  and  othei-  collections  purchased 
and  added  to  it,  and  in  1819  it  was  at  lenjrth  removed  to  a more 
convenient  locality  in  the  north  wing  of  the  Castle,  which  affords  a 
very  handsome  library  room,  as  now  fitted  up. 

The  want  of  a catalogue  and  of  sufficient  force  for  the  service  now 
caused  great  inconvenience,  and  many  complaints  and  petitions  for 


444 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


improvement.  Prof.  Herbst,  appointed  chief  librarian  in  1831,  ap- 
plied himself  with  great  zeal  and  activity  to  introduce  needed  improve- 
ments ; and  an  epoch  of  still  greater  importance  for  the  prosperity  of 
the  library  was  constituted  by  the  appointment  of  Robert  Mohl  as 
chief  librarian  in  1836.  Since  that  time  the  management  has  been 
newly  regulated,  reading  hours  fixed  at  from  9 to  12  and  1 to  4,  suf- 
ficient catalogues  begun  and  nearly  completed,  more  officers  and 
servants  employed,  more  room  obtained  for  the  increasing  number  of 
boohs,  and  largely  increased  appropriations  for  purchase  secured,  the 
whole  amount  being  from  12,000  to  15,000  florins.  The  whole  num- 
ber of  bound  volumes  now  reaches  about  200,000,  besides  about 
50,000  dissertations  and  pamphlets,  and  some  2,000  manuscripts. 
The  library  thus  ranks  among  the  large  European  libraries,  and  is  the 
largest  of  any  German  university,  except  that  of  Gottingen  ; although 
the  unsystematic  mode  in  which  much  of  it  was  collected,  and  the 
character  of  its  sources,  renders  it  not  so  valuable  for  use  as  some 
smaller  ones.  It  is  in  charge  of  a library  commission,  consisting  of 
the  chief  librarian  and  six  other  members,  ordinary  professors.  The 
administrative  force  is  a chief  librarian,  (Prof.  A.  Keller,)  two  libra- 
rians, (Profs.  J.  F.  J.  Tafel  and  K.  Kliipfel,)  an  assistant,  an  amanen- 
sis,  an  under-overseer,  and  a servant. 

Other  Libraries. 

Library  of  the  Evangelical  Seminary. — This  was  established  as 
early  as  1557,  when  the  duke  gave  three  casks  of  books,  mostly  theo- 
logical, from  the  convent  libraries.  The  number  of  volumes  is  now 
about  30,000,  besides  some  MSS. 

The  library  of  the  Catholic  Wilhelmsstift  contains  about  15,000 
volumes,  two-thirds  of  them  being  the  theological  portion  of  the  king’s 
private  library,  deposited  there,  and  the  remainder  from  the  library 
formed  at  Ellwangen,  and  from  duplicates  of  the  convent  libraries. 

The  Museum  Library  contains  some  1,400  well  selected  works  on 
belles-lettres,  history,  geography,  and  politics,  and  about  fifty  scien- 
tific and  literary  journals,  and  twenty  newspapers,  which  are  kept  at 
hand  in  the  reading-room. 

Other  Scientific  Collections.,  ^c. 

The  Cabinet  of  Coins  and  Antiques  is  in  the  northeast  tower  of  the 
Castle,  in  charge  of  Prof.  Walz,  and  contains  2,022  pieces  in  all, 
including  many  valuable  coins,  bronzes,  statues,  casts  and  curiosities. 

Observatory. — This  was  established  in  1752,  under  Duke  Charles, 
in  the  northeast  tower  of  the  Castle,  and  supplied  with  an  iron  quad- 
rant made  at  Paris,  two  pendulum  clocks,  and  two  large  telescopes 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


445 


between  twenty  and  thirty  feet  long.  In  1785  it  was  rebuilt;  and  in 
1800,  rooms  were  set  apart  for  observations,  and  fora  lodging  for  the 
astronomical  professor.  Under  Bohnenberger,  the  collection  of  instru- 
ments was  enlarged,  as  much  as  the  small  means  accessible  permit- 
ted. In  1845  it  was  much  increased  by  the  purchase  of  a large 
refractor  from  Munich,  for  which  the  observatory  was  rebuilt  again, 
with  a movable  roof.  This  refractor  was  of  six  inches  diameter,  and 
eight  feet  focal  distance.  There  is  now  a good  collection  of  other 
modern  instruments  by  the  best  makers  ; and  though  the  establish- 
ment is  by  no  means  a first  class  observatory,  it  fully  answers  all  the 
requirements  of  the  university. 

Philosophical  Apparatus. — This  was  commenced  under  Stoffler, 
Under  Duke  Charles  the  collection  was  much  enlarged,  and,  in  1804, 
a large  hall  and  several  chambers  in  the  Castle  were  appropriated  to 
it.  With  a few  exceptions,  the  apparatus  is  now  of  the  newest  kinds, 
competent  for  all  classes  of  physical  experiment,  and  will  compare 
well  with  that  of  any  other  institution  of  its  class  in  Germany. 

Collection  in  Natural  History. — This  was  only  commenced  in 
1802,  w'hen  its  foundation  was  laid  by  the  gifts  of  several  professors, 
an  endowment  from  Baron  von  Palm,  and  an  appropriation  from  the 
university  funds.  The  mineralogical  cabinet  has  much  increased 
since  a professorship  of  mineralogy  and  geognosy  was  established  in 
1837,  and,  especially,  since  it  has  been  in  charge  of  Prof.  Duenstedt. 
It  may  now  challenge  a comparison  with  any  collection  in  Germany, 
and  surpass  most  of  them  in  completeness  and  clearness  of  arrange- 
ment, and  scientific  classification.  It  contains  about  100,0U0  speci- 
mens. The  zoological  and  zootomical  collection,  in  charge  of  Prof. 
Von  Rapp,  is  constantly  increasing  in  value. 

Botanic  Garden. — During  the  years  1805-9,  a new’  botanic  garden 
was  laid  out  under  the  care  of  Prof  Kielmeyer,  but  in  low  ground  near 
the  Ammer,  and  liable  to  overflows  and  frosts,  and  too  damp  for 
many  plants.  It  had  a forcing-house,  and  a gardener’s  house  ; but  no 
lecture  room,  nor  any  accommodations  for  scientific  labors,  nor  for 
preserving  collections.  During  the  last  twelve  years,  however,  a new 
garden  has  been  laid  out  on  higher  ground,  and  these  deficiencies 
quite  well  supplied. 

Anatomy. — A new  anatomical  theater  was  erected  in  1832-5,  with 
a dissecting  room  with  accommodations  for  more  than  200  persons,  a 
lecture  room,  rooms  for  dissections  by  students  and  for  keeping  prep- 
arations, subjects,  and  animals,  and  an  anatomical  museum.  The 
clinical  department  and  lying-in  hospital  have  already  been  men- 
tioned. 


446 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


Collection  of  Models. — This  collection  for  instruction  in  technology, 
is  now  accommodated  in  a separate  building  fitted  up  for  the  purpose. 

Literary  Representations  of  the  University. 

Since  the  discontinuance  of  the  '‘^Tubingen  Advertiser f {Anzeigen,) 
in  1808,  there  has  been  no  general  literary  organ  of  the  university, 
such  as  exists  at  Gottingen,  Heidelberg,  Halle,  Jena  and  Leipzig.  A 
plan  for  establishing  such  a one,  in  connection  with  a Wirternberg 
association  of  learned  men,  was  started  in  1826  on  occasion  of  the 
birth  of  the  crown  prince,  but  neither  ever  went  into  operation. 
Single  faculties  have,  however,  issued  periodicals,  as,  for  instance, 
both  the  theological  and  the  juridical.  The  Catholic  one  still  exists  ; 
the  Protestant  one  lasted,  with  brief  intervals,  until  1840;  the  polit- 
ical-economical one  until  1844.  Some  individual  professors  also 
published  periodicals ; as,  Reyscher  for  German  law,  Zeller  for  specu- 
lative theology,  Roser  and  Wunderlich  for  medicine,  and  Fichte  for 
philosophy.  In  1843,  the  younger  professors  of  almost  all  the  facul- 
ties seemed  on  the  point  of  uniting  in  a common  periodical ; but  the 
plan  went  into  operation  only  partially,  in  the  form  of  the  present 
year-books,  edited  by  Schwegler. 

Since  1829  the  use  of  Latin  has  been  discontinued  in  official  aca- 
demical writings,  programmes,  addresses,  dissertations  and  disputa- 
tions. No  festival  programmes  are  any  longer  published,  except  on 
the  king’s  birthday,  and  those  customary  at  the  announcement  of  the 
promotions  to  the  doctorate  of  philosophy. 

Instruction  in  Fine  Arts^  ^c. 

Instruction  is  given  in  riding  by  riding-master  Baron  von  Falken- 
stein ; in  music,  by  music-director  Silcher,  well-known  as  a composer 
and  leader  ; in  drawing  and  painting,  by  the  painter  Leibnitz  ; and 
in  fencing,  dancing,  and  gymnastics,  by  masters  in  those  arts. 

Propositions  for  Reform. 

Prof.  Fallati  of  Jena,  originated  a proposal  of  an  assembly  of  uni- 
versity instructors  in  Jena  in  1848,  and  a little  afterwards,  the 
university  of  Jena  sent  out  invitations  to  the  other  German  universi- 
ties to  appoint  each  four  representatives  to  a reformatory  convention 
to  meet  at  Jena,  as  a convenient  and  central  point.  Four  were  chosen 
at  Tubingen  ; two  from  the  ordinary  professors,  one  from  the  extraor- 
dinary professors,  and  one  from  the  private  instructors  {Privatdocen- 
ten.)  On  behalf  of  each  of  these  three  bodies,  proposals  for  reform 
were  drawn  up,  the  first  of  them  recommending  the  substitution  of 
an  assembly  of  all  the  instructors  for  the  present  senate  of  ordinary 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TUBINGEN. 


447 


professors ; and  the  last,  submitting  a new  constitution  in  detail,  ad- 
hering generally  to  the  corporate  rights  of  the  university,  but  recom- 
mending the  cessation  of  its  exempt  jurisdiction,  a similar  substitute 
for  the  senate  to  that  just  mentioned,  and  an  executive  committee  for 
current  administrative  business. 

Manners  and  Morals. 

Not  much  can  conveniently  be  said  on  this  subject  during  the  pres- 
ent period,  aside  from  what  has  already  been  mentioned  in  discussing 
the  Burshenschaft. 

The  government  prohibition  to  enter  beer  houses  (Xneipen)  in  the 
forenoon,  was  somewhat  mollified  in  1837,  but  though  often  remon- 
strated against  by  both  students  and  professors,  is  still  in  force.  This 
is  to  some  extent  a hardship,  as  in  Tubingen  the  students  depend  upon 
these  public  houses  for  social  intercourse,  much  more  than  at  most  of 
the  other  German  universities,  as  but  few  family  circles  are  open  to 
the  students,  and  then  only  to  relatives,  or  those  in  some  especial 
relation  to  a professor.  Large  social  assemblies  are  quite  rare. 
There  is  usually  in  winter  a sort  of  assembly  ( Casinogesellschaft)  at 
the  museum,  at  which  some  families  and  some  students  are  usually 
present.  There  are  also  occasional  balls. 

Among  the  elder  members  of  the  university,  there  are  various  social 
circles,  one  of  which  in  particular  has  existed  for  some  ten  years,  and 
consists  mostly  of  professors,  at  each  of  whose  meetings  conversation 
is  varied  by  a discourse  from  some  one  of  the  members  on  some 
literary  subject  of  general  interest.  There  have  of  late  been  various 
efforts  for  the  literary  and  aesthetic  improvement  of  ladies.  Thus 
Prof.  Vischer  delivered,  during  several  winters,  numerously  attended 
lectures  on  literary  history  ; Dr.  Brocker  lectured  to  ladies  on  general 
history ; Dr.  Leibnitz  on  the  history  of  art,  <fec. 

In  1858,  there  were  72  professors,  of  whom  46  were  ordinary  pro- 
fessors, 9 extraordinary,  2 honorary,  16  privat  docentes ; 704  students, 
viz.,  118  in  catholic  theology,  and  146  in  protestant;  193  in  juris- 
prudence; 111  in  medicine;  and  136  in  philosophy. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY, 


PAST  AND  PRESENT. 


■r-.:.  ; .m 

h'  ^-  ^ . •'  •"  '■  ’■'^'•■'v;  ■ ■ ' ■ . 

w'-'.'  •'  •■■"  ..  '■>  ■ - ■ 

^ f ^ * M ■'^1  ' ‘ ■ 5 » ' r . . f t , ■ , - - ■ ' - ^ ■ 


i ; 


.« 'fe 

■’  ■ - - I ■ ' 

k-;-  • '..':a; 

; . ;.  ,.  -i:'' . , 

* - ‘ . . ■ ■ 


4 


v-^ 

■jity- 


:l  . 


iH-fn  -■ 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


INTRODUCTION. 

To  UNDERSTAND  tlio  present  condition’ of  institutions  of  Superior 
Instruction  in  Italy,  and  the  influence  which  Rome  has  exerted  on 
the  development  of  higher  education  in  Europe,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  look  not  only  into  the  constitution  of  the  early  Christian  schools, 
both  cathedral  and  monastic,  and  of  the  early  Medieval  Universi- 
ties, and  particularly  that  of  Bologna  (which  we  have  already  pre- 
sented in  the  elaborate  chapters  from  Savigny’s  Introduction  to  the 
Study  of  Roman  Jurisprudence),  but  also  into  the  earlier  forms  of 
liberal  culture  which  existed  in  Athens,  Alexandria,  and  the  great 
cities  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  which,  after  the  revival  of  classical 
learning  in  the  sixteenth  century,  became  incorporated  into  the  or- 
ganization and  instruction  of  Christian  schools  and  universities  every- 
where, as  one  of  the  factors  of  modern  civilization.  We  had  made 
considerable  progress  in  the  collection  and  preparation  of  material 
for  this  purpose,  when  we  found  in  “ The  Historically  received  con- 
ception of  the  University f by  Edward  Kirkpatrick,  the  “ Office 
and  Work  of  Universities f by  Dr.  Newman,  *!frst  published  by  him 
in  the  Catholic  University  Gazette,  to  influence  the  establishrwent 
of  a National  University  at  Dublin;  in  '■^Christian  Schools  and 
Scholars:  or,  Sketches  of  Education  from  the  Christian  Era  to  the 
Council  of  Trent,'’’’  and  in  MontalemberUs  '’‘‘Monks  of  the  West,'’’ — 
these  subjects  so  elaborately  treated  from  the  most  abundant  orig- 
inal materials  in  the  hands  of  these  every  way  competent  authors, 
that  the  best  service  we  could  do  American  educators  would  be  lo 
introduce  chapters  from  these  volumes,  which  are  not  likely  to  be 
republished  entire  in  this  country,  into  successive  numbers  of  this 
Journal.  To  the  History  and  Condition  of  Superior  Instruction  in 
Italy,  we  have  added  brief  accounts  of  a few  of  the  most  remark- 
able Orders  of  the  Catholic  Church,  which  by  their  Schools  and 
Teachers,  and  in  other  ways,  have  done  inestimable  service  to  Euro- 
pean education. 


(451) 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


II.  ITALY. 

I.  Historical  Development  of  Superior  Instruction 453 

1.  Higher  Education  in  Ancient  Greece 453 

State  polic}' — The  Sophists — Public  Infe — Attic  Oratory 45G 

Schools  of  Athens — Plato,  Socrates,  Aristotle 462 

Museum  of  Alexandria — its  Rector,  Professors,  Students 464 

Rhodes — Antioch — Tarsus 466 

2.  Higher  Education  among  the  Romans 467 

Teachers  of  Rhetoric  and  Grammar.  Study  of  Greek 469 

Personal  Influence.  Unconscious  Tuition  of  Eminent  Men.  Etruvia 474 

Athenieum  of  the  Capital.  University  of  Athens 475 

Professors,  appointment,  salaries  and  assistants 477 

Sophists  < f the  later  Roman  Empire.  Mode  of  Instruction 481 

3.  Effects  of  Christianity  on  Academic  study 486 

Octagon  or  Tetradision  of  Constantine 487 

Theological  Seminaries — Alexandria — Constantinople 488 

Roman  Law  at  Rome  and  Berytus 489 

Rule  of  the  Ostrogoths — German  element 490 

4.  Differences  between  Ancient  and  Modern  Academic  Institutions 492 

Corporate  privileges — Academic  degrees 463 

Faculty  of  Arts,  associated  with  Theology  and  Law 495 

Special  Science? — Canon  Law — Medicine — Roman  Law 500 

Influence  of  Byzantine  Greeks — Platonic  element — Arabic  culture 505 

Internal  Economy  of  Ancient  and  Modern  Academic  life 506 

Emancipation  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts — Classical  Learning 507 

Notes — Museum  of  Alexandria — Literary  Clubs,  or  Symposia 510 

11.  Christian  Schools — as  distinguished  from  Pagan 513 

St.  Basil  and  St.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  at  Athens 515 

Cassiodorus  at  Vivaria 517 

St.  Benedict  and  the  Benedictines 519 

Monte  Cassino — Summary  of  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict 521 

Confirmation  of  Rule — Guarantees  and  Exemptions  of  Pope  Gregory  VII 524 

Monasteries  as  Schools,  and  Repositories  and  Disseminators  of  Learning 525 

Cathedral  Schcxds — Training  of  Theological  Students 527 

Order  of  St.  To  ninic — Society  of  .Tesus — Council  of  Trent 529 

III.  Revival  of  the  Languages  and  Literatures  of  Greece  and  Rome 541 

1.  Literary  studies  of  the  Middle  Ages — Intellectual  Life 545 

Trivium,  (iuudrivium,Mathematics,  Astronomy,  Natural  History 548 

Roger  Bacon — Lay  of  Nibelungen 549 

2.  Dante  and  Boccaccio — Use  of  the  Vernacular 550 

Petrarch — precursor  of  Philological  Poetry — aversion  to  scholasticism 556 

3.  Growth  of  Classical  Learning — Florence 565 

John  of  Ravenna  and  Chrysoloras — Guariiio  and  Vittorino  di  Feltre 567 

Cosmo  di  Medici — Lorenzo — Pope  Nicholas  V. — First  printed  books 570 

Platonic  Academy  at  Florence — Marsilius,  Ficinus,  George  of  Trebezond 572 

Francis  Pbilelphus — Poggius — Laurentius  Valla — Bessarion — Gaza 573 

Lorenzo  di  Medici — Laiidinus — Politianus — Picus,  Count  of  Mirandola 577 

Leo  X. — the  dark  side  of  his  Pontificate — Machiavelli  and  Ariosto 586 

Retrospect— Influence  on  Germany,  France,  and  England 592 

IV.  Superior  Instruction  in  the  Kingdom  of  Italy 595 

I.  illSTORK  AL  notice  OP  EXISTING  UNIVERSITIES 597 

1.  State  Universities 598 

Bologna,  Cagliari,  Catania,  Genoa,  Maceralta,  Messina,  Modena,  Naples,  603 
Palermo,  Parma,  Padua,  Pavia,  Pisa,  Sassari,  Siena,  Turin 609 

2.  Non-government  Universities 616 

Camerino,  Ferrara,  Perugia,  Urbino 616 

3.  Superior  In.stitutes 619 

4.  Higher  Learning  in  the  city  of  Rome ^ 622 

11.  Administration,  Faculties,  Professors,  Students,  and  Statistics 621 

III.  Teaching  Orders  of  the  Catholic  Church 641 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


FROM  “the  university,”  BY  EDWARD  KIRKPATRICK,  M.  A. 


HIGHER  EDUCATION  IN  GREECE. 

• 

1.  The  paramount  importance  assigned  to  the  subject  of  education 
in  all  the  noblest  states  of  antiquity,  and  the  earnestness  with  which 
their  most  celebrated  lawgivers  exerted  themselves  to  carry  out  the 
principle  of  mental  and  moral  advancement  to  the  utmost  conceivable 
perfection,  are  everywhere  conspicuous  at  the  earliest  period  at 
which  Hellenic  genius  and  culture  assume  their  distinct  historic 
character.  The  existence  of  a complete,  and  minutely  organized 
system  of  educational  arrangements,  is  from  the  first  observable  in 
those  communities  which  exhibit  the  most  strongly  expressed,  and 
consistent  examples  of  the  Greek  conception  of  the  state.  The  edu- 
cation of  the  youth  of  the  country  was  considered  as  the  basis  of  all 
the  future  influences  of  the  state,  the  ground  and  warrant  of  its  best 
anticipations  from  the  citizen.^  Far  from  abandoning  this  subject 
to  the  possible  inattention,  or  excentric  fancies  of  individuals,  the 
state  conceived  that,  as  the  common  parent,  its  most  sacred  duty,  and 
most  vital  interests,  would  be  equally  neglected,  if  the  highest  mind 
of  the  whole  community  were  not  directly,  and  constantly,  brought 
to  bear  upon  a question  of  such  inconceivable  importance  to  the 
individual,  and  the  nation.  In  Sparta  the  workings  of  the  whole 
educational  machinery  were  placed  under  the  supervision  of  an  espe- 
cial minister  of  state,  the  Traidoyofioc,  and  the  individual  appointed  to 
this  office  was  selected  from  amongst  those  who  had  previously  been 
invested  with  the  highest  political  dignities."  A similar  degree  of 
attention  was  directed  to  this  subject  by  the  Pythagorean  statesmen 
of  the  Greek  cities  in  Italy,  and  even  in  Athens  as  we  learn  from 
Plato,  parents  were  compelled  to  provide  for  the  instruction  of  their 
children^  in  gymnastics,  and  fjLovmKi] — a subject  including  what  we 

1.  This  sentiment  is  most  emphatically  expressed  in  Plato’s  Euthyphron,  p.  2.  See  also  Legg. 
VI,  p.  765  etc. 

2.  Xenoph.  de  Rep.  Lac.  II,  2. 

3.  Crito,  p.  50,  cited  by  Graefenhahn,  Geschichte  der  Class.  Litterat.  im  AUerthum.  See  also 
passage  from  the  Comic  Poet  Alexis  in  Meinecke,  Fragm.  Com.  LXXXI.  “ Qui  Athenienses 
ait  ideo  oportere  laudari,  quod  omnium  Graecorum  leges  cogunt  parentes  ali  a liberis,  Athcni- 
ensium  non  omnes,  nisi  qui  liberos  artibus  erudissent.” 


454  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

should  now  call  the  rudiments  of  polite  literature,  and  even  the  first 
elements  of  ethical  doctrine.^ 

2.  From  the  very  primitive  and  unformed  condition  in  which  sci- 
ence of  every  kind  continued  to  exist  until  shortly  before  the  time  of 
Plato  and  Aristotle,  to  say  nothing  of  the  scanty  and  limited  extent 
to  which  the  materials  for  learned  study  were  then  extant,  it  is  evi- 
dent that,  all  interesting,  and  invaluable  as  are  the  institutions  and 
precepts  of  the  philosophers  and  legislators  of  earlier  Greece,  from 
the  light  they  throw  upon  the^ature  and  ultimate  aims  of  education, 
they  can  supply  at  the  utmost  but  distant,  and  general  analogies 
with  reference' to  the  peculiar  and  distinctive  functions  of  the  several 
parts  of  a system  of  instruction  provided  in  accordance  with  require- 
ments of  which  that  age  had  not  as  yet  become  conscious.  Xeno- 
phon, or  whoever  else  is  the  author  of  the  treatise  de  repubUca  Lace- 
daemoniorum,  informs  us  that  the  state  of  Lycurgu^  regarded  the 
education  of  the  {jjjwyTeg  as  infinitely  transcending  in  importance  and 
dignity  that  of  a period  less  mentally  and  physically  developed,  and 
less  capable  of  moral  good  and  evil.  Notwithstanding  this  general 
conviction  of  the  necessity  for  a more  advanced  form  of  instruction  the 
training  of  those  who  had  advanced  beyond  childhood  partook  even  more 
strongly  of  the  character  of  a practical  discipline  than  the  educational 
stages  by  which  it  had  been  preceded.  Vigor  and  manly  dignity  of 
character,  as  exhibited  in  deeds  of  positive  morality  (doer//,  ay^pa-fa- 
-Sm),  still  constituted  the  highest  form  of  excellence  placed  before  the 
coming  man,  just  as  obedience  (-ei^apxdt),  moral  purity  (aojtppotrvyr}), 
and  reverence  (aicwc),  had  been  almost  exclusively  inculcated  in  child- 
hood. It  was  reserved  for  a later  period,  and  for  a more  intellectu- 
ally progressive  portion  of  the  Hellenic  race  to  recognize  in  knowl- 
edge and  mental  power  the  highest  condition,  and  absolute  end  of 
liuman  existence.^  The  entire  scientific  attainments  of  the  times  in 
which  the  Dorian  commonwealths  had  their  period  of  pertinency  were 
expended  in  the  pregnant  apophthegms,®  the  heroic  ballads, *and  the 
masculine,  Ilandelian  music,  which  formed  the  principal  components 
of  the  mental  training  of  boyhood.  Positive  instruction  had  herein 
reached  its  farthest  limits.  The  man  was  henceforth  called  upon  to 
enact  deeds  similar  in  spirit  to  those  which  he  had  been  taught  to 
remember,  and  revere.  The  only  higher  school  into  which  he  nov/ 
passed  was  that  of  the  public  service.  The  grandly  suggestive  forms, 

1.  See  Plato  Prolog.,  p.  326. 

2.  6 yap  Ao-yo?  ® voC?  re'Ao?.  Aristotle. 

3.  These  brief  and  sententio.us  aphorisms  were  not  in  reality  peculiar  to  the  Spartans,  hut 
simply  a remnant  of  the  pithy  and  proverblike  form  in  which  the  most  ancient  philosophy  of 
the  Greeks  was  embodied.  See  the  celebrated  passage  in  the  Protagoras  of  Plato  p.  842 — 444. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  455 

and  sublime  tendencies  of  the  state  were  designed  to  set  before  the 
man  a still  loftier,  more  serious,  and  more  impressive  manifestation 
of  the  principle  of  the  nobly  beautiful  (KaXoi'Y  which  had  been 
throughout  the  keynote  of  his  previous  education.  This  notion  that 
the  state  is  the  school  for  men,  TroXt?  av^pa  ^i^aarKei,  though  most 
emphatically  expressed  amongst  the  Dorians,  who  were,  indeed  little 
more  than  the  strictest  and  straitest  sect  of  the  practical  politicians 
of  Greece,  was  scarcely  less  adhered  to  in  the  antagonistic  element 
of  the  common  race.**  In  the  magnificently  eloquent  harangue  in 
which  Pericles  has  idealized  the  excellences  of  the  state  he  had 
exalted  to  a grandeur  of  supremacy  so  nobly  contrasting  with  its 
diminutive  extent,  and  insignificance  in  point  of  material  resources, 
he  sums  up  all  the  glories  of  the  Athenian  people  in  the  fact  that 
their  commonwealth  was  not  only  the  most  admirably  perfect  train- 
ing school  of  its  own  citizens,  but  served  at  the  same  time  as  the 
means  of  education  (Traidevarig)  to  the  entire  civilized  world.'* 

3.  At  the  period  here  referred  to  the  principles  ot  political  exist- 
ence which  lived  in  the  Hellenic  race  whilst  remaining  substantially 
the  same,  had  nevertheless  entered  upon  a new  phase  of  development. 
The  glory  of  the  Dorian  citizen  had  consisied  in  becoming  the  organ 
of  the  state,  that  of  the  Athenian  was  sought  for  in  the  acquisition  of 
an  intellectual  dominion  in,  and  over  the  state.  The  example  of  the 
extraordinary  man  to  whom  we  have  already  referred  had  given  the 
most  striking  and  conspicuous  proof  of  the  more  flian  regal  authority 
which  the  Trpwroc  ar^p  could  wield  in  a government  where  scarcely 
the  slightest  check,  or  balance  to  the  popular  will  had  been  suffered 
to  exist.  On  the  other  hand  the  utter  sweeping  away  of  the  support 
afforded  by  forms  of  state,  and  positive  institutions,  had  driven  the 
nation  when  deprived  of  the  masterly  intellect,  and  steadfast  will, 
which  had  hitherto  supplied  the  place  of  governmental  organization, 
to  throw  itself  in  utter  helplessness  into  the  arms  of  the  first  bold  and 
confident  adventurer  who  undertook  the  responsibility  of  command. 
Honor  and  emolument  in  profusion,  unlimited  power,  the  more  fas- 
cinating to  a quick  witted  and  aspiring  people,  from  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  intellectual  superiority  which  it  involved,  all  contributed  to 
render  the  ascendency  over  the  Athenian  demos  scarcely  less  alluring 
to  every  ardent  and  ambitious  spirit  during  the  era  of  the  great  Pelo- 


1.  The  phrase  ra  KoXa  was  the  regular  expression  for  a refined  and  liberal  education.  See 
Xen.  Hellen.,  V.  3,  9.  Cyr.  I.  2,  16.  Compare  also  Aristoph.  Ran.,  729. 

2'  See  Plato  Protag.  p.  32  b.  eneiSav  6’  eic  diSacrKaKuiv  anaWayioatv  f}  woAi?  av  tous  t€  vofiov^ 
ayayKa^et  /jiawBayeiv  xal  Kara  tovtovs  Kara  napaSeiyfia  k.  t.  A.  Compare  also  Gorg.  p.  617. 
4.  Thucyd.  II,  41. 


456  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

ponnesian  contest  than  the  occupancy  of  the  throne  itself  had  proved 
in  the  earlier  periods  of  Grecian  history. 

4.  The  eager  emulation  which  arose  between  the  numerous  com- 
petitors for  the  sovereignty  over  the  popular  will,  as  well  as  the 
refined  fastidiousness  and  intellectual  subtlety  of  the  audience  before 
whom  their  claims  were  to  be  approved,  soon  rendered  the  necessity 
for  theoretical  attainments  and  scientific  training  imperative  upon  all 
who  aspired  to  distinction  and  success  in  the  one  great  field  of  enter- 
prise and  activity  for  every  Athenian.  Public  life  had  developed 
itself  into  a systematic  and  legitimate  career,  in  which  the  corres- 
pondence of  means  to  ends  had  become  thoroughly  understood ; and 
the  simple  and  purely  general  education  of  former  ages  was  no  longer 
found  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  requirements  of  a mode  of  activity  as 
refined  and  complicated  in  its  workings  as  the  professional  industry 
of  modern  times.  To  meet  these  demands,  and  to  furnish  to  the 
noblest  born,  and  most  intelligent  portion  of  the  Athenian  youth  that 
scientific  method  which  should  serve  at  once  as  the  canon  for  action, 
and  the  nucleus  of  future  experience  a new  class  of  instructors,  the 
Sophists,  or  professores  artium,  were  called  into  existence.^  The  lim- 
its of  the  present  treatise  do  not  permit  us  to  enter  into  any  detailed 
account  of  the  history  and  doctrines  of  those  remarkable  men,  respect- 
ing whose  influence  and  importance  opinions  so  various  and  conflict- 
ing have  been  entertained.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  in  the  circumstances 
above  referred  to  many  of  the  most  singular  and  otherwise  inexplica- 
ble peculiarities  in  their  history  and  character  find  their  full  interpre- 
tation. In  the  fact  that  an  actual  profession — and  one  too  of  the 
highest  order — had  for  the  first  time  arisen  in  the  social  horizon,  that 
new  educational  wants  had  preceded,  and  loudly  called  .for  their  ap- 
pearance, we  obtain  a far  more  satisfactory  explanation  of  the^marvel- 
ous  success  which  attended  their  teaching,  the  princely  fortunes  they 
amassed,  and  the  rapturous  enthusiasm  with  which  they  were  wel- 
comed, than  can  be  discovered  in  any  fragmentary  specimens  of  their 
literary  productions  which  have  come  down  to  later  ages.** 

5.  The  Sophists  peculiarly  addressed  themselves  to  that  thirst  for 
intellectual  supremacy,  as  expressed  in  the  forms  of  political  power, 
which  was  the  master  passion  of  that  period.^  They  declared  them- 
selves absolutely  competent  to  afford  a mastery  of  the  secrets  of 
power  so  complete  as  to  enable  its  possessor  to  command  the  im- 

!•  r^v  (SetvoTTjra  ttoAiti KaX  Sf>a<rTrjpioy  trvveaiv)  oi  /aera  ravra  fjLi^avTe^  re^yais  Kai  fiera- 
yayovTCi  art'o  THyv  npa^etav  rrji/ o<r»ci}<riv  ewi  roi/f  Aoyovt  co^ia-Tai  7Tpoay]yopevdi](ray>  Plut. 
Themistocl.  cited  by  Cresoll  Theatr.  Rhet  I.  4. 

2.  266.  Roller,  die  Gr.  Sophisten  p.  2.  Cresoll.  Theatr.  Rhet.  V.  5> 

3.  Plato  Qorg.  pp.  452 — 454. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


457 


plicit  obedience  of  his  countrymen,  and  by  able  administration  to 
derive  the  fullest  advantage  from  the  position  to  which  he  had  thus 
attained.  That  an  insight  into  causes,  and  an  acquaintance  with 
scientific  method  can  have  no  other  effect  upon  practical  experience 
than  that  of  endlessly  increasing  its  precision  and  efficiency  was  a 
deeply  rooted  and  characteristic  conviction  of  the  best  era  of 
Athenian^  history.  The  very  earliest  orators  endeavor  to  base  their 
art  upon  certain  theoretic  principles,  and  the  Sophists,  as  the  sole 
possessors  of  the  learning  and  systematic  knowledge  of  that  period, 
were  long  the  instructors  of  the  statesmen  and  advocates  ((rwriyopoi) 
who  composed  the  higher  world  in  the  leading  people  of  Greece. 
Not  only  do  we  read  that  men  like  Thucydides,  Alcibiades,  and  Thera- 
menes  were  trained  in  the  schools  of  the  Sophists,^  but  even  the  most 
turbulent  and  contemptible  demagogues  are  said  to  have  found  it  ex- 
pedient to  adopt  a similar  course.  ^ 

6.  That  the  existence  of  the  Sophists  is  distinctly  to  be  referred 
to  the  rise  of  the  various  professions  connected  with  public  life  is 
evident  from  the  fact  that  Protagoras,  the  most  acute  and  specula- 
tively important  amongst  the  apostles  of  the  sect  expressly  describes 
himself  in  Plato  as  a teacher  of  political  science."'  At  a later  period 
the  chair  assigned  to  this  subject  in  the  school  of  Athens  was  regu- 
larly held  by  a sophist.  The  elder  sophists,  it  is  well  known,  were 
often  employed  in  embassies  and  public  missions  in  which  the  gravest 
public  interests  were  concerned.  The  same  connection  between 
Sophistry  and  the  grander  forms  of  practical  life  is  further  attested 
in  the  frequency  with  which  we  find  individuals  of  this  class  ap- 
pointed to  civil  offices  of  a more  than  usually  responsible  and  im- 
portant nature.  Isocrates  himself  is  said  to  have  acted  as  private 
secretary  to  Conoh,®  and  numerous  instances  of  a similar  nature  are 
mentioned  in  the  historians  and  biographers  of  the  third  and  fourth 
centuries  after  Christ.  As  the  most  finished  and  highly  cultivated 
form  of  oratory,  sophistry  naturally  stood  in  the  closest  relation  with 
jurisprudence.  Professors  of  the  art  are  frequently  described  as  act- 
ing both  in  the  capacity  of  teachers  and  advocates.  Those  of  the 
number  who  confined  themselves  exclusively  to  legal  practice  (ol 
(Tai'idwv  ical  rov  /3^paroe)  are  said  to  have  been  held  in 
lower  estimation  (evreXiarepoi).^  The  forensic  sophists  (ol  diKaviKoi 

1.  Thuc.  II.  40.  ov  TOW?  Ad-yovs  toI?  epyoi<:  Pkd^-qv  riyovixevoi,  aWd.  ju,?}  npoSi.Bax^^vai  p-dWov 
Adyw  npoTepov  fj  errl  & 6el  epytp  eKOeiv  See  also  Menander  Fr.  267. 

"EWriue^  eiaiv  avSpei  ovk  ayvixip.oves^ 

Kal  p.erd  Xoyi<Tp.ov  irdvra  TTpaxTOvciV  Tivof. 

2.  Ruhnken.  Dissertatio  de  Antiphonte. 

3.  Aristoph.  Nub.  875.  cited  in  Bernhardy.  Grundriss  der  Gr.  Litt.  I.  p.  335. 

4.  Plato  Protag.  p.  168.  5.  Photius  Bibl.  Cod.  260.'  6.  Wemsdorf  Vit.  Himerii^  p.  47. 


458  Historical  deyelopment  of  superior  instruction. 

priropeg),^  though  often  described  as  coming  off  the  worse  in  their  en- 
counters with  the  harder  headed  and  more  knowing  ayopdioi,  seem 
on  the  whole  to  have  been  regarded  as  the  more  educated  and  gen- 
tlemanly portion  of  the  juristic 'body,  and  to  have  maintained  with 
reference  to  the  former  a position  analogous  to  that  which  the  advo- 
cate as  compared  to  the  solicitor  holds  with  us.  Libanius  in  his 
epistles  refers  moreover  to  notable  instances  where  Sophists  had 
achieved  a greater  amount  of  success  as  lawyers  than  had  fallen  to 
the  lot  of  their  more  practically  trained  antagonists. 

7.  Born  as  it  was  out  of  a condition  of  daily  increasing  and  ever 
more  aggravated  social  disorder,  the  vocation  of  the  Sophist  could 
not  be  otherwise  than  deeply  tainted  with  the  profligate  and  unprin- 
cipled character  of  the  times  in  which  it  originated.  The  entire  sys- 
tem furnished  a complete  reflex  of  the  utter  unbelief  which  had  taken 
possession  of  the  minds  of  men  in  the  period  intervening  between  the 
departure  of  the  simple  and  ancestral  faith  of  the  nation,  and  the  rise 
of  the  clear  and  steadfast  convictions  by  which  its  place  was  ulti- 
mately destined  to  be  supplied.  Far  from  seeking  to  give  the  inward 
strength  of  truth  and  solid  knowledge,  the  sophists  made  the  denial 
of  both  the  very  keystone  of  their  system  of  instruction.  Objective 
reality  of  every  kind  they  utterly  impugned^  maintaining  that  intel- 
lectual superiority  simply  consists  in  the  power  of  producing  a vivid- 
less  of  subjective  impression  in  the  minds  of  others.  The  baser  and 
more  paltry  tendencies  of  sophistic  education  are  conspicuously  seen 
in  the  regular  training  which  it  furnished  to  the  class  of  professional 
demagogues.  Oratorical  persuasiveness  and  power  were  of  course 
recognized  as  the  one  great  engine  for  working  upon  the  passions  of 
the  populace.  Fluency  on  a variety  of  topics,  and  dexterity  in  the 
use  of  that  simpler  logic  which,  as  Aristotle  tells  us,  the  many  are 
competent  to  appreciate  and  enjoy,  also  suggested  themselves  as  well 
adapted  to  dazzle  and  astonish,  even  where  more  important  results 
could  not  be  secured.  The  instruction  of  the  Sophists  aimed  accord- 
ingly at  imparting  an  acquaintance  with  a system  of  political  artifices, 
highly  colored  and  declamatory  rhetoric,  multifarious  information, 
and  skill  offence  in  gladiatorial  dialectics.^ 

8.  The  apologists  of  this  class  of  pseudo  politicians  have  been  fond 
of  dwelling  upon  the  fact  that  all  the  accounts  we  possess  of  the 

I 1 Philostr.  II.  p.  509.  Morell.  The  term  p^rwp  as  compared  with  is  cmpoyed  to 

denote  the  Professor  of  legal  and  political  oratory,  in  contradistinction  to  those  who  taught  the 
art  in  its  more  general  bearings  and  power  of  application.  Amongst  the  Romans  the  expression 
rhetor  was  used  with  reference  to  the  teacher  of  Latin  Literature  while  <ro<^>tcrTrj«  denote  one  who 
publicly  professed  that  of  Greece.  See  Cresoll.,  Theatr.  Rhet.  I.  1.  2. 

2.  Aristoph.  Nvh.,  267.  316.  444.  sqq.  Wachsmuth,  Hellen.  Alterthumskunde,  I.  §62. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  459 

Sophists  are  derived  from  their  avowed  antagonists  forgetting  them- 
selves to  notice  who  these  antagonists  after  all  are.  Unfortunately 
for  those  whose  cause  they  espouse  they  happen  to  be  in  every  in- 
stance precisely  the  mo^t  virtuous,  most  healthy  minded,  and  most 
discerning  men  of  the  time.  The  entire  age  in  the  person  of  those 
who  constitute  its  history  has  pronounced  its  unerring  and  unaltera- 
ble verdict  upon  the  character  and  tendencies  of  the  sophistic  system. 
In  spite  of  the  unquestionably  great  abilities  of  the  leading  Sophists, 
their  doctrine  and  plan  of  instruction  was  essentially  unphilosophic,^ 
and  carried  in  its  bosom  the  seeds  of  its  own  speedy  dissolution. 
The  shameless  avowal  of  systematic  selfishness,  and  the  denial  of  the 
possibility  of  absolute  knowledge,^  which  formed  the  beginning  and 
end  of  their  creed,  was  of  course  diametrically  at  variance  with  the 
scientific  universality  of  all  professional  study,  and  thus  contradicted 
the  very  first  requirements  of  the  education  they  were  called  upon  to 
impart. 

9.  The  great  and  striking  difference  between  the  earlier  and  lat- 
ter professors  of  the  sophistic  art  must  not  however  be  forgotten. 
Protagoras  by  no  means  disclaimed  the  intention  of  imparting  a 
morally  elevating  mental  culture  to  his  pupils,^  and  in  all  that  con- 
cerns personal  conduct  and  demeanor,  his  character,  like  that  of  Gor- 
gias  and  Prodicus,  is  invariably  depicted  by  Plato  in  a spirit  of 
marked  admiration  and  respect.  The  elder  Sophists  seem  never  to 
have  gone  further  than  a dallying  with  scepticism,  while  Polus, 
Thrasymachus,  Diagoras,  and  other  younger  representatives  of  the 
school  gloried  in  figuring  as  the  advocates  of  the  coarsest  profligacy 
and  atheism.* 

10.  Thoroughly  possessed  as  were  even  the  most  eminent  and  ac- 
complished of  the  Sophists  with  the  delusive  notion  of  cultivating  the 
intellect  as  a mere  mechanical  force  capable  of  being  turned  indiffer- 
ently to  the  accomplishment  of  good  or  evil,*  instead  of  recognizing 
in  the  noblest  element  of  humanity  a faculty  inseparably  and  essen- 
tially associated  with  its  own  highest  objects,  the  effects  of  their 

1.  CoWare  the  favorite  and  characteristic  dogma  of  Protagoras  fivo  Aoyovs  elvai  nepl  nav- 
Tos  irpdyfxaTOi  avTtKeiixevov!  aAAijAois  Diogen.  Laert.  quoted  by  Brandis,  Ilandbuch  c^er  Gesch- 
der  Gr.  Philos.  I.  p.  529. 

2.  Brandis,  Handbuch  der  Gesch.  der  Gr.  Philosophic  I.  p.  525  sqq.  Roller  die  Gr.  Sophisten, 

p.  21. 

3.  Plato  Protag.  p.  328  The  liberality  of  spirit  exhibited  by  Protagoras  in  all  pecuniary 
transactions  with  his  pupils  is  borne  witness  to  by  Plato  in  the  same  passage. 

4.  Brandis,  Handbuch  der  Gr.  Phil.  I.  pp.  543.  544. 

t 5.  Aristoph.  Nub  98.  outoi  £iSaa’Kov<r  , apyvpiov  nt  Xeyovra  vcudv  Kai  SiKaia 

aSiKa.  According  to  Isocrates  the  art  of  the  sophists  consisted  inrend  ering  rd  (liv  fxeydha  ixiKpd, 
•m  Si  fJiiKpa  /xeydAou  Cresoll.  Theatr.  Rhet.  I.  c,  11, 


460  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

» 

teaching  could  not  fail  to  be  most  withering  to  the  intellectual  fer- 
tility, no  less  than  to  the  honesty  and  moral  vigor  of  the  generation 
upon  which  they  exercised  an  influence  so  extensive  and  so  powerful. 
At  the  same  time  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  we  thoroughly 
agree  with  the  general  conclusion  to  which  modern  investigations  on 
this  subject  seem  gradually  to  have  airived.  The  magnitude  and 
importance  of  the  results  produced  by  the  Sophists  upon  the  mental 
development  of  their  own  people,  and  that  of  after  times  were  un- 
questionably such  as  it  would  not  be  easy  to  overestimate.  The 
healthful  and  vitally  quickening  influences  inherent  in  all  knowledge 
and  “active  mindedness”  seem  in  their  case  finally  to  have 
triumphed  over  the  antisocial  and  disorganizing  tendencies  which  en- 
tered so  largely  into  the  theory  of  their  system.  Their  invaluable 
services  to  the  cause  of  letters  as  the  originators  of  philology,  criti- 
cism, and  systematic  erudition  of  every  kind,  are  too  well  known  to 
require  mention  in  detail.  Of  far  more  importance,  doubtless,  than 
any  positive  results  attained  to  in  those  subjects  was  the  stimulative 
effect  produced  by  their  eristic  and  disputatious  mode  of  instruction 
in  every  department  of  enquiry.  Above  all,  the  sophists  have  the 
high  merit  of  having  called  into  existence  a higher  form  of  educa- 
tional culture,  which  rapidly  widening  beyond  its  first  narrow  aims 
soon  embraced  within  the  compass  of  its  influence  many  of  those  sci- 
ences which  still  rank  amongst  the  most  prominent  subjects  of  pro- 
fessional study.  We  have  already  seen  that  oratory,  both  political 
and  forensic,  had  received  at  their  hands  the  regularity  and  consist- 
ency of  an  art  practised  in  unison  with  ultimate  principles  of  form 
and  subject  matter.  The  statesman,  the  advocate,  and  the  instruc- 
tor by  whom  they  were  trained  to  the  duties  of  their  respective  call- 
ings constituted  in  the  states  of  antiquity  the  first  rudimentary  form 
of  that  upper  middle  order  in  society  whose  admitted  equality  with 
the  noblest,  rests,  wholly  irrespective  of  wealth  or  external  advanta- 
ges, upon  the  intelligence  and  refined  liberality  of  nature  arising  from 
the  peculiar  type  of  education  inseparably  associated  with  the  exist- 
ence of  such  a body.  An  even  more  important  step  towards  the 
beginning  of  academic  life  was  taken  in  the  public  adoption  of  knowl- 
edge in  some  one  of  its  varieties,  no  longer  as  a mere  dignified  pastime, 
but  as  strenuous  occupation  and  means  of  livelihood,  as  the  one  en- 
grossing object  of  all  the  hopes,  purposes,  and  energies  of  existence. 
The  Sophists  thus  discovered  for  learning  a solid  ground  of  suj>port, 
and  established  the  activity  and  aims  of  higher  and  more  spiritual 
being  in  the  definite  position  and  recognized  importance  of  one  of 
the  leading  and  permanent  avocations  of  social  life.  The  appearance 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  40]^ 

of  an  entire  class  of  individuals  who  not  only  derived  support,  but 
rose  into  fame,  and  princely  affluence,  simply  by  means  of  the  knowl- 
edge they  were  enabled  to  convey,  formed  an  epoch  of  the  most 
momentous  nature  in  the  history  of  Greece,  and  of  mankind.  From 
the  aptitude  for  a life  of  speculation  peculiar  to  a race  unparalleled 
for  ingenuity  and  refinement  of  intellect,  the  calling  of  a teacher  of 
learning  soon  became  the  favorite  and  most  frequent  pursuit  of  the 
entire  people.  The  vast  numbers  who  in  the  later  ages  of  the  empire 
devoted  themselves  to  the  profession  of  letters  afforded  a subject  for 
many  sarcasms  to  the  satirical  writers  of  the  times.  Lucian^  tells  us 
that  it  would  be  an  easier  matter  for  one  who  was  suddenly  precipi- 
tated into  a ship  to  avoid  coming  in  contact  with  timber  than  to  es- 
cape meeting  a philosopher  in  a Greek  city.  Plutarch,  in  his  treat- 
ise de  fraterno  amore,  quotes  a saying  of  Aristarchus  to  the  effect 
that,  whereas  in  former  times  there  had  been  only  seven  sages 
(o-o^torat)  in  all  Greece  at  the  time  at  which  he  wrote  it  would  be 
difficult  to  find  as  many  individuals  who  were  anything  else.  An 
unmistakeable  evidence  of  the  prominence  and  extent  to  which 
philosophers  and  Sophists  figured  in  the  eyes  of  the  public  is  to  be 
seen  in  the  fact  of  their  furnishing  one  of  the  most  familiar  char- 
acters and  standing  subjects  to  the  poets  of  middle  and  later  comedy. 

Attic  Oratory — Attic  Philosophy. 

11.  The  first  fruits  of  the  labors  of  the  Sophists,  in  so  far  as  the 
progress  of  education  is  concerned,  are  to  be  seen  in  the  rise  of  dis- 
tinct .schools  of  Attic  oratory.  Eloquence  had  been  embraced  and 
studied  as  a separate  profession  even  when  the  sophistical  movement 
was  still  at  its  height.  Antiphon  and  Lysias,  both  of  whom  had 
gone  forth  from  the  instruction  of  the  Sophists,  while  regularly  prac- 
tising as  advocates,  labored  to  discover  the  ratio  of  literary  excellence 
and  officiated  as  teachers  of  eloquence  in  accordance  with  a system- 
atic theory  of  the  art.  Antiphon  was  regarded  as  the  inventor  of 
the  Attic  type  of  forensic  and  political  oratory,  and  in  Lysias,  accord- 
ing to  an  ancient  critic^  that  which  seems  most  unstudied  is  in  reality 
most  artistic.  We  thus  perceive  that  the  higher  education  of  the 
Greeks,  although  originating  very  much  as  among  the  Romans,  and 
in  the  middle  ages  also,  in  the  personal  intercourse  and  oral  instruc- 
tion of  eminent  individuals,  is  distinguished  from  the  first  by  the 
presence  of  that  scientific  and  absolute  character  which,  in  conjunc- 

1.  Bis  accusatus,  p.  798.  Ilemsterhus. 

2.  Quoted  by  Gregor.  Nazianz.  Ep.  121.  to  arexyov  avToO  \iav  tvrexvov  itrrivt 


462 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  EDUCATION. 


junction  with  strictly  defined  specialty  of  application,  constitutes  the 
essential  peculiarity  of  University  instruction. 

12.  The  ancient  conception  of  academic  study,  in  which  the  former 
of  these  twin  factors  naturally  predominated,  received  its  final  con- 
summation from  the  vast  and  mighty  reaction  called  forth  by  the 
Sophists  against  the  most  repulsive  and  most  dangerous  tendencies 
of  their  system.  The  elements  of  a sound  and  noble  temper  were 
as  yet  too  deeply  rooted  in  the  Hellenic,  and,  above  all,  in  the  Athe- 
nian temper,  not  to  rest  in  rebellion  against  a scheme  of  doctrine 
which  insulted  the  stern  search  after  knowledge  with  the  paltry  con- 
trivances of  a juggling  imposture,  and  prostituted  the  most  god  like 
faculties  of  our  nature  to  objects  the  vilest  and  most  sinister.^  The 
vision  of  the  Absolute,  darkened  for  a time  in  the  minds  of  men,  re- 
wealed itself  in  Plato^  with  a splendor  and  certainty  hitherto  un- 
dreamt of,  affording  the  grandest  refutation  in  point  of  fact  to  those 
traffickers  in  lying  and  deceit  whose  refinements  in  dishonesty  all 
started  from  the  notion  that  Truth  could  not  be  known,  or,  if  known, 
could  not  possibly  be  communicated. 

SCHOOLS  OF  PLATO,  ISOCRATES,  AND  ARISTOTLE. 

13.  The  schools  of  Plato  and  Isocrates,  at  the  period  at  which  we 
have  now  arrived,  completely  discharged  the  functions  of  a University 
in  Athens.  The,  most  distinguished  individuals  of  the  times  with 
scarcely  an  exception  received  their  mental  training  in  one  or  other 
of  these  seminaries.  Isocrates  is  described,  and  assuredly  with  good 
reason  by  later  writers,  as  occupying  the  chair  of  Sophistry  in  Athens 
{^porop  rQy  ' A^rjvaiujv),^  and  rising  preeminent  from  amidst  a crowd 
of  similar  teachers.  His  school,  like  that  of  Plato,  embraced  stu- 
dents from  the  most  distant  Greek  colonies  and  many  youths  of 
noble,  and  even  royal  blood  are  said  to  have  belonged  to  their  num- 
ber.^ As  a professor  of  political  science  and  rhetoric,  the  instruction 
of  Isocrates  was  attended  not  only  by  those  who,  like  Timotheus, 
Lycurgus,  Demosthenes,  Hyperides,  Aeschines,  &c.,®  desired  to  pre- 
pare themselves  for  a career  of  practical  efficiency  and  distinction  in 
the  state,  but  by  the  historians  Theopompus  and  Ephorus,  and  the 

1.  Clemens  Alexandr.  Str.  I.  p.  .'139.  Potter, 

2.  Compare  the  words  of  Lucian  Nigrin.  p.  57-  Ilemsterhus.  avrlj  ^ 4>tAo<ro<^i'a,  <eal  nA«- 
Tojv,  Kai  ’AAijdei'a. 

3.  Ilimcrius  orat.  32.  §.  1 et  2.  Cresoll  Theatr.  Rhetr.  I.  2.  4.  Cic.  Brut.  § 8. 

6.  e.  g.  Nicocles  the  son  of  Euagoras  king  of  Cyprus. 

6.  Dionys.  Ilal.  wepl  '\<tokp.  §§.  2 et  5.  Plut.  X.  orat.  rit.  p.  836.  Phot.  Biblioth.  cod.  260. 
Cic.  de  orat.  II.  22.  Ecce  tibi  exortus  est  I.«ocrates,  magister  istorum  omnium,  cujus  e ludo, 
tunquam  ex  equo  Trojano,  meri  principes  extiterunt.  See  also  Ruhnken  Hist.  crit.  orat.  where 
the  same  circumstance  is  recorded  of  other  worthies  of  this  period. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  433 

tragedians  Asclepiades  and  Theodectes.  If  the  example  of  Clear- 
chus,  the  subsequent  tyrant  of  Heraclea,  may  be  regarded  as  estab- 
lishing the  rule,  the  term  of  study  occupied  four  years,  and  the  fee  for 
the  entire  course  amounted  to  a thousand  drachmae.^  Many  of  the 
above  mentioned  personages  are  mentioned  as  having  attended  the 
teaching  of  Plato  likewise.  Demosthenes  more  especially  is  related 
upon  good  authority  to  have  been  an  earnest  and  attentive  listener 
to  the  discourses  of  the  loftiest  of  thinkers.’  In  the  case  of  the  stu- 
dents of  oratory  such  a course  was  no  doubt  adopted  with  the  view 
of  giving  greater  amplitude  and  depth  of  thought  to  the  political  in- 
struction of  Isocrates,  and  also  from  a desire  to  perfect  themselves 
in  acumen  of  reasoning  and  argumentative  power. 

14.  The  beginnings  of  even  the  external  organization  of  the  Uni- 
versity date  from  the  same  period  in  the  history  of  Athenian  culture. 
In  their  intimacy  of  relation  to  each  other,  and  the  distinct,  yet  kin- 
dred manner  in  which  they  respectively  labored  to  accomplish  the 
great  ends  of  educational  discipline  the  schools  of  Isocrates  and  Plato 
distinctly  represent  an  earlier  form  of  the  Faculties  of  modern  aca- 
demic instruction.  So  marked  and  characteristically  important  was 
the  position  they  maintained  that,  with  the  vitality  inherent  in  every 
arrangement  resting  npon  something  beyond  mere  individual  efficiency, 
they  not  only  survived  their  original  founders,  but,  by  means  of  a 
series  of  a regularly  appointed  successors  (^m^oxoi),  gradually  ripened 
into  permanently  established,  and,  so  to  say,  national  institutions.’ 

15.  The  appearance  of  a philosophy  unequalled,  then,  or  since, 
for  sublimity  of  contemplation,  moral  vitality,  and  rigorous  acuteness 
of  dialectic  produced  the  usual  lifegiving  effects  of  such  a phenome- 
non upon  knowledge  and  education  in  all  its  forms.  The  learned  and 
philological  subjects  discussed  by  Hippias  and  Prodicus  grew  under 
the  hands  of  Aristotle  into  a precision  and  substantiality  which,  when 
compared  with  the  capricious  and  popular  character  they  had  hitherto 
maintained,  presented  a contrast  even  more  decided  than  that  exist- 
ing between  the  ontology  of  Plato,  and  the  shifting  notionalism  of 
the  Sophists.  In  Aristotle,  more  especially,  the  science  and  educa- 
tional culture  of  the  ancient  world  reached  its  highest  consummation. 
Knowledge  and  instruction  purified  and  exalted  above  all  anxiety 
respecting  appearances  commenced  in  thoughtful  observation,  and 
yearned  upwards  through  steadfast  toil  and  energy  of  intellectual 
effort  towards  the  ideal  transformation'*  (to  airo^ayarii^eiv)  of  hu- 


1.  Photiua  Bibl.  p’.  793.  Hosch. 

2.  Cic.  Brutus  C.  31.  Dial,  de  oral.  § 32.  Plut.  X,  orat.  vit. 

8.  Dion.  Halicarn.  de  struct,  orat.  § 79.  4.  Eth.  Nicom.  X.  7. 


464 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


inanity.  Discovery  and  advance,  we  are  everywhere  given  to  under- 
stand, is  the  result,  neither  of  a priori  nor  a posteriori  investigation 
exclusively,  but  of  a combination  of  both,  or  rather  of  a prophetic 
foreboding  and  pre-occupancy  of  ultimate  principles  brought  into 
living  union  with  the  most  thorough  mastery  of  individual  particu- 
lars.^ 

1 6.  The  admirably  just  and  accurate  conception  of  the  norma  of 
scientific  progress  brought  to  light  by  Aristotle  could  not  fail  to  give 
a prodigious  impulse  to  that  .freer  education  in  which,  as  we  have 
seen,  knowledge  is  imparted  dynamically,  and  in  the  very  act  and 
process  of  its  own  productivity.  The  general  outlines  marked  out 
in  the  instruction  of  the  Sophists  became  only  the  starting  point  for 
a mode  of  study  equally  direct  and  practical,  while  rising  immeasur- 
ably in  dignity,  power,  and  amplitude,  in  consequence  of  its  more 
intimate  conjunction  with  the  elements  of  higher  speculation,  and 
philosophic  certainty.  No  slight  approximation  to  the  essentials  of 
the  principle  of  conveying  the  widest  and  most  elevated  wisdom  in 
and  through  a liberal  training  for  the  forms  of  definite  action  is  ob- 
servable in  those  learned  institutions  which  everywhere  started  into 
existence  in  the  most  populous  and  flourishing  cities  of  the  vast  em- 
pire embraced  by  the  language  and  civilization  of  Greece  under  the 
successors  of  Alexander. 

MUSEUM  OF  ALEXANDRIA — SCHOOLS  OF  ATHENS  AND  RHODES. 

17.  The  Museum,^  or  academic  corporation  of  Alexandria,  which 
with  its  Rector  (tepevQ),^  its  dining  hall  {(TvacriTioy)^  cloisters  (e^eSpa), 
and  grounds  (TrepiTraroc),  presents  so  singular  a counterpart  to  the 
external  forms  of  English  collegiate  life,  was  entirely  organized  in 
accordance  with  a system  of  professorial  Faculties.  The  teachers  of 
this  institution,  and  of  course  the  students  also,  were  distributed 
amongst  the  several  departments  of  Philosophy,  Medicine,  and  Phi- 
lology, a classification  almost  literally  corresponding  with  the  tradi- 
tional arrangements  of  modern  Universities.  That  this  form  and 

1.  Brandis  Aristoteles,  p.  45. 

2.  For  an  account  of  the  Museum  see  Strabo  XVII,  9.  Fr.  Gronov.  De  Museo  Alexandrino 
Thesaur.  Antiq,  Gr.  VIII,  2741 — 60,  and  L.  Neocor.  d.  M.  A.  ib.  2767 — 78. 

3.  So  called  from  the  fhet  that  this  official  was  at  the  same  time  the  priest  either  of  Apollo 
and  the  Muses,  or  of  the  contiguous  temple  of  Serapis.  It  affords  some  confirmation  to  the 
latter  view  oi  the  subject  that  the  veuxedpo?  of  the  temple  of  Serapis  is  expressly  mentioned  in 
Inscriptions  as  a member  of  this  association  (r^y  ey  Moutretw  atTovfieycjy  areAioy  Boeckh.  Cor^ 
pus  Inscr.  XXIX.  § 3.  No.  4724.)  The  Rector  of  the  Museum  was  probably  invested  with  this 
sacerdotal  office  very  much  in  the  same  way  as  deaneries,  and  other  ecclesiastical  dignities  are 
at  present  attached  to  college  appointments  in  England  ; and  possibly  also  for  the  purpose  of 
surrounding  him  with  a certain  nimbus  of  sanctity  in  the  eyes  of  the  Orientals. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


465 


principle  of  higher  education  was  at  all  peculiar  to  the  University  of 
the  Ptolemies,  except  in  so  far  as  it  exhibited  the  most  complete  and 
richly  furnished  institution  of  the  kind  with  which  the  world  was  then 
acquainted,  is  the  more  improbable  from  the  fact  that  in  all  other  re- 
spects, and  especially  in  the  social  and  collegiate  arrangements  just  re- 
ferred to,  the  Museum  of  Alexandria  was,  we  find,  a perfect  copy  of 
the  principal  schools  in  Athens.  We  have  it  on  the  clearest  evidence 
that  the  Peripatetics  and  philosophers  of  the  Academy  had  gradually 
assumed  the  consistency  of  distinctly  organized  and  corporate  bodies. 
The  will  of  Theophrastus  preserved  in  Diogenes  Laertius^  bequeathes 
to  the  sect  over  which  he  presided  the  buildings  in  which  he  taught 
{ixovaeiov)  also  called  liarotftn^  with  adjacent  grounds  (jbv  K^Koy 
KOL  ray  TrepiTrarov).  The  former  is  described  as  furnished  with  a 
library,  maps,  &c.,  and  adorned,  like  the  chapel  (lepoi')  of  the  society, 
with  a statue  of  the  founder  of  the  sect,  and  those  of  certain  tutelary 
divinities.^  The  individuals  attached  to  each  school  in  the  capacity 
of  teachers  and  disciples  were  in  the  practice  of  dining  together  on 
certain  regular  and  stated  occasions,  a part  of  the  arrangements  of 
the  sect  which  Aristotle  considered  of  so  much  importance  as  him- 
self to  draw  up  a code  of  laws  (vd/xoi  cru^Tronvot),^  for  its  better  regu- 
lation. Theophrastus,  we  are  informed  by  Athenaeus,  expressly 
provided  for  the  maintenance  of  this  custom  by  means  of  a pecuniary 
bequest,'*  the  original  property  of  the  Academic  school  had,  we  are 
told  by  Photius,^  been  augmented  more  than  three  hundred  fold  by 
successive- benefactions.  The  disciples  of  Polemo  are  said  to  have 
established  their  abode  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  head  of  the  school,** 
and  the  grounds  of  the  Academy  were  laid  out  at  the  expense  of 

1.  V.  61.  sqq. 

2.  Those  doubtless  of  Apollo,  the  Muses,  and  the  Graces,  which  by  a custom  derired  appar- 
ently, like  many  other  peculiarities  of  the  academic  life  of  tho  ancients,  from  the  Pythagoreans, 
formed  a regular  part  of  the  furniture  of  the  lecture  rooms  of  philosophers  and  Sophists.  Tho 
circumstance  that  the  number  of  tutelary  divinities  was  thus  not  unfrequently  larger  than  that 
of  the  audience  is  often  alluded  to  in  the  bon  mots  and  epigrams  of  antiquity.  See  Jacobs 
Anthol.  III.  p.  279.  602. 

3.  Kal  Toi?  <t)L\oa6<poii  Se  eniixeke^  (rwayovcri  tov?  ve'ovv  ai/rtov  Trpo?  riva  reraypie- 
vov  vofi.ov  evbJ^elaOai  • toO  yovv  Eevo/cparous  ev  ’A(cafiep,ta  Kal  irdk.LV  'ApLO-Torekovs  (Tvp.iro~ 
tlkoL  Tii'e?  r\<Tav  vop-OL.  Athon.  Deipnos.  V.  2,  p.  183. 

4.  Karikiire  fie  @eo(J)pa<TTo?  ei?  rrjv  roiavrev  crvvoSov  ;^pij)aaTa.  Athen.  Deipnos.  V.  p.  186. 

5.  Biblioth.  p.  565.  lloesch.  See  al.so  Suid.  s.  v.  nkaruv. 

6.  Diog.  Laert.  IV . 35.  An  even  closer  union  between  the  professor  and  his  class  seems  to 
have  prevailed  at  Alex.andria,  where  Gnipho  is  said  by  Suetonius  (illustr.  gram.  c.  7.)  to  havo 
belonged  to  the  contubemuim  of  Dionysius  Scythobrachion.  Persaeus,  the  friend  and  disciple 
of  Zeno,  is  in  a similar  manner  said  to  have  lived  in  the  same  house  with  his  master.  Appollo- 
nius  Rhodius  is  also  mentioned  as  (Athen.  Deipn.  XIT.  SO.)  having  resided  on  the  same  familiar 
footing  with  Caljimachus;  and  Galen  (de  libr.  propr.  I.  XIX  (K)  p.  43)  relates  that  when  sent 
by  his  father  to  study  under  Chrysippus  he  took  up  his  abode  along  with  that  philosopher.  See 
Lehrs  stud.  Aristarchi.  p.  16.  Note.  The  sons  of  the  highest  Roman  nobility  were  occasionally 
boarded  in  the  houses  of  academic  teachers.  Thus  Augustus  when  studying  at  ApoUonia 

3U 


466  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPEBIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

Attalus  king  of  Pergamus.^  In  obedience  to  the  same  general  ten- 
dency Epicurus  made  over  a house  and  grounds  to  his  followers,  and, 
as  an  additional  means  of  strengthening  the  sense  of  the  bond  of 
union  and  true  kindredship  which  held  them  together,  ordered  by 
will  a sum  of  money  to  be  invested  sufficient  in  amount  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  a banquet  to  his  disciples  on  the  twentieth  of  each  month 
tKaarov  fxr]voQ  to~iq  ELKaaiv^  and  also  on  the  anniversary  of  his  birth.’ 
In  a manner  precisely  similar,  as  we  learn  from  Plutarch, the  birth- 
day of  Plato  was  annually  celebrated  by  his  admirers.  Of  the  ex- 
treme importance  attached  in  Athens  to  everything  which  could  con- 
tribute to  give  definite  form  and  visible  reality  to  the  academic  body 
we  have  a remarkable  instance  in  the  correspondence  of  Cicero.  In 
one  of  his  Epistolae  ad  Failmtaris,  XIII,  1,  he  i-equests  Memmius  on 
behalf  of  Patro,  the  existing  head  of  the  Epicurean  sect,  to  waive  the 
right  already  conceded  by  the  Areopagus  of  taking  possession  of  the 
house  of  Epicurus.  Patro  tenaciously  insisted  upon  the  duty  incum- 
bent upon  him,  as  ^idhoxog,  of  preserving  for  the  society  the  original 
• seat  of  the  school  (honorem,  otficium,  testamentorum,  jus,  Epicuri  auc- 
toritatem,  Phaedri  obtestationem,  sedem,  domicilium,  vestigia  summo- 
nim  hominum  sibi  tuenda  esse  dicit). 

18.  Any  dissimilarity  which  existed  between  Athens  and  Alexan- 
dria arose  doubtless  from  the  fact  that  the'  latter  did  not  exhibit  the 
anomalies  and  excrescences  of  successive  experiments,  but  only  came 
into  existence  at  a time  when  the  results  of  long  experience  had  caused 
the  nature  of  these  institutions  to  be  comparatively  well  understood. 
A farther  difference  is  known  to  have  been  occasioned  by  the  promi- 
nence assigned  to  pecular  subjects  of  study  in  each — a circumstance 
perfectly  analogous  with  what  we  shall  hereafter  have  occasion  to  no- 
tice in  many  of  the  most  famous  Universities  of  later  times.  In  the 
three  centuries  which  intervened  between  Alexander  and  Augustir, 
Athens  was  preeminently  the  training  school  for  philosophy,  Rhodes, 
on  the  other  hand,  as  the  only  Greek  state  of  political  importance  in 
which  a career  of  gi  and  and  dignified  activity  was  open  for  the  orator, 
distinguished  itself  in  the  study  of  eloquence,  while  Alexandria  rested 
its  fame  chiefiy  on  the  excellence  of  its  instruction  in  Philology  and 
Medicine.^  At  a subsequent  period  the  last  mentioned  University 

sided  in  the  family  of  the  philosopher  Areas  (Sueton.  vit.  Octavian.  c.  89),  That  no  usage 
ordinarily  existed  in  the  later  University  life  of  the  Greeks  is  evident  from  Liban.  Ep.  393. 

1.  Alluded  to  by  Horace,  Ep.  II.  45.  Inter  silvas  Academi  quaerere  verum. 

2.  Hence  the  term  Icadistae  popularly  given  to  the  Epicureans.  Aegid.  Menag.  ad  DIog. 
Laert.  X.  18. 

3.  Diog.  Laert.  X.  10.  17.  sqq.  4.  Symposiac,  p.  715. 

6.  Grafenhahn  Gesch.  der  Class.  Philol.  im  Altcrthum.  I.  p.  352.  C.  G.  Zumpt,  fiber  den 
Bestand  der  philosoph.  Schulon  zu  Athen  und  die  Succession  der  Scholarchen,  pag.  4. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  4(57 

obtained  ever  greater  celebrity  as  having  given  birth  to  a school  of 
philosophers  who  endeavored  to  combine  into  a species  of  theosophic 
doctrine  the  mental  science  of  Europe  with  the  more  spiritual  minded 
and  profoundly  human  religions  of  the  East.  In  the  third  century 
Alexandria  became  conspicuous  as  the  headquarters  of  the  Eclectics 
and  Neo-Platonists.  Ammonius  Saccas,  the  Preceptor  of  Origen, 
Porphyrins,  Polemon,  Plotinus,  and  many  others  scarcely  inferior  in 
renown,  are  mentioned  as  having  taught  in  its  schools.^ 

HIGHER  EDUCATION  AMONG  THE  ROMANS. 

19.  Many  of  those  who  attended  the  teaching  of  these  institutions 
inquestionably  proposed  to  themselves  no  further  end  than  the  finished 
completion  of  a liberal  education.  At  a somewhat  later  period  Mar- 
cus Cicero,  Bibulus,  Varus,  Messalla,  Horace,  Ovid,  &c.,  frequented 
the  schools  of  Athens  very  much  in  the  same  manner  as  men  of  for- 
tune at  the  present  day  attend  the  Univeisities  with  the  view  of 
obtaining  a general  preparation  for  political  and  literary  life.  This 
however,  then  as  now,  can  only  have  been  the  case  vdth  a very  small 
fraction  of  the  academic  population.  When  we  read  that  no  less 
than  two  thousand  students  attended  the  lectures  of  Theophi-astus 
alone,  and  that  the  number  of  those  who  collected  around  this  phi- 
losopher and  other  teachers  of  suspected  political  honesty^  became  so 
formidable  that  decrees  were  passed  forbidding  any  one  to  exercise 
such  an  office  without  a special  license  from  the  senate  and  demos,^ 
we  cannot  but  conclude  that  the  great  majority  was  composed  of  the 


In  consequence  of  this  almost  exclusive  celebiity  in  one  Department  of  knowledge  we  find 
that  in  later  ages  it  was  a frequent  practice  to  supplement  the  instruction  of  one  University  by 
that  of  another.  Gregory  of  Nazianz  studied  first  at  Caesarea,  then  at  Alexandria,  and  finally  at 
Athens.  St.  Basil  visited  as  a student  Caesaria,  Constantinople,  and  Athens  in  succession. 
Gregor.  Nazianz  orat  XX,  p.  35. 

A medical  degree  of  Alexandria  was  regarded  as  a passport  to  professional  success.  Pro  orani 
eiperimento  sufiiciat  medico  ad  commendandam  artis  auctoritatem  si  Alexandriae  se  dixerit 
eruditum.  Ammian.  Marcell.  22.  16.  cited  by  C.  Neocori  Diatr.  de  Museo  Alexandrine.  Anato- 
my, Surgery,  Botany,  and  Pathology  were  cultivated  at  Alexandria  with  peculiar  success. 
Bemhardy  Grundr.  der  Gr.  Litt.  I.  p.  383.  Re.specting  the  important  position  which  family 
physicians  held  in  the  higher  circles  at  Rome  during  the  empire,  see  in  the  same  work  I.  p.  395. 
Persons  of  this  class  were  often  described  as  invested  with  the  highest  dignities  of  state.  A cer- 
tain Arcadius  is  addressed  by  Ilimerius  (orat.  33.)  as  ’Apxiarpos  xal  Kd/x>j?  (i.  e.  Comes  sacri 
Palatii. 

1.  Originating  with  Ammonius  in  Alexandina  as  a species  of  mystical  doctrine,  Neo-platoni.sm 
was  propagated  by  Plotinus  in  Rome,  maintained  in  Italy  by  tho  labors  of  Amelius  and  Por- 
phyrins, and  finally  transplanted  into  Syria  by  Jamblichus.  Zumpt  fiber  den  Bestand  der 
philosoph.  Schul.  zu  Athen.  Bernhardy  Grundriss  der  Gr.  Litt.  I.  pp.  401  and  429. 

2.  Alexid.  ’iTrireils  Meinecke  Fr.  com.  III.  p.  42.  Diog.  Laert.  V.  2.  37.  Niebuhr  Vorles.  fiber 
alte  Gesch.  III.  p.  118.  Anm.  2. 

3.  The  philosophers  of  this  period  were  generally  friendly  to  absolutism,  or  at  all  events  hos- 
tile to  democracy.  See  Zumpt  fiber  den  Bestand  der  philosoph.  Schulen  zu  Athen,  p.  17.  Anm.  3. 


468 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


youth  of  the  middle  class,  in  combination  with  choicer  specimens  of 
the  lower  orders.  Persons  belonging  to  these  walks  in  life,  however 
ambitious  of  deriving  benefit  from  the  refining  influences  of  University 
education,  w'ould  have  been  utterly  unable  to  afford  the  time  and 
money  necessary  for  such  an  object,  had  there  not  been  the  prospect 
of  an  adequate  material  compensation,  in  the  shape  of  pro- 
fessionally available  knowledge.  This  inference  derives  greater 
probability  when  we  consider  the  very  great  number  of  similar 
institutions  which  flourished  at  the  same  period,  each,  of  course, 
the  gathering  point  of  a considerable  body  of  academic  students. 
Besides  schools  of  high  eminence  in  Mytiline,  Ephesus,  Smyrna, 
Sidon,’  etc.,  we  read  that  Apollonia^  enjoyed  so  high  a reputation  for 
eloquence  and  political  science  as  to  be  entrusted  with  the  education 
of  the  heir-apparent  of  the  Roman  Empire.  Antioch  was  noted  for 
a Museum  modelled  after  that  of  the  Egyptian  metropolis,®  and  Tar- 
sus boasted  of  Gymnasia  and  a University  which  Strabo  does  not 
hesitate  to  describe  as  more  than  rivaling  those  of  Athens  and  Alex- 
andria.4  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  philosophers,  rhetori- 
cians, and  grammarians  who  swarmed  in  the  princely  retinues  of  the 
great  Roman  aristocracy,®  and  whose  schools  abounded  in  all  the 
most  wealthy  and  populous  cities  of  the  empire  east  and  west,  were 
prepared  for  their  several  callings  in  some  one  or  other  of  these  in- 
stitutions. Strabo  tells  us  (Geogr.  XV.  p.  962,),  that  Rome  was  over- 
run with  Alexandrian  and  Syrian  grammarians,  and  Juvenal  de- 
scribes one  of  the  Quirites  of  the  ancient  stamp  as  emigrating  in  sheer 
disgust  from  a city  which  from  these  causes  had  become  thoroughly 
and  utterly  Greek  (Sat.  III.,  1.  60).  That  external  inducements 
were  held  out  amply  sufficient  to  prevail  upon  poor  and  ambitious 
men  to  qualify  themselves  at  some  cost  for  vacations  of  this  descrip- 
tion is  evident  from  the  wealth  to  which,  as  we  are  told,  many  of 
them  rose  from  extreme  indigence  and  obscurity.  Suetonius,  in  the 
still  extant  fragment  of  his  essay  de  claris  rhetorihus,  after  alluding  to 
the  immense  number  of  professors  and  doctors  met  with  in  Rome, 

1.  Gnifenhalm  Geschichte  der  Class.  Litt.  I.  pp.  334,  408.  Respecting  the  number  of  higher 
schools  in  Asia  see  also  Bernhardy  Grundr.  der  Gr.  Litt.  I.  p.  398. 

2.  Sueton.  Tit.  Octav.  c.  8. 

3.  Grilfenhahn  Gesch.  der  Class.  Litt.  I.  p.  409. 

4.  Geogr.  XIV.  p.  960.  iiipO'  iinep^e  p\r]p.eyag  koX  ’A6-qva^  koX  ’AXe^dySpeiay  xal  el  riva  aX- 
Xov  jonov  Svyarby  eiireLV. 

5.  A terrible  picture  of  the  inhuman  treatment  to  which  many  of  this  class  were  subjected  in 
Rome  is  given  in  Lucian  de  Mercedo  conductis  (see  especially  p.  702  sqq.).  The  author  admits 
however  that  the  hardships  of  their  lot  were  often  richly  deserved  (p.  700),  and  that  the  humilia- 
tions and  indignities  to  which  men  of  learning  were  necessarily  exposed  when  depending  for 
existepce  upon  private  individuals  could  not  occur  in  the  case  of  those  who  were  employed  by 
the  state  (p.  719).  That  the  conversation  of  men  of  this  class  was  often  highly  prized,  and  they 
themselves  treated  with  the  most  delicate  and  deferential  courtesy  is  evident  from  the  biogra- 
phies of  all  the  nobler  Romans.  Plut.  vit.  cat.  pp.  224,  229,  275. 


mSTOUICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  4(J9 

draws  attention  to  the  frequency  with  which  individuals  who  had 
distinguished  themselves  as  teachers  of  rhetoric  had  been  elevated 
into  the  senate,  and  advanced  to  the  highest  dignities  of  the  state.* 
That  the  profession  of  a philologist  was  occasionally  at  least  well  re- 
munerated is  evident  from  the  facts  recorded  by  the  same  author  in 
his  w^ork  de  claris  ffiammaticis,  § 3.  He  there  mentions  that  there 
were  at  one  time  upw^ards  of  twenty  well  attended  schools  devoted  to 
this  subject  at  Rome.,  and  that  one  fortunate  individual,  Q.  Remmius 
Palaemon,  derived  four  hundred  thousand  sesterces,  or  considerably 
above  three  thousand  a year,  from  instruction  in  philology  alone. 
Julius  Caesar  conferred  the  citizenship,  together  with  large  bounties 
in  money,  and  immunity  from  public  burthens,^  on  distinguished 
rhetoricians  and  philologists,  in  order  to  encourage  their  presence  at 
Rome.  The  numerous  instances  in  which  distinguished  grammarians 
were  advanced  to  offices  of  greater  dignity  and  leisure  furnished 
probably  even  a more  powerful  incitement  to  those  who  were  desir- 
ous of  embracing  erudition  as  a profession.  Augustus  selected  an 
individual  of  this  class,  Verrius  Floccus,  as  the  private  tutor  of  his 
grand  children,  and  the  practice  introduced  under  the  Ptolemies  of 
assigning  the  superintendence  of  public  libraries  to  professional  phi- 
lologists was  faithfully  adhered  to  under  the  later  Roman  Emperors. 

20.  That  individuals  who  thus  enjoyed  an  income  not  greatly  be- 
low the  revenues  of  an  English  Bishopric  were  not,  as  the  name 
might  lead  us  to  imagine,  employed  in  teaching  the  accidents  of 
grammar,  but  possessed  considerable  pretensions  to  that  higher  and 
more  thoughtful  character  of  the  scholar  which  it  has  been  reserved 
for  modern  Europe  to  exhibit  in  perfection,  is  not  only  in  itself 
highly  probable,  but  supported  by  the  distinctest  and  most  unim- 
peachable evidence.  Seneca  tells  us  that  history  was  amongst  the 
subjects  professed  by  grammarians,  and  Cicero  regards  the  most 
thorough  and  refined  perception  of  all  that  pertains  to  the  spirit  and 
individuality  of  the  author  as  an  indispensable  requisite  in  those  who 
undertake  to  give  instruction  in  this  subject.^  A ulus  Gellius  abounds 
in  instances  where  questions  of  aesthetic  criticism  are  discussed  by 
grammarians,''  and  Suetonius  asserts  that  rhetoric,  or  the  practical 
application  of  the  principles  of  literary  excellence  was  also  expected 

1.  Innumerable  instances  are  furnished  in  the  biographies  of  later  sophists. 

2 ’AreAeia.  This  privilege  was  frequently  conferred  upon  philosophers  and  men  of  learning 
in  the  Greek  states.  See  Diog.  L.  vit.  Pyrrhon.  c.  5.  An  edict  of  Constantine  quoted  by  Bern- 
hardy  Gr  der  Gr.  Litt  extends  the  enjoyment  of  this  exemption  to  the  wives  and  families  of 
deceased  professors.  Uxores  etiam  et  filios  eorum  ah  omni  functione,  et  ah  omnibus  muneribus 
publices  vacare  praecepimus. 

3 Quoted  by  Passow  Leben  und  Zeitaltcr  von  Horaz,  p.  8.  Anm.  13. 

4.  Noct.  Att.  11.  6.  IX.  9.  10. 


470  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  .INSTRUCTION. 

from  such  individuals.  Yictorinus,  quoted  by  Graefenhalin  in  his 
history  of  classical  literature  in  the  times  of  antiquity,  sums  up  the 
different  heads  of  this  subject  as  consisting  of  lectio,  or  correctness  of 
expression,  enarratio,  or  exposition  of  the  meaning  of  the  author, 
emendatio,  or  criticism  of  the  text,  and  aestimatio,  or  an  estimate  of 
the  artistic  character  of  the  work.*  Even  the  name  “ philologus  ” 
began  to  be  assumed  in  token  of  the  varied  and  scientific  character 
of  the  attainments  of  the  professional  grammarian.  The  title  how- 
ever never  seems  to  have  become  frequent  amongst  the  Romans,  with 
whom  such  individuals  were  more  commonly  known  as  literati,  docti, 
eruditi,  or  professores.^ 

21.  The  grammatici  appear  to  have  occupied  a position  very 
closely  analogous  to  that  of  the  teachers  of  collegiate  schools  in  Eng- 
land, and  the  gymnasial  professors  in  Germany.  In  accordance  with 
this  view  of  their  character  we  find  them  universally  described 
amongst  ancient  writers  as  holding  a rank  intermediate  between  the 
elementary  teachers  and  the  rhetorician,  or  academic  professor  of 
literature.^  '^'hey  are  invariably  recognized  as  a liberally  educated 
class  of  men,  and  their  office  is  rarely  spoken  of  otherwise  than  with 
the  respect  and  deference  accorded  of  right  to  a learned  profession. 
In  this  respect  the  grammatici  present  an  utter  contrast  to  the  ludi- 
magistri  {ypajiiianarai),^  or  teachers  of  the  ypa/^juar/)  fxiicpa,  whose 
condition  and  social  status  seems  to  have  been  even  more  cheerless 
and  unfortunate  than  that  of  our  own  elementary  and  parish  school- 
masters. Persons  of  this  class  taught  in  the  market  place  and  under 
awnings  {pergidae.y  The  story  of  Virginia  shows  that  girls  also  at- 
tended schools  at  an  early  period  of  antiquity.®  They  were  most 
probably  of  the  same  rudimentary  description,  though  we  learn  from 
Martial,  (Epigr.  VIII.  3.  XI.  4,)  that  at  a later  era  grown  up 
maidens  were  instructed  in  the  higher  branches  of  elegant  litera- 
rature.  The  vocation  of  the  ypappariKol  consisted  in  giving  fim 
ish  and  completion  to  that  propaedeutic  course  of  study  which  the 
Greeks  denoted  as  the  kytcvKXia  paSi^para,  and  which  in  the  later 
ages  of  the  Roman  empire  was  known  under  the  name  of  Trivinm 
and  Quadrivium."^  The  subordinate  positions  assigned  to  the  subjects 
included  in  the  course  above  mentioned,  is  evident  from  a passage  in 
Plutarch  in  his  life  of  Alexander. 

1.  See  also  Zonoras  Lex.  VpafxixariKT^  • r)  epLireipia  rHiv  napd  Trotijral?  re  Kal  avyypa(j)ev(TLV 

u>?  eTTiTi/oTTo\v  ^eyopevov.  Higher  scholarship  and  criticism  was  known  amongst  the  Greeks 
as  the  ypafjLpLariKr)  /ueyaArj,  or  Grafenh.  Gesch.  der  class.  Phil.  I.  p.  343. 

2.  Grafenh.  Gesch.  der  class.  Phil.  IV.  p.  53. 

3.  Grafenhahn  Gesch.  der  class.  Litt.  IV.  53. 

4.  Zonaras  rtua/jL/u.aTio’Ti}?  • o ra  TrpwTa  croixeia  SiSdcrKtov.  Compare  Suid.  s.  v.  and  Ritter* 

shus.  ad  Porphyr.  p.  75.  5.  Grafenhahn  Gesch.  der  class.  Phil.  IV.  p.  26. 

6.  Perizon.  ad  Aelian.  III.  21.  7.  See  also  Suid.  s.  na/iTrpeirios  and  ’nptyeVrjs. 


niSTOrJCAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


471 


22.  Before  passing  from  this  portion  of  the  subject  it  may  not  be 
without  interest  to  remark  that  Quintilian,  one  of  the  ablest  and 
most  sagacious  writers  who  has  ever  treated  of  education,  strenuously 
and  pointedly  insists  that  the  study  of  Greek  should  'precede  that  of 
Latin.*  Even  during  the  more  cultivated  periods  of  the  republic — at 
least  in  that  era  which  Cicero  describes  as  the  golden  age  of  Latin 
eloquence — all  higher  and  more  liberal  minded  instruction  in  the  one 
language  was  held  to  be  concomitant,  and,  in  a manner  synonymous 
with  a similar  acquaintance  with  the  other.  The  most  profound  and 
enlightened  appreciation  of  the  peculiar  excellences  of  the  national 
literature  was  thought  to  be  alone  attainable  when  the  study  of  Ro- 
man authors  was  blended  in  a perfectly  balanced  and  indissoluble 
union  with  a knowledge  of  the  most  admirable  productions  of  those 
of  Greece.^ 

With  the  more  clearly  defined  and  strictly  systematic  arrange- 
ment which  the  different  portions  of  the  educational  courses  began  to 
assume  shortly  after  the  age  of  Aristotle,  we  find  that  the  subjects  of- 
highest  mental  training,  when  considered  somewhat  in  the  abstract, 
and  with  ref-rence  to  their  general  character  and  tendency,  are  all 
embraced  under  the  common  name  of  philosophy.  That  this  de- 
partment of  knowledge  was  not  unreasonably  regarded  as  preemi- 
nently in  accordance  with  the  aims  and  spirit  of  University  study 
will  be  sufficiently  evident  from  what  has  been  previously  pointed 
out  as  the  essential  attributes  of  the  latter.  We  are  not  however  to 
imagine  (though  the  vague  and  declamatory  language  of  the  writers 
on  these  subjects  would  undoubtedly  favor  such  a conclusion)  that 
mere  metaphysics — itself  a separate  and  particular  branch  of  inquiry 
— was  intended  to  monopolize  the  undivided  attention  of  those  who 
frequented  the  highest  schools  of  intellect!  Such  an  inference  is  at 
variance’  with  the  fact  that  totally  different  subjects,  such  as  grammar, 
rhetoric,  and  medicine  were  actually  taught  in  the  schools  of  the 
time ; and,  though  nothing  can  be  more  natural  or  likely  than  that 
those  who  mainly  devoted  themselves  to  one  of  these  subjects  may 
have  attended  instruction  in  another  also,  we  know  from  the  testi- 
mony of  Aulus  Gellius  the  jealous  vigilance  with  which  the  distinct 
limits  of  the  several  faculties  were  guarded.  Philosophy  therefore, 
in  passages  such  as  these  above  alluded  to,  can  only  be  intended  to 
denote  that  absolute  and  elevated  form  which  every  branch  of  knowl- 
edge assumes  when  studied  in  a comprehensive  spirit,  and  carried  to 

1.  Institut.  orat.  1,1,12.  A sermone  Graeco  puerum  incipere  malo,quia  Latinus,  zui  pluribua 
in  usu  est,  vel  nobis  nolentibus  se  praebest,  simul  quia  disciplinis  quoque  Graecis  prius  institu- 
eudus  est,  unde  et  nostrae  fluxerunt.  Quoted  by  Griifenhahn  Gesch.  der  class.  Philol.  IV.  p.  29. 

2.  Mommsen’s  Romische  Geschicfite,  Band  II.  p.  406.  3.  Noct.  Att.  X.  19, 


472 


IIISTOmCAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


the  ideal  perfection  of  its  own  proper  nature.  As  hearing  moreover 
immediately  upon  questions  deeply  associated  with  all  that  is  most 
momentous  to  the  individual  and  the  state,  the  science  of  mind  not 
unnaturally  became  the  “solar”  study  to  all  those  who  attended  the 
teaching  of  the  ancient  Universities  not  with  a view  to  qualify  them- 
selves for  any  particular  learned  profession,  but  simply  in  order  to 
obtain  that  clearness  of  intellect,  and  confirmed  mastery  of  the 
noblest  principles  of  thought  and  action  which  would  enable  them  to 
enter  upon  the  grander  usefulness  of  public  life  with  at  least  the  con- 
dition of  forethought  and  design.’  This  class  it  must  be  further  borne 
in  mind  was  precisely  the  one  which  comprised  those  individuals  from 
whose  biographies  our  acquaintance  with  the  details  of  ancient  Uni- 
versities is  mainly  derived.  We  must  also  bear  in  mind  that  from 
the  mental  idiosyncrasy,  and  many  peculiarities  in  the  social  condi- 
tion of  the  nations-  of  classical  antiquity  the  study  of  philosophy  was 
far  from  possessing  with  them  that  vague,  and  purely  abstract  char- 
acter now  generally  associated  with  the  name.  The  frugal  habits  and 
simple  wants  which  to  this  day  continue  a leading  feature  in  the  com- 
mon life  of  the  nations  of  the  south  of  Europe  were  united  in  the 
case  of  the  Greeks  with  a passionate  desire  for  knowledge,  and  a 
mobility  of  intellect  which  enabled  them  during  many  ages  of  their 
history  to  exhibit  beyond  all  other  nations  the  dignity  of  that  free 
and  noble  of  which  none  but  the  most  gifted  natures  are  capa- 

ble. To  those  who  led  an  existence  unfettered  by  any  but  the  sim- 
plest and  most  generally  human  relations,  who  labored  not  from  the 
pressure  of  external  necessity,  but  from  the  irrepressible  fullness  of 
their  own  productivity,  in  whom,  in  short,  the  inward  life  of  thought 
had  become  singularly  predominant  over  that  of  external  circum- 
stances, the  science  of  Being  naturally  became  the  one  engrossing 
pursuit  of  life,  and  questions  of  the  most  abstruse  and  metaphysical 
nature  rose  into  a degree  of  immediate  importance  which  at  the  pres- 
ent day  we  can  only  conceive  of  as  connected  with  occurrences 
where  considerations  of  personal  interest  are  directly  involved.®  With 

1.  Dial,  de  orator.  § 30.  The  author  of  the  same  work  tells  us  in  another  passage  (§  32) 
that  the  eloquence  of  Cicero  was  due  far  more  to  the  speculations  of  the  Academy  than  to  the 
instruction  of  professional  rhetorians.  Plutarch  (vit.  Cic.  p.  475.)  informs  us  that  such  was 
Cicero’s  own  opinion  (/caiToi  ;roAA<xKis  r^^Jov  /arj  pjjropa  KaAeiv'  avrbu  aAAa  (j>LX6^o<f)oi> ' 

(70())i'a»'  yap  ws  epyov  jjp^crdai,  pTjTopoc^  6’  opydyo}  crp^^ffai  iroAtTevd/xevos  €7rl  rds  ;)(p€ta9.) 
Compare  also  Cic.  Brutus  c.  97. 

2.  Not  apyia.  Scaliger  quoted  by  Passow  in  his  Leben  Ton  Horaz.  p.  21.  Anm.  63.  thus  de- 
scribes the  Greeks,  quae  natio  nihil  paene  egisse  videtur  quam  ut  reperiret  quomodo  *n  otio 
negotiosa  esse  pos.set. 

3.  That  the  study  of  philosophy  possessed  amongst  the  ancients  a character  preeminently 
professional  is  evident  from  the  opposition  of  meaning  constantly  insisted  on  between  the  terms 
^tAdao<^os*ane  ifitwxTj?.  Thus  Critias  was  sneered  at  as  an  ifiiw-njs  piev  iv  <^)iAo(rd<|)oi9,  ^lAdao- 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


473 


the  utter  and  undisguised  contempt  into  which  the  national  religion 
had  everywhere  fallen,  and  the  complete  inadequacy  of  all  that  was 
traditionally  received  to  satisfy  that  instinctive  yearning  after  God 
to  which  even  Homer  alludes.'  Philosophy  became  to  the  calm  and 
noble  natures  of  the  old  world  very  much  what  theology  and  Christi- 
anity are  with  us,  the  sole  ground  of  Faith  and  Huty,  the  one  heal- 
ing consolation  and  refuge  from  the  sorrows,  afflictions,  and  disap- 
pointments of  human  existence.*^ 

2-5.  That  more  definite  conceptions,  and  above  all  happier  results 
did  not  spring  from  a view  of  academic  study  involving  so  much  that 
is  sound  and  accurate,  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  lamentable  decay  of 
all  the  powers  of  nobler  mental  action  which  so  rapidly  succeeded  to 
the  astonishing  precision  and  certainty  which  the  scientific  tendencies 
of  the  ancient  world  had  attained  in  Aristotle.  Not  only  was  a de- 
cline of  freshness  and  vigor  speedily  visible  in  the*  more  minutely  de- 
tailed divisions  into  which  the  search  after  truth  had  ramified,  but  the 
central  energy  itself  exhibited  even  more  decided  signs  of  waning 
power  and  intensity.  Undiminished  as  was  the  national  tendency 
towards  metaphysical  discussion,  the  theorists  who  succeeded  Aristotle 
instead  of  radiating,  as  it  were,  from  central  truths,  and  endeavoring 
to  enlarge  and  verify  their  conceptions  of  the  absolute  by  diligent 
study  of  its  infinite  selfenactment  in  man  and  nature,  exhausted  the 
interest  of  philosophic  study  in  barren  and  unpractical  disputations,  or 
else  in  idly  circling  around  positions  long  since  finally  won  for  science. 

2^.  We  have  dwelt  at  some  length  upon  the  most  important  stages 
in  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  principle  of  academic  education  amongst 
the  Greeks  from  reasons  which  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  enumerate 
in  detail.  Though  figuring  to  a very  small  extent  among  the  men  of 
statistics,^  and  held  extremely  cheap  amongst  those  wdio  reverse  the 
old  legal  maxim  that  men  should  be  weighed,  not  counted,'*  no  people 
reaches  so  far  and  wide  in  all  relations  of  mind,  or  has  given  birth 
and  shape  to  so  much  which  is  still  operating  in  every  civilized 
nation  as  a predominating  element  in  its  life  of  life.  They  at  once 
exhibit  the  consummation  of  the  noblest  tendencies  of  the  old  world., 
and  contain  the  lively  germs  of  all  that  is  most  admirable  and  active 


Se  ev  iSiwTai?  (Schol.  ad  Plat.  Tim.  § 20.)  The  same  thought  is  neatly  expressed  in  an  epi- 
gram of  the  Anthology  (II.  p.  419.  58.  Jacobs.) 

1.  Od.  III.  48.  Trat-re?  6e  deuiv  xareovcriv  avOpoiiroi. 

2 Compare  Clemens  Alexandrin.  Strom.  I.  5.  p.  C30.  Pottor.  Also  VI.  17.  p.  823.  where 
losophy  is  explicitly  declared  to  have  served  as  the  representative  of  religion  and  theology  intne 
ancient  world. 

4.  Fr.  A.  AVolf  Darstellung  dcr  Alterthumswissenschaft,  p.  71. 

Herodotus  contrasts  the  mental  greatne.ss  of  the  Greeks  with  the  material  vastness  of  Asiatic 
empires.  The  latter  he  describes  as  amounting  to  ttoAAoI  avOpuinoi,  oAi'yoi  av^pes. 


474 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


in  the  new.  The  history  of  the  Romans  on  the  other  hand  in  all 
that  concerns  the  development  of  the  schools  of  higher  intellect  is 
scarcely  distiiiL-t  enough  to  form  even  an  episode  in  that  of  the 
Greeks.  The  educational  method  of  the  more  primitive  periods  of 
the  republic,  though  strongly  impressed  with  the  masculine  simplicity 
and  noble  moral  nature  of  the  people,'  bears  eloquent  testimony  to 
that  peculiar  inaptitude  for  speculation  which  rendered  the  Romans, 
with  all  their  propensity  to  grave  and  lofty  sentiment,  unable  to  re- 
ceive, much  less  advance  that  highest  mental  culture  which  so  essen- 
tially springs  from  the  creative  contemplation  of  the  eternal. 

27.  One  of  the  very  few  who  appear  to  have  theorized  at  all  on 
this  subject  was  shrewd  old  Cato,^  who,  sturdy  and  stubborn  a speci- 
men as  he  was  of  the  genuine  old  Roman  breed  in  tJie  utmost  in- 
tensity of  its  strongly  marked  peculiarities,  seems  nevertheless,  here 
as  elsewhere,  to  have  been  borne  by  the  sheer  force  of  a prodigious 
understanding  so  far  beyond  the  narrowminded  limits  of  his  day  and 
generation.  The  mode  of  education  which  prevailed  throughout  the 
best  ages  of  the  republic  has  been  set  forth  in  the  well  known  and 
classic  2>assage  of  the  dialogiis  de  oratoribus  commonly  attributed  to 
Tacitus.  The  youth  after  having  completed  certain  courses  of  pre- 
liminary instruction  was  at  the  approach  of  manhood  introduced  to 
one  of  the  eminent  public  men  of  the  day,  to  whose  person  he  con- 
tinued attached  for  a suitable  period  in  the  capacity  of  an  assistant 
and  companion.  In  thus  enabling  him  to  become  insensibly,  and  ac- 
cording to  the  advancing  measure  of  his  strength  and  capacity  more 
and  more  a co-agent  in  the  grandest  and  most  stirring  political  exist- 
ence the  world  has  ever  seen,  where  cases  like  the  impeachment  of 
Warren  Hastings  were  of  almost  constant  occurrence,  it  is  easy  to 
perceive  what  an  incomparable  training  to  a life  of  action  and  energy 
would  of  necessity  be  furnished. 

28.  Such  a practice  was  of  course  only  adapted  to  the  most  vir- 
tuous and  glorious  periods  of  the  commonwealth,  when  the  general 
grandeur  and  moral  elevation  of  the  times  siq:)plied  its  evident  defi- 
ciency in  the  scientific  and  universally  humanizing  elements  of  higher 
education.  In  the  hideous  disorder  and  crime  wliich  finally  rendered 
the  republic  insupportable,  when  the  rapine  and  carnage  of  the  pro- 
scriptions were  succeeded  by  the  scandalous  excesses  of  the  rabble 

1.  Most  justly  described  by  Uorace  as 

natura  sublimis  et  acer, 

♦ Et  spirans  tragicum  satis,  et  feliciter  audens. 

Polybius  in  the  same  manner  speaks  of  a certain  magnanimous  hardihood  of  design  ( to  /aeya- 
ho^v\ov  KoX  napd^oAow  as  a distinctiyely  characteristic  trait  of  the  Romans. 

2.  See  Nonius  and  Festus  in  Ellendt’s  Ilistoria  Eloquentiae  Romanae,  p.  21.  Compare  also 
Macrobius  III.  6.  in  Jo.  Alb.  Fabr.  Bibl.  Lat.  T.  I.  Lib.  I.  c.  2. 


niSTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


475 


under  Clodius,  and  the  high  handed  violence  of  Caesar,  the  tone  of 
public  life,  and  the  character  of  public  men  were  alike  abhorrent  to 
the  spirit  and  purpose  with  which  the  custom  had  been  originally  in- 
stituted. 

29.  A single  exception  is  mentioned  as  having  then  existed,  and 
that  probably  the  most  signal  and  illustrious  instance  ever  furnished 
of  the  admirable  effects  which  were  meant  to  flow  from  so  wisely 
conceived  and  sagaciously  practical  a mode  of  educational  influence. 
Few  circumstances  in  the  life  of  Cicero  are  calculated  to  give  a 
stronger  impression  of  the  atmosphere  of  noble  and  lofty  thought 
which  he  spread  around  him  than  the  remarkably  enlivening  power 
of  his  personal  intercourse  upon  generous  youthful  minds.’  The 
number  of  high-born  and  thoughtful  Roman  youths  whom  he  attracted 
around  him,  and  inspired  with  the  loftiest  principles  of  individual 
and  public  duty  is  said  to  have  given  Cicero  a mighty  power  in  the 
state  at  the  very  time  when^to  all  outward  appearance  his  political 
authority  was  most  completely  annihilated.^ 

30.  A remarkable  feature  in  the  earlier  form  of  Roman  education 
consisted  in  the  practice,  mentioned  by  Valerius  Maximus^  and  Cicero, 
of  sending  young  patricians  into  Etruria  fer  the  purpose  of  complet- 
ing their  studies.  This  is  no  doubt  rightly  interpreted  by  Ellendt*  as 
originating  in  the  extent  to  which  the  ceremonies,  legal  fictions  and 
forms  of  the  Roman  state  were  regulated  in  accordance  with  the 
Etruscan  system  of  divination. 

‘ ATHENAEUM  OF  ROME — UNIVERSITY  OF  ATHENS. 

31.  Although  the  principle  of  University  study  made  little  progress 
if  it  did  not  actually  retrograde,  under  the  dominion  of  Rome,  the 
external  existence  of  academic  mstitutions  was  then  established  with 
a degree  of  solidity  and  permanence  which  has  exercised  the  most 
important  influence  upon  the  destinies  of  the  future  civilization  of 
mankind.  The  emperors  from  Augustus  downwards  recognized  the 
entire  system  of  educational  institutions  as  an  integral  element  in  the 
organism  of  the  state.  Existing  schools  in  Rome  and  throughout  the 
provinces  received  the  imperial  patronage  and  support,  new  institu- 
tions of  the  same  kind  were  founded,  and  professional  chairs  (^povot) 

1.  The  correspondence  of  Cicero  abounds  in  evidences  of  this  most  interesting  feature  in  his 
character.  Compare,  as  instances  taken  almost  at  random,  Ep.  ad  Fam.  II,  4 and  5. 

2.  'A({>efJ.eyoi  tow  to  KOiva  nparreLV  €<T\lj6Ka^e  Tol?  /SowXo/xeVoij  <}>i\o<TO<f>eLy  tSjv  veiav,  Kol 

o'XfSo*'  « irpb?  TouTow?  awr^deia?  evyeweeTTaTOVS  Kai  jrpwTOV?  oj'Tos  laxvev  ev  rg 

rroAet  ixeyicrrov.  Plut.  vit.  Cic.  p.  483. 

3.  De  Relig.  I.  1.  Cic.  dc  Divinat.  II.  23.  quoted  by  Lips.  ad.  Tac.  Aim.  XI.  15. 

4.  Hist.  Eloquent.  Rom.  p.  75.  sqq. 


476  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

either  created,  or,  if  already  existing,  perpetuated  by  means  of 
endowments.  Vespasian,  Hadrian,  both  the  Antonines,  Marcus  Au- 
relius, and  Severus,  in  a word,  all  the  most  virtuous,  and  not  a few 
of  even  the  most  sanguinary  and  atrocious  amongst  the  Caesars"  vied 
with  each  other  in  endeavoring  to  promote  the  interests  of  learning 
in  all  its  various  forms  throughout  the  Empire.  It  is  of  course  only 
to  those  who  were  most  preeminently  distinguished  as  the  patrons 
and  benefactors  of  the  highest  erudition  that  we  can  at  present  briefly 
allude.  Vespasian,  (A.  D.  69 — 79)  himself  an  admirer  and  con- 
noisseur of  Greek  literature,  led  the  way  in  the  appointment  of  pro- 
fessors of  both  languages,  who  in  addition  to  the  immunities  and 
honors  granted  by  former  Emperors  were  paid  an  annual  salary  from 
the  imperial  fisc.**  Among  the  eminent  scholars  thus  formally  taken 
into  the  service  of  the  state  was  the  celebrated  Quinctilian  who  held 
the  professorship  of  eloquence  for  a period  of  twenty  years  with  an  in- 
come of  100,000  sesterces,  or  about  700  pounds,  per  annum.^  Under 
Hadrian  (A.  D.  117 — 138)  along  with  the  same  princely  munificence 
in  the  endowment  of  separate  professional  chairs,  we  behold  a decided 
step  towards  form  and  combination  in  the  means  and  aids  to  higher 
instruction  such  as  previously,  it  would  seem,  was  unattempted  at 
Rome.  The  rhetoricians  and  men  of  letters  who  had  hitherto  taugfht 
in  virtue  of  public  appointment  to  their  respective  offices  (^uhlice  do- 
cendls  juvenilus  magistri),  instead  of  giving  instruction  in  separate 
schools  as  formerly,  were  gathered  into  a collective  body  known  as 
the  Athenaeum,'*  which  held  its  sittings  on  the  capital,  and  appears 
like  the  Museum  of  Alexandria,  to  have  united  in  a great  measure 
the  functions  of  a modern  academy  of  sciences  with  those  of  a higher 
school.  Separate  lecture  rooms  (loca  specialiter  deputata)  were  as- 
signed to  each  instructor,  who  was  henceforward  not  permitted  to 
teach  in  private.^  The  age  of  Marcus  Aurelius  (A.  D.  161 — 180) 
is  distinguished  by  the  complete  endowment  of  what  may  now  indis- 
putably be  called  the  University  of  Athens.  The  professors  of  the 
schools  of  this  city  seem  under  this  emperer  first  to  have  received  an- 
nual salaries  from  the  government,,  though  chairs  of  Political  science. 
Rhetoric,  Philosophy,  and  Sophistry  had  probably  been  in  existence 

1.  e.  g.  Domitiaa.  See  Niebuhr  Vorles.  iiber  alte  Gesch.  III.  p.  209.  Sueton.  vit.  Dom.  c.  4. 
20.  Compare  on  the  other  hand  Tac.  vit.  Agric.  c.  2. 

2.  Ingenia  et  artes  vel  maxime  fovit . primus  enim  e fisco  Latinis  Graecisque  rhetoribus  an- 
nua centena  constituit.  ctt  Sueton.  Tit.  Vesp.  c.  18  Grafenhahn  Gesch.  der  Cl.  Philol.  HI.  p.  29. 

2.  Grafenhahn  Gesch.  der  class.  Philol.  IV.  p.  32.  Twenty  years  appears  to  have  been  the 
term  of  service  for  public  officials  of  this  class,  after  which  they  were  entitled  to  retire  with  a 
pension.  CresoU.  Theatr.  Rhet.  I.  8. 

4.  Grafenhahn  Gesch.  der.  class.  Phil.  IV.  p.  32.  Bemhardy  Gr.  der  Romischen  Litt.  p.  86. 

5.  Bulaeufl  Hist.  Univ.  Par.  I.  p.  68, 


I 


/ 

HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  477 

for  some  time  previously.  The  number  of  regular  professorships 
amounted  to  ten,  of  which  two  were  assigned  to  Rhetoric,  and  as 
many  to  each  of  the  philosophical  sects  as  supposed  to  be  represented 
by  the  Platonists,  Peripatetics,  Stoics  and  Epicureans.'  A certain 
preeminence  appears  to  have  been  conceded  to  the  teachers  of  Pla- 
tonic philosophy.  The  chair  of  this  subject  was  designated  as  6 
^poyoQ  par  excellence,  and  its  teachers  are  all  along  described  as  being 
preeminently  the  hiahoxot.'^  This  office,  together  with  lectureships  on 
Grammar  and  criticism,  was  held  by  the  celebrated  Longinus.^ 

32.  The  appointment  to  these  offices  was  naturally  vested  in  the 
liighest  instance  with  the  Emperor,  though  they  appear  generally  to 
have  been  bestowed  in  accordance  with  the  recommendation  of  the 
University  and  the  town.  In  a decree  of  Julian  cited  by  Bernhardy,*' 
the  electoral  bodies  are  specified  as  consisting  of  the  Ordo,  or  philo- 
sophic sect,  the  Curiales,  or  municipal  senate,  and  the  Optimi,  timo- 
cratic  ecclesia,  established  according  to  Roman  usage  in  the  provinces,® 
with  an  ultimate  reference  to  the  emperor.  In  the  case  of  the  philo- 
sophic professorships  the  initiative,  and  most  decisive  stage  of  the 
process  was  doubtless  that  entrusted  to  the  first  of  these  associations. 
Photius’  accordingly  speaks  of  Isidore  as  at  once  appointed  to  the 
Platonic  chair  by  the  xlp'pKTfia  re;  diadoxv?-  Nor  does  the  influence 
of  the  University  in  the  bestowal  of  rhetorical  professorships  appear 
to  have  been  greatly  inferior.  Gregory  of  Nazianzus  when  desirous 

1.  See  Lucian  Eun.  § 3.  Such  is  the  yiew  adopted  by  Ahrens  (de  Athenarum  statu,  p.  70.  as 
quoted  by  Griifenhahn  Gesch.  der  class.  Philol.  III.  p.  29,)  in  which  he  is  opposed  by  Bern- 
hardy  Gr.  der  Gesch.  der  Gr.  Litt.  p.  413,  and  Zumpt  (iiber  den  Bestand  der  philosoph.  Schul. 
in  Athen.  p.  26.)  The  latter  himself  however  admits  that  Lucian  speaks  of  the  death  of  one  of 
the  two  PeripateticF  who  held  offices  of  this  nature  in  Athens,  {airoOapelv  ruiv  IleptTraTTjTiKw;' 
TOP  eVepov)  and  it  is  not  easy  to  discover  any  reason  why  a larger  number  of  appointanents 
shou'd  have  been  bestowed  upon  this  sect  in  particular. 

2.  Wyttenbach  ad  Eunap.,  p.  44.  The  Academics  were  also  designated  as  o-xoVrj.  (Suidas  s. 

nXouTapxo?  et  IIpo/cAo?.)  The  students  of  the  Academus  seem  all  along  to  have  been  regarded 
as  quite  the  (ffirist  churchmen  of  the  Athenian  University.  They  are  reproached  with  ex- 
cessive “ bumptiousness  ” and  with  puppyism  as  exhibited  in  matters  of  dress  and  ex- 

ternal deportment.  Ephippus  (Nauag.  Meinccke  Fragm.  Com.  III.  p.  332,)  thus  describes  one 
of  the  philosophic  exquisites  of  the  day. 

c5  fxep  iJiaxo.^pt}  filcrr’  rpi^wM^Ta, 

€V  S’  iiTTO/cadi'et?  aTop.a  Tralycovo?  PdOr], 
ev  S'  €P  TreStAo)  noSa  riffelt  vtto  ^vpop, 

Kr^p.Tjs  ip-dpTutp  lo’o/j.erpoig  eAi'A/aacriv, 
oy/ccp  re  ^(AaviSos  ev  TeBiapaKt<rp.epoiy 
<rx^P-\d^t.6\peo}p  €7Ti/ca0eis  PaKTr)pCa 
aAAorpiov,  ovk  oiKelop,  ws  ip.oi  SoKel, 
ep-e^ep  k.  t.  A. 

Sec  also  a similar  passage  in  the  Antaeus  of  Antiphanes  (Meinecke  Fr.  Com.  III.  p.  17.) 

3.  Wyttenbach  ad  Eunap.,  p.  28. 

4.  Grundriss  der  Geschichte  der  Gr.  Litt. , p.  416.  The  same  mode  of  election  existed  at 
Rome  also.  See  Cresoll.  Theatr.  Rhet.  IV.  I. 

5.  Hermann  Gr.  Alterthiimer. 


7.  Biblioth.  Cod.  242. 


478  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

of  departing  from  Athens  was  detained  almost  by  main  force  on  the 
part  of  his  admirers  (axpl^  Karei^ov),  Masters  and  scholars  are  de- 
scribed as  direcily  offering  him  the  gift  of  a professional  chair  (wg 
Xoycov  ^^(TOPTEQ  etc  \pf](j)ov  Kparog). 

33.  In  every  such  election,  whether  of  sophists  or  philosophers,  a 
formal  examination  (^oa/xao’/a)  was  held  before  the  most  important 
and  influential  inhabitants,  on  which  occasion  the  different  candidates 
gave  a public  specimen  of  their  ability,  and  at  the  same  time  under- 
went a scrutiny  into  their  moral'  character^  The  amount  of  income 
enjoyed  by  each  of  the  above  mentioned  principal  professors  is  stated 
by  Lucian  at  ten  thousand  drachmae,  or  about  £400  a year.  Phi- 
lostratus^  however  speaks  of  the  sophist  Apollonius  as  receiving  a 
talent  annually  while  occupying  the  chair  of  political  oratory.^  Ta- 
tian  on  the  other  hand  speaks  of  the  payment  of  the  leading 
appointments  as  amounting  to  twelve  thousand  drachmae  per  annum, 
a statement  considered  by  commentators  as  in  all  probability  more 
strictly  correct  than  the  sum  mentioned  in  round  numbers  by  Lucian.^ 

34.  The  solid  nucleus  formed  by  the  ten  endowed  professorships 
seems  gradually  to  have  collected  around  it  a multitude  of  philoso- 
phers and  academic  teachers  of  every  description.  At  a later  period 
Himerius’  speaks  of  parents  who  had  accompanied  their  sons  to 
Athens  as  perfectly  bewildered  by  the  number  of  sophists  in  that 
city.  Many  of  these  were  no  doubt  attached  to  the  University  in 
the  capacity  of  assistants  to  the  occupants  of  the  principal  chairs,  a 
class  of  teachers  who  are  found  in  existence  at  the  earliest  period  of 
academic  history,®  while  the  majority,  it  may  be  conjectured,  held  a 
position  not  unlike  that  of  the  professores  extraordinai’ii  and  privatim 
docentes  of  continental  Universities  at  the  present  day.  In  the  case 
of  the  Sophists  a broad  line  of  distinction  is  throughout  observable 
between  the  junior  instructors  and  those  holding  the  salaried  appoint- 
ments of  the  University.  The  latter  gloried  in  the  high  sounding 
titles  of  dwar^repoi,  Xoyiov  rvpavvoi,  fiei^ovg,  iJ,£yaX6ui(T^ot,  dtiidoreXelgy^ 

1.  Philostr.  II.  pp.  568.  567.  Morell.  Luc.  Eun.  p.  352.  Hemsterhus.  Wyttenbiich  ad  Eu- 
nap.  p.  79. 

2.  Vit.  Sophist.  II.  p.  597.  Morell. 

3.  Zuinpt  .supposes  that  the  ttoAiti/co?  Opovoi  is  to  be  understood  of  a chair  the  appointment 
to  which  Tested  with  the  town,  as  opposed  to  the  ^ao-iAi/cb?  6p6voq,  which  was  in  the  gift  of  the 
Crown.  See  tiber  den  Bestand  der  philosoph.  Schulen  in  Athen.  p.  25.  Anm.  3.)  The  argu- 
ments adduced  in  favor  of  this  opinion  do  not,  however,  appear  very  convincing. 

4.  See  Lucian  Eunuch,  p.  352.  Hemster.  Cresoll.  Theatr.  Rhet.,  11.  3. 

6.  Orat.  XXXIII.  § 2. 

6.  Zumpt  fiber  den  Bestand  der  philosoph.  Schulen  in  Athen,  p.  6.  Bemhardy  Or.  der  Qr. 
Litt.  I,  p.  415. 

7.  See  Lucian  Rhet.  Praecept.  quoted  in  Cresoll . IV.  11.  BaaiAeuy  ev  toI?  Abyois,  ra  reOptnira 
i\avvo)v  Tov  \6yov. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OP  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


479 


emlnentissimi,  &c.,  the  latter^  on  the  other  hand  are  designated  as 
ol  eXdrrovCj  eirreXels,  minores. 

35.  The  term  Sophist,  always  employed  somewhat  vaguely,  and  at 
times  bestowed  upon  those  philosophers  who  aimed  at  combining 
literary  elegance  of  expression  with  scientific  accuracy  of  thought,*  is 
henceforward  used  with  reference  to  a class  of  teachers  exhibiting 
many  analogies  with  the  Doctors  and  Masters  of  Arts  in  the  academic 
schools  of  the  middle  ages.^  This  circumstance  is  also  indicated  in 
the  phrase  professor  artium  by  which  the  Sophists  are  known  in 
Latin.  It  is  worthy  of  notice  how  completely  the  invidious  and  con- 
temptuous meaning  once  associated  with  the  name  was  lost  sight  of 
in  the  third  century.  Libanius  declined  the  title  of  Prefect  of  the 
palace,  an  honor  bestowed  upon  individuals  of  the  very  highest  rank. 
External  honors  of  every  kind,  statues,  the  citizenship,  imperial 
edicts,  honorary  psephismata,  were  lavishly  bestowed  upon  distin- 
guished Sophists.  Their  calling  was  regarded  as  the  stepping- 
stone  to  the  highest  dignities  of  State,  and  conferred  by  a codex  of 
Theodosius  the  social  position  of  Vicarius,  a grade  equivalent  to  the 
rank  of  Duke  or  count. ^ In  accordance  with  this  estimate  of  the 
dignity  of  their  office  we  find  that  the  instructors  of  higher  schools 
regularly  appeared  amongst  the  nobility  and  magistrates  who  went 
forth  to  welcome  a viceroy  on  his  arrival  at  the  seat  of  provincial 
government.^  Every  circumstance  in  short  goes  to  prove  that  this 
expression  was  employed  at  that  period  with  precisely  the  same  emi- 
nently honorable  meaning  which  attaches  to  the  name  of  professor  at 
the  present  day.  In  the  fourth  century  we  read  of  the  public  ap- 
pointment at  Athens  of  four  Sophists®  (probably  only  the  most  emi- 
nent of  the  entire  body)  in  a manner  precisely  similar  to  that  of  the 
philosophers  previously  mentioned. 

36.  The  minor  arrangements  of  the  school  of  Athens  at  this  stage 

1.  Cresoll.  Theatr.  Rhet.  IV.  11. 

2.  Schol.  Aristoph.  Nub.  330.  iroifnaTai,  ol  SiSd(rKa\oi,  icai  ocroi  tuv  if>iXjo<r6<f)<av  ptjropuctos 

fypa\l/av. 

3.  A.  Schott.  Eunapii  vit.  extr.  See  also  an  expression  of  Philostratus  quoted  by  Cresoll. 
Theatr.  Rhet.  I.  1.  where  the  sophistic  art  is  described  as  noWt)  koX  ttoikcAtj  in  its  nature.  Cre- 
sollius  (IV,  5.)  justly  says  of  the  sophists  “ partem  omnium  humaniorum  literarum  attigisfe 
ridentur  quae  excellenti  et  perfecto  oratori  sunt  necessaria.”  The  proper  meaning  of  the  word 
is  seen  in  the  expression  which  connects  to  rexv^KOP  and  to  cro(/>io’T(K6i'  as  equivalent  terms. 
That  the  name  of  Sophist  was  properly  given  to  all  who  studied  a subject  as  a profession , and 
discoursed  upon  it  with  fluency  and  eloquence  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  not  only  physicians 
are  so  called  by  Eunapius,  (compare  the  laTpo<ro(f)c<rTal  in  Suidas)  but  that  even  at  an  earlier 
period  those  learned  Soyers  of  antiquity  whose  artistic  enthusiasm  is  such  a favorite  subject 
with  the  poets  of  later  comedy  are  known  in  Athenaeus  as  a-oifna-Tal  /xayeipiKOi.  (Athen.  III.  c. 
60.  Compare  also  Clemens  Alexandr.  Strom.  I.  p.  329.  Potter.) 

4.  Cresoll.  Theatr.  Rhet.  I.  8. 

6.  Reisk.  ad  Libanii  Orat.  Trpbs  ’AvofivTiov,  p.  190. 

6.  Liban.  irpbj  rovt  /Sapuv  avTbt'  icaAoCvra?,  p.  176.  * 


480 


Historical  development  of  superior  instruction. 


of  its  history  no  doubt  corresponded  in  most  respects  with  those  of 
the  learned  institutions  of  Antioch  concerning  which  such  frequent 
and  detailed  accounts  are  furnished  in  the  orations  and  epistles  of 
Libanius.  In  the  latter  city,  which  is  described  as  being  at  .that 
period  the  academic  counterpart  of  Athens  in  the  east,  the  professors 
of  rhetoric  not  only  received  an  annual  salary  ((rvvTa^iQ)  from  the 
magistrates  of  the  town,^  but  were  also  paid  by  fees  from  the  class, 
and  Libanius  in  pleading  for  an  increase  of  allowance  to  his  colleagues 
points  to  the  fact  that  Zenobius,  a teacher  of  eminence,  had  received 
an  augmentation  of  his  salary  from  the  proceeds  of  the  public  do- 
main.^ The  sum  paid  for  admission  to  each  class  appears  to  have 
varied  greatly,  and  poorer  students  seem  frequently  to  have  been 
permitted  to  attend  free  of  expense.®  Philostratus,  a writer  of 
the  third  century,  informs  us  that  in  the  school  of  Proclus  the 
payment  of  one  hundred  drachmae  entitled  the  student  to  attend- 
ance upon  the  course  as  long  as  he  thought  proper,  besides  giving 
access  to  the  use  of  the  library."*  The  fee  for  admission  was  paid 
on  the  first  of  every  month,  and  could  be  recovered  at  law ; the 
salary  on  the  other  hand  was  received  annually.  In  this  manner 
many  of  the  Sophists  are  said  to  have  amassed  considerable  fortunes. 
The  lectures  of  Chrestus  were  attended  by  one  hundred  tfifiia^oL  an- 
poa-rai,^  and  Heraclides  purchased  an  estate  of  ten  talents  from  the 
accumulated  earnings  of  tuition  in  rhetoric.  The  desire  to  secure  for 
themselves  the  glory  and  the  profit  resulting  from  a numerously  at- 
tended class  naturally  gave  rise  to  the  most  furious  competition  on 
the  part  of  this  class  of  instructors,  a fact  significantly  attested  in  the 
terms  and  ayriKaS-rjfT^aL  employed  with  reference  to  Soph- 

ists professing  the  same  subject.®  Every  contrivance  of  force  and 
fraud  was  unsparingly  employed  on  these  occasions,  and  the  whole 
machinery  of  a contested  election  in  England  of  the  olden  time  was 
actively  set  in  play  to  secure  for  themselves  the  attendance  of  the 
new  comers  to  the  University.'^  Students  were  induced  to  pledge 
themselves  before  matriculation,  and  agencies  formally  established  for 
that  purpose  in  foreign  countries.  The  fiercest  part  of  the  struggle 
commenced  upon  their  arrival  in  Attica.  No  expense  seems  to  have 

1.  Liban.  ’AvTioxi»cd?.  p.  333. 

2.  Liban.  vnep  tu>v  prjroptoy.  pp.  211,  212,  213. 

3.  Philostr.  vit.  Soph.  II.  p.  602.  4.  Vit.  Soph.  H.  p.  600.  Morell. 

5.  Philostr.  vit.  Soph.  11.  p.  588.  Morell. 

6.  Sea  also  Liban.  irepl  eavrov  rv^V^  Adyo?.  p.  137. 

7.  Bu.'iiness  of  this  description  seems  to  have  been  transacted  by  a species  of  committee 
(xopd?)  composed  of  partisans  of  the  respective  Sophists  under  the  guidance  of  a senior  (npocr^ 
rarri^,  aKpuiixiTri^).  Photius  Eibl.  cod.  80.  Cresoll.  Theatr.  Rhet.  IV.  10  extr.  Bemhardy  Gr. 
der  Gr.  Litt.  I.  p.  450. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


481 


been  spared  by  the  principals  in  the  contest.  A fictitious  appearanco 
of  popularity  was  sought  to  be  obtained  by  paying  students  to  at- 
tend and  applaud  at  lectures^  {lovri  rCjv  ve'ojy.)  Bands  of  academic 
partizans  scoured  the  country  in  every  direction,  for  the  purpose  of 
intercepting  all  who  entered  Athens  by  land  and  all  the  mischievous 
activity  of  the  commissionaires  and  hotel  touters  of  the  continent  at 
the  present  day  was  indefatigably  set  in  operation,  in  order  to  mis- 
lead and  bewilder  the  inexperienced  student  on  his  first  landing  at 
the  Piraeus.  Libanius,  in  describing  his  own  adventures,  mentions 
that  he  was  locked  up  by  adherents  of  the  opposition,  and  not  re- 
leased from  captivity  until  he  had  bound  himself  by  oath  to  attend 
the  lectures  of  the  professor  whose  cause  they  had  espoused.^  The 
feuds  between  the  rival  candidates  for  popular  favor  and  support 
were  zealously  entered  into  by  their  respective  disciples — a result 
the  more  readily  brought  about  from  the  fact  that  each  of  the 
leading  Sophists  officiated  as  proctor  of  one  of  the  four  Nations,'*  into 
which  the  University  was  divided — and  the  writers  of  the  day  gave 
a most  animated  picture  of  the  academic  combats  which  raged  be- 
tween the  admirers  of  the  contending  rhetoricians.® 

37.  The  general  plan  of  instruction  seems  not  to  have  been 
altered  from  that  which  prevailed  at  the  time  of  the  first  endowment 
of  the  University  by  Aurelian.  In  the  philosophical  classes  lectures 
were  delivered,  at  the  conclusion  of  which  difficulties  and  objections 
(avroplai)  'were  discussed  by  the  professor.®  In  the  schools  of  rhet- 
oric at  Antioch  public  harangues  (/ueXerai,  eTn^ei^eic)  were  pronounced 
before  the  class  by  the  occupant  of  the  chair  at  certain  stated  inter- 
vals. This  performance  generally  took  place  between  ten  o’clock  in 
the  morning  and  noon  {TrXrj^varjg  ayopdg.)  After  such  an  oration 
the  remainder  of  the  day  was  regarded  as  festival  or  half  holiday. 
At  the  entrance  of  each  lecture  room  (-n-vX^r)  was  suspended  a tab- 
let containing  notices  to  the  class.®  Students  took  copious  notes  of 
the  lectures  in  books  (^iXroiy  kept  for  that  purpose.  Certain  an- 


1.  Liban  nepl  tij?  tavrov  tuxtjs  Ao-yos,  p.  45. 

2.  opixiv  aKpa,  TreSta,  €<r\aTLaL,  ovSev  oti.  /htj  /aepo;,  rj  Trj^  Aoitt^?  'EAAaSo?, 

avTtou  raiv  oiKrjTopuiv  oi  TrAeieTToi,  kul  yap  tovtovs  fxe/jLepiff/xeyovt  rat?  <rjrov6ats  exovcriy^ 
Gregor.  Nazianz. 

3.  Trj?  €7rtoucrTj?  re  riv  ecnepai,  koX  ev  \ep<Tiv  ovx  Siv  €|3ouA6/xijv  • enetra  rrji  varepaia^  ev 
erepcoy  av  xepaiy,  u)y  ovSe  rovrojy  c^ouAo/jlt/i'.  Liban.  nepl  eavrov  rvxv^  Aoyo?.  p.  13. 
Compare  also  another  passage  in  the  same  speech ; e^oCjfiey  Be  Steo’TijKOTcs,  o cro(J)i(rT»}s,  p.ev 
e/xoO,  eKeCyov  Be  eyia  <TTep6p.eyo<;,  toI?  exovai  Be  \6yo<:  ovSets  /3o^s. 

4 For  an  account  of  the  Nations  at  Athens  see  § 57. 

6.  Liban.  Trepl  eavrov  tvx’??  Aoyo?,  p.  16;  rows  tuu'  x^P^*'  yeiraii  ralg  ’A^rjvais  wo- 
Xepov^,  Kal  poTraAa,  xai  aiBr)poy  Kal  Atdous,  Kai  rpavp-ara'  k.  t.  A.  Compare  also  Epist.  527. 
Eunap.  vit.  Julian,  et  Proaeres. 

6.  Aul.  Cell.  Noct.  Att.  20.  II.  2.  7.  Lucian.  Ilermotim.  p.  750- 

8.  Liban.  Trpb?  robs  ow  Ae-yovra?,  p.  293. 


31 


482  iiisror.icAL  development  oe  superior  instruction. 

cient  authors  (Demosthenes  and  Homer  for  the  most  part)  were 
generally  read  as  guides  and  models  for  original  composition^  The 
interpretation  of  these  writers  was  preceded  by  a discourse  (TrpoXoyoc) 
delivered  by  the  instructor.^  That  in  the  philosophical  schools  a 
species  of  moral  discipline  was  also  aimed  at  is  evident  from  the 
£7ri  evKoa/xiag  tG)V  kntyEipovvTuyv  which  Athenaeus  (XII,  69) 
describes  as  existing  amongst  the  Peripatetics  in  the  time  of  Lycon, 
the  third  from  Aristotle  (A.  C.  n.  2G9 — 22G).  This  office  of  which 
we  have  already  spoken  seems  to  have  been  assigned  to  one  of 
the  seniors  of  the  sect,  who  remained  in  authority  for  the  space  of 
thirty  days,  when  a banquet  was  celebrated  and  a successor  ap- 
pointed. 

38.  The  design  of  the  University  as  an  initiation  to  all  the  most 
liberal,  honorable,  and  important  forms  of  life  has  seldom  been  recog- 
nized with  greater  distinctness  than  at  this  period.  Libanius  speaks 
of  those  who  attended  the  school  of  Antioch  as  looking  forward  to 
becoming  occupants  of  municipal  offices  QjovXai),  appointments  in 
the  imperial  service  (hioLKi'jfTeLq  ttoXeujv),  chairs  in  some  of  the  various 
Universities  (S'poyoi),  and  to  the  practice  of  j urisprudence,  Roman  or 
provincial  (-^i/xtc,  hkai).^  The  general  principle  of  all  higher  study 
is  no  where  more  clearly  annoimced  than  in  the  words  of  Gregory  of 
Nazianzus,'*  who  describes  it  as  a prosecution  of  all  subjects  as  one, 
and  of  each  as  equivalent  to  all  (ra  iravra  wq  tv  t^aaKt'icrag,  vat  avri 

7ravT(jjv  tfcacTToi'). 

39.  By  a practice  dating  from  the  times  of  Aristotle,®  and  bor- 
rowed apparently  in  the  first  instance  from  the  Pythagoreans,®  the 
undergraduate  population  of  the  University,  in  addition  to  the  dis- 
tinctions arising  out  of  national  origin,  and  subjects  of  study,  was 
divided  into  two  classes,  one  of  which  was  entitled  to  the  full  rights 
of  studentship,  while  the  other  was  regarded  as  nieiely  preparing  for 
entrance  into  the  academic  body.  The  latter,  who  are  designated  as 
belonging  to  the  fxovafiov,'’  were  taught  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  day, 
and  subjected  to  all  the  coercive  discipline  of  an  inferior  school,® 
though  the  vicious  indulgences  and  outrageous  feats  of  physical  force® 
ascribed  to  them  by  Libanius  prove  that  they  must  have  attained  to 
the  age  of  the  neXXi(pr)l3oL  at  least.  Both  classes  of  students  aremen- 

1.  Liban.  irpbs  robs  tou  naiSaycuyov  p\a(r<f>r]^iai , p.  273. 

2.  Liban.  jrpbs  tou?  papvu  avTov  KoAoOi'Tas,  p.  179. 

3.  Trepi  Tri<;  eavTov  TUX’??,  P-  192.  4.  Orat.  X. 

5.  Aul.  Gell.  Noct.  Att.  XX.  5.  6.  Aul.  Gell.  Noct.  Att.  I.  9. 

7.  Liban.  Ep.  407.  1019.  8.  Liban.  nepl  toO  Ta7rj7To?,  pp.  255,  256. 

8.  Such  as  blanketing  pedagogues,  a performance  magniloquently  described  bj^  Libanius  in 
his  oration  nepl  tov  TavrjTos. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  433 

tioned  as  being  present  at  the  public  orations  (fxeXirai,  eiiLcei^eLQ)  of 
the  Sophists/  I^ectures  seem  to  have  been  delivered  in  a public 
building,  either  wholly  set  apart,  or  simply  granted  for  the  tempo- 
rary use  of  the  University/  Instruction  was  also  given  at  the  resi- 
dence of  the  professors  (ra  l^i<jjritca  ^iarpa).^  This  however  was 
probably  only  the  case  with  those  who  wished  to  add  the  advantages 
of  private  tuition  to  the  ordinary  teaching  of  the  University.  At 
Antioch,  Libanius  gave  instruction  in  the  senate  house,  in  the  temp-e 
of  Calliope,  or  in  that  of  Apollo  which  was  situated  in  the  suburbs 
of  the  city.*  At  Athens,  in  the  siege  of  the  city  by  Sylla  during  the 
Mithradatic  war  (A.  C.  n.  80),  the  Academy  and  Lyceum  were  laid 
waste  in  common  with  the  other  suburbs  ; and,  though  doubtless  re- 
stored afterwards  as  far  as  possible  to  their  original  condition,  were 
never  again  regularly  employed  for  purposes  of  instruction ; in  con- 
sequence, as  ZumpC  supposes,  of  the  advance  of  malaria  occasioned 
by  the  declining  population.  Henceforward  philosophers  delivered 
lectures  in  the  town.  The  odeum  was  used  for  purely  epideictic  pur- 
poses. 

40.  Of  the  mutual  coordination  between  the  various  parts  of  which 
the  school  of  Athens  was  composed  little  is  known  with  certainty. 
The  Praesas  of  Achaia®  is  described  by  Eunapius  and  Libanius  as  in 
a manner  discharging  the  functions  of  the  Chancellor  of  the  Univer- 
sity, though  mainly,  it  would  appear,  with  a view  to  the  maintenance 
of  public  order,  which  had  been  disturbed  beyond  endurance  by  the 
factions  into  which  the  academic  world  was  divided.  The  Procon- 
sul Carbonius  is  extolled  by  Ilimerius  for  having  restored  the  disci- 
pline of  the  University,  and  suppressed  the  tumults  for  wdiich  it  had 
at  one  time  been  so  notorious.  The  individual  appointed  by  the 
emperors  to  the  Proconsulate  was  himself  in  many  cases  a cidevant 
Sophist  (tt/To  T(oy  ao(pi(7T(oy),  and  therefore  abundantly  qualified  by 
personal  acquaintance  with  its  circumstances  and  conditions  to  super- 
intend the  government  of  the  University.’'  At  Antioch  Libanius 
speaks  of  himself  as  presiding  over  four  professors  of  rhetoric  without 
specifying  his  relation  to  those  who  gave  instruction  on  other  sub- 
jects.® 

41.  Hopelessly  as  the  graceful  and  elegant  thought  of  antiquity 


1.  Philostr.  vit.  soph.  II,  p.  600.  2.  Liban.  vnep  tuiv  pTjTopou'. 

3.  Eunap.  p.  96. 

4.  Liban.  Trepl  cavToC  p.  71.  wpo?  EixrrdOioy,  p.  165. 

6.  Zumpt  iiber  den  Bestand  der  Phil.  Schulen  in  Athen,  pp.  12, 15. 

6.  Eunap.  vit.  Julian,  p.  97.  Liban.  Trepl  eavrov  Ao^os,  p.  19.  Bernhardy  Grund- 
riss  der  Gr.  Litt.  I,  p.  450. 

7.  Orat.  IV.  §9.  8.  vnep  ruy  prjropuiv  Aoyov. 


484 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


had  fled  from  amongst  the  generation  of  which  we  are  row  speaking 
it  was  but  natural  that  many  instances  of  youthful  attachment  and 
friendship  in  its  purest  and  most  beautiful  form  should  arise  even  in 
such  an  aspect  ot  the  University  as  then  existed.  Gregory  of  Nazi- 
anzus  finely  describes  his  own  relation  to  St.  Basil  as  based  upon  an 
utter  absence  of  all  mean  emulation,  and  a devotion  on  both  sides  to 
what  was  morally  ennobling  and  associated  with  honorable  hopes 
and  purposes  for  the  future.’ 

42.  The  munificent  liberality  of  the  Roman  Caesars  which  had 
given  such  extent  and  completeness  to  the  academic  system  of  the 
ancient  world  was  not  without  many  happy  elfects  upon  literature 
and  learning  in  the  declining  ages  of  the  Empire.  Athens,  which 
About  tlie  birth  of  Christ  had  grievourly  fallen  into  decay,  from  the 
withdrawal  of  the  wealthiest  and  noblest  class  of  students  to  the 
schools  of  Marseilles,  Milan,  Apollonia,  and  other  thriving  provincial 
towns^  became  the  chief  University  town  of  the  world  for  all  who 
were  desirous  of  obtaining  the  most  exact  and  thorough  training  in 
the  study  of  eloquence,  political  science,  and  philosophy.^  In  the 
fourth  century,  though  laboring  under  the  disadvantage  of  notoriously 
heathen  predilections,  it  continued  to  assert  a species  of  priority  over 
the  contemporary  schools  of  Constantinople,  Antioch,  and  Berytus,^ 
and  the  superior  dignity  of  its  professors  is  admitted  even  by  those  of 
rival  Universities.^  Athens  became  again  the  focus  of  learned  ac- 
tivity in  an  age  which  marred  as  it  was  by  increasing  tendency  to 
pedantry  and  affectation,  still  succeeded  in  reviving  some  reminis- 
cences of  the  nobler  past,  and  exhibited  what  has  not  inappropriately 
been  described  as  the  after  summer  of  Greek  genius.® 

43.  It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  not  only  in  the  ordinary  class  of 
publicly  endowed  schools  which  during  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius 
and  the  succeeding  Emperors  multiplied  to  such  an  extent  through- 
out the  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire,  but  even  in  those  institu- 
tions which  assumed  academic  rank  and  consequence,  the  instruction 
iin[)arted  liad  in  a great  measure  lost  that  diiectioii  of  the  depth  and 
fullness  of  philosophic  principle  into  the  forms  and  channels  furnished 

1.  epyov  6’  r]v  afx<}>OTepot^  ovx  otrri^  awTO?  to  TrptoTeio;'  on-tos  tcJ  erepu  tov'tou 

napaxojpT^a-eiev — epyof  6'  at'^orepon  i)  aper'r)  Ka\  to  Trpbs  rds  p-eAXovaas  iX-rriSa^,  Orat. 
XX,  p.  380. 

2.  €V  6e  T(p  rrapovTi  koX  tous  yi'capipioTaTOu?  twv  'Pajpai'tov  ninnKev  {r/  Macro-aAi'a)  dvrl 

ei?  ’ABiqva<:  aTroSijpi'a?  e/ceio-e  ^oiTav  (^lAopaflei?  ovTa<;.  Strabo  IV,  p.  248.  See  also  Zunipt 
liber  die  philosoph.  Sch.  in  Athen,  p.  19.  Bernhardy  Or.  der  Horn.  Litt.,  p.  58. 

3.  Grafenhahn  Gesch.  der  class.  Philol.  IV.  p.  29. 

4.  Bernhardy  Gr.  der  Gr.  Litt.  I,  p.  442.)  5.  Liban  Ep.  1449, 1511. 

6.  Bernhardy  Gr.  denGr.  Litt.  I,  p.  40G  sqq.  Lucian.  Longinus,  and  the  philosophers  Her* 
mogines,  Sextus  Empiricus,  Plotinus,  Arnobius,  and  Lactantius  may  be  mentioned  as  specimens 
of  the  writers  and  thinkers  of  this  period. 


UISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


485 


by  the  avocations  of  after  life  which  we  have  pointed  out  as  the  essen- 
tial feature  in  the  University  study  of  the  best  ages  of  antiquity. 
Even  at  an  earlier  period  the  author  of  the  Dialogus  de  Oratoribus 
laments  over  the  change  that  had  taken  place  in  this  respect,  and 
does  not  hesitate  to  prefer  the  somewhat  meagre  and  narrow  utilita- 
rianism of  Roman  education  in  the  ruder  stages  of  their  national 
development  to  the  unsubstantial  generalities  which  in  his  day  were 
communicated  under  the  name  of  higher  intellectual  culture.  This, 
however,  was  no  solitary  or  accidental  occurrence,  but  a phenomenon 
radically  in  harmony  wdth  the  mental  condition  of  that  entire  epoch. 
We  have  already  alluded  to  the  fact  that  the  ancient  world  in  gen- 
eral only  conceived  of  the  Absolute  as  beheld  in  its  most  general 
and  prima  facie  aspect.  Few  besides  Aristotle  seem  to  have  been 
enabled  to  discern  that  the  fruitful  and  advancing  knowledge  of  the 
highest  Entity  must  ever  take  place,  by  means  of,  or  at  least  in  eon- 
junction  with  the  study  of  its  self  utterances  and  exponents  in  the 
individual  ^ and  concrete.  The  contemplation  of  truest  Being  after 
having  shown  itself  with  astonishing  brilliancy  and  power  had  been 
so  speedily  withdrawn  that  the  world  had  only  become  assured  of 
the  reality  of  the  latter  without  having  time,  as  it  were,  to  discern 
and  distinguish  the  specialties  of  its  essence.  The  utter  degeneracy 
which  had  taken  possession  of  all  philosophic  enquiry  during  the  de- 
clining ages  of  the  empire  could  not  but  exercise  a peculiarly  bane- 
ful influence  upon  that  nobler  form  of  educational  discipline  which  in 
ancient  times  more  especially  had  its  keystone  and  centre  in  that  sci- 
ence. The  spirit  of  philosophy  had  so  completely  evaporated,  leav- 
ing behind  a mere  caput  mortuum  of  phraseology,  negations,  and 
truisms  that  the  whole  serious  labor  of  academic  instruction  eventu- 
ally concentrated  itself  upon  rhetorical  exercises,  whose  aim  was 
directed  towards  giving  a certain  manual  dexterity  in  dealing  with 
the  conventional  expressions  for  a life  and  efficiency  which  had  long 
since  utterly  departed.*  The  inherent  falsity  of  a plan  of  education 
founded  upon  a system  of  contemptible  pedantry,  wffiich,  bad  as  it 
was,  was  probably  the  only  method  by  which  the  commonest  rules 
and  technical  routine  of  ancient  civilization  could  then  be  preserved. 


1.  That  man  can  discern  the  living  truth  only  by  what  it  affirms  of  itself,  and  not  by  his  own 
intellectual  scrutiny  is  a principle  common  to  all  the  highest  forms  of  religious  belief.  W'ith 
the  Greeks  Zeus  was  only  known  to  mortals  through  his  self-manifestation  in  Apollo  (see  Hesiod 
Melampod  Fr.  IX.  in  Diinzer’s  Fragmente  der  epischen  Poesie  der  Gr.,  p 55.)  and  in  the  writ- 
ings of  the  apostle  whose  mind  and  character  are  described  as  peculiarly  congenial  with  the 
spirit  of  the  founder  of  Christianity  we  are  told  that  “ no  man  hath  seen  God  at  any  time.  The 
cmly  begotten,  who  is  in  the  bosom  of  the  Father,  he  hath  declared  him.*’ 

2.  Dial,  de  Orat  , § 32. 


436  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

might  well  cause  a Roman  like  the  author  of  the  dialogue  referred 
to,  to  sigh  after  any  manifestation  of  nature  however  coarse  and 
illiberal.^ 

CHRISTIANITY  AND  ACADEMIC  STUDY. 

44.  Much  indeed  as  was  accomplished  during  the  better  and  nobler 
ages  of  the  nations  of  classical  antiquity  in  awakening  just  and  fitting 
conceptions  of  the  general  character  and  aims  of  that  life  of  science 
and  thought  which  it  is  the  purpose  of  the  University  to  organize  and 
perpetuate,  the  actual  existence  of  academic  institutions  in  the  dis- 
tinct and  specific  form  they  historically  assume  is  emphatically  due 
to  the  political  ascendancy  finally  achieved  by  Christianity.  Full  of 
interest  and  lasting  instruction  as  arc  the  records  of  the  learned  life 
of  antiquity,  the  intellectual  culture  of  that  period  depended  for  its 
existence  far  more  upon  the  impulse  communicated  by  individuals, 
and  had  not  within  itself  those  seeds  of  endless  progress  and  unfading 
youth  which  a heaven-descended  doctrine  has  implanted  in  the  civili- 
zation of  modern  Europe.  The  profoundly  ethical  spirit  of  the  new 
creed — the  deeper  and  more  vital  grounds  upon  which  it  based  all 
the  special  duties  of  life,  caused  the  truths  of  Christianity  to  become 
inseparably  intwined  with  the  roots  of  political  and  social  organiza- 
tion. Again,  in  virtue  of  its  character  as  a system  of  religious  Ideas 
variously  revealed  in  history,  in  sacred  text  books,  and  in  the  lives 
and  writings  of  a long  succession  of  semi-inspired  men,  speculation 
and  learning  became  (he  twin  pillars  of  the  faith  so  essentially  bound 
up  with  all  social  order.  The  acknowledgment  of  Christianity  as  the 
religion  of  the  state,  in  creating  a for  knowledge  absolute  and 

historical  far  more  vast  and  constant  than  had  arisen  from  the  spon- 
taneous striving  after  enlightenment  of  a noble  and  intellectually 
gifted  people,  established  the  existence  of  the  institutions  intended  to 
meet  those  higher  wants  upon  a basis  infinitely  broader  and  more 
enduring  than  they  had  ever  previously  occupied.  From  being  the 
luxury  and  charm  of  existence,  the  ^liberalis  oblectatio’  of  an  elegant 
social  circle,  scientific  study  assumed  more  and  more  the  character  of 
an  imperative  national  necessity.  A permanent  organization  was  at 
once  required  in  order  to  maintain  and  advance  the  higher  intellectual 
culture  necessary  to  the  comprehension  of  a form  of  doctiine  with 
which  the  best  interests  of  the  State  and  the  individual  were  imme- 
diately involved ; and  we  find  accordingly  that  even  in  the  failing 
energies  of  the  empire  a degree  of  earnest  attention  was  devoted  by 
the  state  to  the  endowment  and  management  of  the  schools  of  learn- 
ing almost  exceeding  what  we  have  noticed  as  recorded  of  more 


1.  Dial,  de  Orat.,  § 35. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


487 


prosperous  times.  Imperial  edicts  are  still  extant  regulating  the 
minutest  details  of  the  internal  economy  of  the  school  of  the  Capitol,* 
and  symptoms  of  something  even  like  progress,  at  least  in  the  com- 
prehension of  the  subject,  are  to  be  seen  in  a more  decided  disposi- 
tion to  give  weight  and  emphasis  to  ihe.principle  of  professional  study. 
In  short  the  University,  whose  origin,  as  w^e  have  already  seen,  was 
simultaneous  with  that  of  the  professional  class,  was  amplified*  and 
confirmed  in  its  existence  by  the  rise  of  the  Christian  priesthood,  and 
the  more  scientific  character  assumed  by  legal  study  in  the  later  ages 
of  the  Roman  empire. 

45.  Students  before  leaving  the  provinces  for  Rome  v/ere  obliged 
to  obtain  a written  permission  from  a magistrate  in  which  their  names, 
ages,  birthplaces,  &c.  were  distinctly  specified.  On  their  arrival  at 
Rome  this  paper  was  given  to  the  praefectus  urbis,  and  afterwards  to 
the  magister  census.  The  latter  enrolled  the  names  of  the  various 
applicants  in  the  album  of  the  University,  and  assigned  to  them  their 
several  departments  of  study.  To  these  they  were  henceforward 
compelled  strictly  to  adhere.^  We  are  also  informed  that  a record 
of  the  proficiency  of  each  student  was  sent  in  to  the  government,  in 
order  that  the  latter  might  thereby  be  guided  in  the  selection  of  fit 
individuals  for  the  public  service.^ 

THEOLOGICAL  SCHOOLS — TETKADISION  OF  CONSTANTINE. 

46.  In  the  so-called  Octagon  or  Tetradision  founded  by  Constantine 
in  the  capital  to  wUich  he. gave  his  name,  Theology  received  a preemi- 
nence completely  equivalent  to  that  formerly  accorded  to  philosophy. 
Up  to  this  period  all  pfofessional  acquaintance  with  this  most  im- 
portant subject  had  been  obtained  by  means  the  most  scanty  and 
irregular.  Eminent  fathers  and  teachers  of  the  church,  by  a jiractice 
resembling  that  of  the  earlier  philosophers  of  Greece,  were  wont  to 
assemble  around  them  a small  number  of  zealous  and  sympathizing 
disciples,  to  whom  they  communicated  their  convictions  on  the  princi- 
ples of  Christian  faith  and  duty.  Origen  is  especially  mentioned  as 

1.  L.  I.  Cod  Theod  de  stud.  lib.  Urbis  Romae  et  Constantinopol.  quoted  by  Ileeren  Gesch. 
der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittelaltcr  I,  p 24.  These  enactments  are  considered  by  Bernhardy  (Grund- 
ri.ss  der  Roin.  Litt.,  p 91.)  as  having  originated  quite  as  much  in  a spirit  of  despotic  jealousy, 
and  an  apprehension  of  academic  tumults,  as  in  a paternal  solicitude  for  the  welfare  of  the  in- 
stitution. This  conjecture  receives  some  color  of  probability  from  the  fact  that  students  were 
strictly  prohibited  from  remaining  at  this  University  beyond  their  twentieth  year. 

2 Ut  in  prinio  statim  profiteantur  introitu  quibus  potissemum  studiis  operam  navare  propo- 
nant  Edict  quoted  by  Bulaeus  Hist.  Univ.  Par  1,  p.  75. 

3.  Similes  autem  breves  ad  scrinia  mansuetudinis  nostrae  annis  singulis  dirigantur  quo  meri- 
tes  singulorum  institutionibusque  compertis  utram  quandoque  sint  necessarii  iudecemus.  Edict 
quoted  by  Bulaeus  Hist  Univ.  Par.  I,  p.  76. 


488 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


one  ill  whose  case  this  mode  of  activity  constituted  the  principal  di- 
rection in  which  his  ecclesiastical  usefulness  was  manifested  ; and 
Pamphilus  of  Caesarea,  his  adherent  and  personal  friend,  is  said  to 
have  been  the  first  who  established  a regular  theological  schoold 
The  bishops  of  the  earlier  church  were  in  the  practice  of  attaching 
to  their  persons  a number  of  youthful  assistants,  Avho  thus  served  a 
species  of  apprenticeship  to  the  duties  of  the  priesthood ; and  this 
clems,  as  it  was  technically  called,  became  in  many  cases  the  training 
school  for  an  entire  province.^  All  the  greatest  fathers  of  the  church, 
Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  Chrysostom,  and  Augustine  strenuously  and 
vehemently  insisted  upon  the  necessity  of  a learned  preparation  for 
the  duties  of  the  sacerdotal  office.^  In  the  course  of  time  theological 
seminaries  seem  to  have  grown  up  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  chief 
learned  institutions  of  the  day.  The  first  of  which  mention  is  made 
is  that  of  Alexandria.  It  is^a  remarkable  and  significant  circum- 
stance that  the  same  city  which  had  first  given  form  and  exactness  to 
critical  philology,  and  which  at  a subsequent  period  had  been  distin- 
guished as  the  home  and  centre  of  Neoplatonic  philosoph}^  became  in 
a similar  manner  the  birthplace  of  Christian  theology.^  In  conse- 
quence of  the  high  tone  of  intelligence  generally  diffused  throughout 
the  population  of  Alexandria  by  means  of  the  learned  institutions  for 
which  the  place  was  celebrated,  it  was  found  necessary  in  appointing 
the  catachetist,  or  person  designed  to  instruct  converts,  and  prepare 
the  young  for  full  admission  to  the  church,  to  select  an  indi\  idual  of 
cultivated  mind,  and  high  literary  attainments.^  Clemens  Alexan- 
drinus,  the  instructor  of  Origen,®  is  described  by  Neander  as  being 
the  first  who  in  a deep  conviction  of  its  necessity,  conceived  the  design 
of  investing  Christian  doctrine  with  the  conclusiveness  and  precision 
of  a strictly  scientific  study 

1.  Neander  Ch.  Hist.  IT,  p.  497.  2.  Neander  Ch  Hist.  Ill,  p.  213. 

3.  Neander  Ch.  Hist.  Ill,  p.  211  4.  Neander  Ch.  Hist.  II,  p.  227. 

ft.  Neander  Ch.  Hist.  II,  p.  225.  6.  Photius  Biblioth. 

7.  Biblical  criticism  was  soon  felt  to  be  the  basis  of  all  sound  and  scientific  theology.  The  ab- 
solute necessity  of  the  profoundest  erudition  to  every  one  who  aims  at  an  intellectual  apprehen- 
sion ot  Christian  doctrine  is  emphatically  dwelt  upon  by  all  the  most  eminent  fathers  of  the 
church.  St.  Basil  recommends  the  study  of  the  ancient  classics  as  the  best  introduction  to  the 
spirit  and  meaning  of  Christianity  (Griifenhahn  Gesch.  der  class.  Phil.  HI,  p.  16).  Clemens 
Alexandrinus  not  only  maintained  opinions  identically  the  same  with  reference  to  their  general 
utility  in  this  respect  (Strom.  I,  p 360.  Potter),  but  regards  the  philosophy  of  the  ancients  as 
furnishing  a dialectic  panoply  against  the  attacks  of  sophists  and  cavillers  (id.  p.  377).  He 
maintains  moreover  that  moral  goodness  is  hardly  conceivable  unless  in  conjunction  with  some 
degree  of  intellectual  insight  (p.  343.)  that  knowledge  is  necessary  for  the  interpretation  of 
the  sacred  word  ; (p.  342.)  and  that  any  deficiency  in  this  respect  proportionally  paralyses  the 
power  of  Christianity  (p  453  ).  He  further  insists  that  all  wisdom  is  from  God;  that  the 
infinitely  varied  forms  of  science  all  tend  to  the  one  highest  knowledge ; (ibiff.)  and  that  the 
wisdom  of  the  heathens,  though  differing  in  form  from^'hristianity , coincides  with  it  in  spirit 


HISTOIII  .-AL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


489 


47.  The  University  established  by  Constantine  was  mainly  insti- 
tuted with  a view  to  theological  study/  though  enjoying  also  the 
highest  reputation  for  eminence  in  philosophy  and  jurisprudence.’ 
Here  also,  as  in  the  academic  schools  of  earlier  antiquity,  instruction 
was  communicated  in  the  usual  propaedeutic  subjects  composing  the 
Triviura  and  Quadrivium.  The  body  of  teachers  consisted  of  twelve 
regularly  ordained  priests  {oiKov^eviKoi^  under  the  superAusion  of  a 
rector,  or  president  (^oiKov^eyiKog  ^ihaatcaXog).  The  last  mentioned 
office  was  naturally  regarded  as  a post  of  the  highest  dignity  and 
honor.  Jt  conferred  the  rank  of  privy  counsellor  of  the  empire,  and 
led  immediately  to  an  archbishopric  or  the  patriarchate. 

LAW  SCHOOLS  OF  ROME  AND  BERYTUS. 

48.  The  primary  importance  thus  assigned  to  the  highest  of  all 
professions  in  the  University  of  Constantinople  soon  drew  after  it  the 
entire  adoption  of  the  same  principle  of  academic  study  in  the  school 
of  Rome.  In  the  establishment  of  both  these  institutions,  political 
motives,  and  a regard  for  the  interests  of  the  state  seem  to  have 
weighed  largely  with  their  imperial  founders.  The  paramount  ne- 
cessity on  public  grounds  of  providing  for  the  presence  of  a clergy 
qualified  by  the  highest  degree  of  learning  and  intelligence  to  main- 
tain their  position,  as  instructors  of  the  people,  has  been  already 
alluded  to.  Next  in  importance  to  the  priesthood  stood  the  class  of 
public  officials,  to  which,  in  a despotism  so  strongly  centralized  as  that 
of  the  later  empire,  all  the  particular  and  ordinary  functions  of  gov- 
ernment were  necessarily  intrusted.  To  every  one  who  intended  to 
follow  the  career  of  the  public  service,  an  acquaintance  with  the  legal 
system  which  it  would  be  his  future  duty  to  interpret  and  apply  was, 
of  course  preeminently  indispensable.'*  We  find  accordingly  that  the 
school  of  the  Capitol,  which  had  been  originally  established  for  the 
purpose  of  providing  the  state  with  a class  of  able  and  Avell  educated 

and  in  truth  {el  /cal  aAAjjAoi?  a/'b^oioi  elvai  So/coCcrtv,  to/  yevei  ye  /cal  oAtj  rriakr)6eCa  bfxoKo- 
yout'Tai  • ri  ydp  |u.eAos,  ij  to?  /ae'po?  r)  u/s  ei6o?  a>s  * yevo?  ei?  ev  avveneTaL  • rjSy)  S'e  /cal  uttcxtij 
evavTia  rfj  vearj)  ovcra,  dAX’  djuK^u)  apfiovLa.  fxia‘  ev  re  dpid/aol;  d dprco?  to/  TrepiTTo/  dia/^e'pe- 
Tai,  dp.oAoyoucri  d’  d/bi<|>a>  rrj  dpcdp.T)Ti/c^  ...  drap  /cal  e/'  Tcp  /cdcr/uca  navrl  rd  ixepr)  a’v/JLTrai'Ta 
Kay  diac/zepjjTai  Trpbs  dAATjAa  Tryv  Trpb?  rb  oAoi/  ot/ceior/jra  6ia(^>vAdTTei.  p.  349. 

1.  Grafenhahn  Gesch  der  class.  Phil.  Ill,  p SO. 

2.  Bernhardy  Gr.  der  Gr.  Litt  I,  pp.  440,  449.  Its  greatest  celebrity  as  a school  of  law  dates 
in  all  probability  from  a period  considerably  later  than  that  treated  of  in  the  text,  and  when 
much  of  what  is  there  described  had  undergone  very  considerable  alterations.  In  the  reign  of 
Theodosius  II.  (A.  D.  425,)  the  school  of  Constantinople  seems  to  have  been  transformed  into  a 
counterpart  of  that  of  the  Capitol.  AVe  find  it  described  as  containing  28  teachers  of  Greek  and 
Latin  literature,  1 philosopher,  and  11  jurists.  (L.  3.  C.  Th.  de  stud,  liberal,  urbis  Romae  et 
Constant  14,  9.  cited  by  Savigny  Gesch.  des  R.  R.  I,  p.  460  ) 

3.  Liban.  Ep.  1016. 


490 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


officials,  received  under  Theodosius  the  completion  of  its  design  in 
the  appointment  of  two  professors  (antecessores*)  of  Roman  law.® 
This  circumstance  seems  to  have  given  this  institution  a certain  pri- 
ority of  rank  over  those  schools  which  existed  in  other  parts  of  the 
empire.  Rome  is  invariably  mentioned  as  the  resort  of  all  persons 
in  the  provinces  who  were  desirous  of  obtaining  a systematic  acquaint- 
ance with  legal  studies.^  This  superiority  was  confirmed  by  Justin- 
ian, who  in  the  sixth  century  suppressed  all  schools  of  law  with  the 
exception  of  Rome,  Constantinople,  and  Berytus.  The  same  measure 
was  completed  in  its  effects  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  salaries  hitherto 
paid  to  the  philosophers  and  grammarians  of  Athens.^  The  Uni- 
versity of  that  city  as  established  by  Hadrian  and  Aurelian,  though 
severely  shaken  by  the  incursion  of  the  Goths  in  the  middle  of  the 
third  century,  had,  as  we  have  already  seen  fi-om  Libanius,  in  a 
measure  recovered  its  former  prosperity.  The  salaries  of  its  profes- 
sors, which  had  been  interrupted  under  the  Christian  Emperors,  were 
afterwards  renewed  through  the  liberality  of  private  benefactors.^ 
Under  Justinian,  however,  the  schools  of  Athens  were  finally  closed, 
and  those  of  its  instructors  who  persisted  in  their  adherence  to  the 
ancient  faith  were  compelled  to  seek  an  asylum  at  the  court  of  Chos- 
roes,  king  of  Persia.®  Berytus  had  for  more  than  a century  and  a 
half  before  the  reign  of  Justinian  attracted  large  numbers  of  students 
in  consequence  of  its  renown  as  a school  of  jurisprudence,'^  and  the 
importance  assigned  to  the  study  of  Ro*man  law  in  the  Basilica,  or 
Capitolium  of  Constantinople,  is  attested  in  the  poems  of  the  epigram- 
matists of  the  day.® 

49.  Fortunately  for  the  best  interests  of  mankind  the  wise  and  hu- 
mane rule  of  the  Ostrogoths  long  ensured  to  the  learned  institutions 
of  Italy  a happier  lot  than  seems  generally  to  have  befallen  those  of 
the  eastern  empire.  Even  the  rudest  infancy  of  the  Germanic  na- 
tions is  distinguished  by  qualities  the  very  reverse  cf  those  which 
characterize  the  genuine  barbarian.  The  simple  vigor  and  pregnancy 
of  moral  meaning  in  their  social  life  and  national  institutions  had 
long  before  caused  them  to  be  studied  with  deep  interest  and  sympa- 

1.  Equivalent  to  the  7rpoecrTtoTe9,-or  npor]yovfj.evoL  of  the  Athenian  schools. 

2.  Ileeren  Gesch.  der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittelalter.  I,  p.  26. 

3.  Savigny  Gesch.  des  Rom.  Rechtsirn  Mittelalter.  I,  p.  460. 

4.  Ileeren  Gesch.  der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittelalt.  Procopius  Hist.  Arcana,  quoted  by  Zumpt  iiber 
den  Bestand  der  philosoph.  Schiilen  in  Athen,  p.  37. 

6.  Wyttenbach  ad  Eunap.  p.  45. 

6.  Ileeren  Geschichte  der  class.  Philol.  im  Mittelalt.  p.  63. 

7.  Libanius  Ep.  1123.  The  writer  in  another  letter  (1555)  speaks  of  the  fees  at  Berytus  as 
being  extravagantly  high  but  as  compensated  by  the  career  opened  to  those  acquainted  with 
Roman  law. 

8.  Anthol.  Ill,  139.  Jacobs. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


491 


thy  by  one  of  the  noblest  of  the  Romans.^  In  the  present  instance 
their  reverential  susceptibility  for  all  that  contained  the  grounds  of 
thought  and  in\vard  vitality  marked  them  out  as  the  people  peculiarly 
destined  to  reillumine  the  world,  and  in  new  and  characteristic  forms 
to  resuscitate  the  sublimest  aims  and  energies  of  antiquity.  Not 
only  had  the  Goths  accepted  Christianity  with  surprising  facility  and 
readiness,  but  the  abstruse  and  intricate  studies  of  biblical  criticism 
had  been  entered  upon  by  their  clergy  at  an  incredibly  early  period.^ 
In  Italy  the  University  of  the  Capitol  seems  to  have  been  an  object 
of  peculiar  care  to  the  princes  of  the  Ostragoths.  From  the  convul- 
sions by  which  the  empire  had  long  been  shaken  to  its  foundations, 
and  the  perpetual  transferance  of  the  sovereign  authority  from  one  il- 
literate invader  to  another,  the  maintenance  and  supervision  of  this 
school  seems  to  have  lapsed  into  the  hands  of  the  senate,  in  a manner 
analogous  to  wdiat  had  always  been  the  case  with  similar  institutions 
in  provincial  towns.  In  a rescript  of  Athalrich,  quo'ed  by  Heeren,^ 
the  senate  is  called  upon  to  take  such  measures  as  should  secure  to 
every  teacher  in  the  schools  of  liberal  arts,  whether  grammarian, 
rhetorician,  or  jurist,  the  enjoyment  of  the  salary  of  his  predecessor 
without  diminution  ; and  also  to  guarantee  to  all  such  individuals  the 
possession  of  their  appointments  as  long  as  they  continued  capable  of 
discharging  their  duties  with  efficiency.  In  a subsequent  poition  of 
this  edict  it  is  further  ordained  that  the  payment  of  such  officials  shall 
take  place  at  half  yearly  intervals,  cogatur  de  alieno  pendere  fas- 
tidio  cui  piacido  est  horarum  aliquo  vacasse  momentor  Vestiges  of 
higher  learning,  which  existed  most  probably  in  some  distant  con- 
nection with  this  school,  occur  in  Rome  so  late  as  the  age  of  Gregory 
the  Great  (A.  D.  590—604.). 

1.  The  marked  and  peculiar  fondness  for  the  subject  with  which  Tacitus  lingers  over  all  his  de- 
scriptions of  the  characteristic  features  and  nascent  institutions  of  the  Geiananic  nations  was 
very  far  from  originating,  as  is  sometimes  supposed,  in  any  disposition  to  exalt  the  imaginary 
virtues  of  the  savage  state  over  those  of  civilized  life.  It  is  a mistaken  theory  which  would  im- 
pute to  so  thorough  a specimen  of  the  matured  judgment  of  a people  cast  in  the  very  sternest 
mould  of  manhood,  the  faintest  tendency  to  that  abject  and  disgusting  deification  of  the  semi- 
bestial  varieties  of  mankind,  of  which  (a  few  sporadic  cases  excepted  ) none  seem  capable  but  the 
most  .addleheaded  and  incurably  crotchety  portion  of  our  own  public.  Tacitus,  we  fancy, 
would  have  had  little  reverence  for  Jean  Jacques  Rou.sseau,  and  still  less  for  the  orators  and 
audiences  of  Exeter  Hall.  Ilis  love  and  sympathy  with  the  childhood  of  the  Germanic  races  may 
be  compared — mutatis  mviandis — with  the  almost  patriotic  admiration  and  enthusiasm  w'hich  ren- 
ders Polybius  the  most  eloquent,  as  well  as  the  most  accurate  of  modei’n  Roman  historians  Even 
and  unbelieving  author  of  the  “ Decline  and  Fall  ” seems  to  have  been  moved  to  a momentary  for- 
getfulness of  the  mean  scepticism  which  then  passed  for  philosophy,  by  the  simple  and  heroic 
virtues  of  the  bold,  yet  gentle  and  decp-souled  Germanic  race.  Few  passages  in  his  great  work 
arc  more  agreeably  written,  and  do  him  greater  honor  as  a historian  and  as  a man,  than  that  in 
which  he  treats  of  the  character  of  the  ancient  Lombards,  as  exemphfied  in  the  story  of  Autha- 
ris  and  Theudalinda  (Vol.  VIII,  c.  45.). 

2.  Neander  Ch.  Hist.  Ill,  p.  182. 

3.  Gesch  der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittelalt.  I,  p.  68.  See  also  Cresoll.  Theatr.  Rhett.  IV.  3.  and 
Savigny  Gesch.  des  R.  R.  im  Mittelalt.  T,  p.  460. 


492 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


50.  The  principle  of  academic  education  as  exemplified  in  the 
Universities  of  modern  Europe  is  accompanied  with  much  less  of 
what  is  ambiguous  and  perplexing  than  during  the  period  of  which 
we  have  hitherto  treated.  The  social  importance  and  distinctness  of 
position  attained  by  the  priesthood  and  clerisy  naturally  contributed 
to  give  a corresponding  prominence  and  precision  of  outward  form  to 
those  learned  institutions  upon  which  their  existence  so  mainly  de- 
pended. In  the  antique  world,  moreover,  from  the  universal  preva- 
lence of  a very  high  degree  of  civilization,  the  learned  class  did  not 
stand  out  in  any  remarkably  strong  contrast  to  the  rest  of  society. 
Higher  schools  arose  in  every  city  of  importance,  and  in  most  in- 
stances attracted  notice  rather  in  consequence  of  peculiarities  which 
they  presented  when  compared  vuth  other  institutions  of  the  same 
kind,  than  as  distinguished  from  the  general  condition  of  the  world 
around  them.  The  tendency  of  ancient  learning  was  towards  the 
widest  distribution.  It  came  to  the  surface  easily  and  everywhere 
as  the  manifestation  of  a mental  habit  completely  permeating  the 
whole  social  system.  No  pressure’  from  without  occasioned  that  coa- 
lition and  combination  of  learned  interests  which  we  notice  in  the  Uni- 
versities of  early  modern  Europe.  Few  circumstances  could  well  be 
adduced  which  more  closely  exhibit  how  faint  was  the  line  of  distinc- 
tion separating  the  learned  body  from  the  mass  of  the  community, 
than  the  existence  of  the  class  of  itinerant  sophists  (yrXavfjrat)  parallel 
to  those  who  occupied  chairs  in  the  Universities  (aradiaTot)*  The 
former  traveled  about  from  city  to  city,  lecturing  upon  subjects  appa- 
rently identical  in  nature  with  those  which  entered  into  the  regular 
course  of  academic  teaching.  Even  professors  of  jurisprudence  are 
said  to  have  imparted  instruction  in  the  same  peripatetic  manner. 
This  practice  was  put  an  end  to  by  Justinian.^ 

51.  In  the  condition  of  society  which  existed  throughout  the  na- 
tions of  western  Europe  after  the  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  this  state 
of  things  was  in  every  respect  completely  reversed.  The  extreme 
rudeness  of  the  great  body  of  the  population  caused  those  who  pos- 
sessed any  share  of  enlightenment  to  stand  out  in  the  boldest  relief 
from  the  rest  of  the  community,  and  to  rank  almost  as  a superior 
order  of  beings  amongst  their  contemporaries.  The  hopeless  isola- 
tion to  which  the  individual  scholar  found  himself  condemned,  in  the 
coarseness  and  barbarism  by  which  he  was  surrounded,  naturally 
compelled  those  who  were  possessed  by  higher  impulses,  to  seek  each 
others  society  with  the  instinctive  eagerness  of  actual  self  preservation. 


1.  CresoU.  Theatr.  Rhet.  III. 


UISTOKICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


493 


Knowledge  in  the  ordinary  cii  cumstances  of  the  limes  had  become  so 
little  less  than  impossible,  that  active  and  aspiring  minds  of  every 
type  and  description  were  drawn  together  from  all  quarters,  by  an 
affinity  infinitely  deeper  and  more  powerful  than  that  of  the  forces  of 
material  nature,  around  some  common  rallying  point,  where  sympa- 
thy, assistance,  and  intellectual , advancement  could  be  looked  for.^ 
The  vast  extent  and  unanimity  of  the  movement,  which  then  set  in 
towards  new  centres  of  spiritual  life,  is  especially  evident  in  the  mar- 
vellous blending  of  national  differences  which  we  notice  in  the  great 
universities  of  those  ages.  Oxford,  to  be  sure,  gives  the  most  decided 
proof  of  English  pith  and  spirit  in  the  vigor  and  effect  vrith  which 
it  threw  itself  into  all  questions  of  enlarged  and  national  import. 
Paris,  on  the  other  hand,  is  simply  the  all-embracing  school  of  the  one 
universal  church,  and  exhibits  not  a trace  of  the  distinctive  peculi- 
arities of  the  people  in  whose  midst  it  w^as  established.  Its  most 
illustrious  personages  are  almost  invariably  Germans,  Englishmen, 
or  Italians.  Scarcely  a single  Frenchman  is  mentioned  in  the  long 
list  of  renowned  doctors  who  have  rendered  it  eternally  famous.  It 
is  not  until  the  departure  of  its  ancint  glory  and  importance,  that  a 
predominance  of  French  feeling  and  modes  of  thought  begins  to  be 
perceptible.* 

52.  This  secession  of  the  sons  of  light  had,  of  course,  in  accordance 
with  the  downright,  healthy,  unaffected  nature  of  tliose  days,  quite 
as  much  of  hatred  as  of  love  in  it.  Their  strength  of  fraternal  affec- 
tion for  each  other  was  one  with  the  heartiest  antipathy  and  con- 
tempt for  the  grosser  elements  with  which  they  had  parted  company. 
No  where  in  the  ancient  world,  unless  perhaps  in  the  records  of  the 
old  Pythagorean  bond,  do  we  meet  with  any  traces  of  that  inextin- 
guishable hostility  between  town  and  gown  which  forms  so  prominent 
and  characteristic  a feature  in  the  academic  history  of  modern  Europe.* 

1.  Savigny  Gesch.  des  R.  R.  im  Mittelalter  III,  p.  1S9.  The  diametrically  opposite  character 
of  Monachisin  ia  the  eastern  and  western  empires,  arising  from  causes  similar  to  those  above 
mentioned,  has  been  pointed  out  by  Guizot  in  his  Ilistoire  de  la  civilization  en  France,  I,  p.  405. 

2.  Ritter,  Gesch.  der  christl.  Phil.  II. 

3.  With  the  exception  perhaps  of  Athens,  which  seems  during  the  fourth  century  to  have 
been  a sort  of  scholastic  Donnybrook  fair,  Oxford  in  the  most  flourishing  period  of  its  history 
stands  quite  without  a rival  in  the  records  of  academic  turbulence.  Constant  affrays  between 
the  antagonistic  nationalities  of  north  and  south  English,  outbursts  of  impatience  against  un- 
popular men  in  authority,  and  pugilistic  encounters  between  Nominalists  and  Realists  (in 
which,  by  the  by,  the  contending  dialecticians  succeeded  in  taking  their  will  of  each  other  far 
more  effectually  than  in  their  E^ttempts  to  grapple  in  the  region  of  pure  metaphysics)  lent  a due 
admixtflre  of  comic  vivacity  and  variety  to  the  more  serious  tenor  of  ordinary  University  exist- 
ence. Above  all,  the  clerks  of  Oxford,  though  the  favorites  of  the  nation  generally , seem  to  have 
been  on  anything  but  good  terms  with  their  immediate  neighbors  of  the  town.  We  can  well 
imagine  that,  feeling  all  the  conscious  importance  belonging  to  the  sole  proprietors  of  intelli- 
gence and  refinement,  they  were  at  no  pains  to  conceal  the  most  supercilious  disdain  for  those 


494 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


In  Athens,  as  M’e  have  already  seen,  the  magistrates  participated  in 
the  patronage  of  the  University,  and,  according  to  Snides,^  regularly 
attended  the  opening  lectures  of  the  professors  of  philosophy,  a prac- 
tice imitated  in  the  case  of  Hypatia  by  those  of  Alexandria  also. 
The  senate  of  Antioch  was,  according  to  Libanius,  like  an  assem- 
blage of  regularly  trained  sophists.^  In  Bologna,  on  the  other  hand, 
no  scholar  who  was  a native  of  the  town  w^as  permitted  to  vote  in  the 
assembly  of  the  University,  or  hold  academic  office.  The  same  rule 
prevailed  in  Padua  with  reference  to  natives  of  the  town  and  Vene- 
tians. The  law  school  in  Bologna  was  many  times  in  danger  of 
complete  downfall  in  consequence  of  feuds  with  the  town.^  On  these 
occasions  the  scholars  shook  off  the  dust  from  their  feet,  and  walked 
forth  from  amongst  the  ^^ignohile  vulgus^'  swearing  by  all  that  was 
high  and  sacred,  never  again  to  be  contaminated  by  their  company.^ 

who  figured  in  their  e}^es  as  the  representatives  of  the  opposite  tendency.  As  the  former  hap- 
pened moreover  to  be  bachelors  for  the  most  p.art,  the  frivolous  propensities  incident  to  that 
uneasy  condition  could  not  but  give  frequent  occasion  for  grounds  of  far  more  deadly  offence. 
Old  father  Chaucer  in  some  of  his  best  and  broadest  stories  (the  Milleres  tale,  and  the  Reves 
tale  for  instance)  furnishes  but  too  much  reason  to  conclude  that  the  “ domestic  felicity  ” of 
Oxford  aldermen  was  often  most  grossly  invaded.  Terrific  town  and  gown  riots  ensued,  many 
of  them  assuming  the  foi-m  and  proportions  of  pitched  battles,  and  terminating  with  a list  of 
killed  and  wounded  which  need  not  fear  comparison  with  any  Parisian  emeute  of  the  present 
century.  On  these  occasions  the  tocsin  for  the  gownsmen  rang  from  the  tower  of  St.  Mary’s, 
and  a rising  en  masse  of  the  peasantry"  of  the  whole  countryside  (“  a numberless  multitude  of 
country  clowns  ”)  in  some  measure  counterbalanced  the  well  known  prowess  in  arms  of  these 
redoubtable  disciples  of  the  church  militant.  Another  fertile  source  of  academic  disorder  in 
Oxford  arose  out  of  the  presence  of  a parasitic  colony  of  Hebrews,  who  had  been  attracted  to  the 
University  by  the  general  youth  and  inexperience  of  its  members  Rapidly  accumulating  ar- 
rears of  pecuniary  villany  had  swift  and  sudden  justice  meeted  out  to  them  in  the  shape  of  a 
sound  cudgeling  vigorously  inflicted  kpon  the  whole  of  this  respectable  community.  Personal 
indignities  the  Israelites  would  make  very  light  of,  and  even  severe  bodily  ill  usage  probably  oc- 
casioned less  anguish  than  the  merciless  fines  by  which,  it  would  appear,  such  an  adventure  was 
commonly  concluded  In  grave  Bologna  this  last  part  of  the  proceeding  was  so  highly  approved 
of  as  to  be  thought  worthy  of  being  reduced  to  a system.  The  Jews  were  annually  mulcted  in 
certain  moneys  which  served  to  defray  the  expenses  of  an  excellent  dinner  at  which  the  assem- 
bled University  was  entertained  A Jew  was  regarded  not  only  as  an  abominable  “ dun,”  but 
as  an  unclean  beast  into  the  bargain.  IVliatever  may  be  thought  of  this  estimate  of  the  charac- 
ter of  our  newly  discovered  Arabians,  supported,  as  it  is,  by  the  consensus  gentium  of  some 
eighteen  hundred  years,  there  is  no  lack  of  evidence  to  show  that  our  sturdy  ancestors  were  not 
so  regularly  in  the  wrong  on  the.se  occasions  as  their  old-womanish  descendants  are  in  the  habit 
of  assuming.  That  in  a usurious  point  of  view  the  Jews  had  little  to  complain  of  is  evident 
from  a law  of  Henry  III.  (1248),  in  which  it  is  kindly  enacted  that  no  Jew  shall  exact  fiom  a 
scholar  interest  to  the  amount  of  more  than  40  per  cent. 

I s 'YTrarta.  2.  'Avtio^ixo?,  p.  317. 

3 Savigny  Gesch.  des  R R im  Mittelalter.  Ill,  p.  160. 

4 “ This  story  I could  not  without  guilt  of  concealment  let  pass,  because  thereby  might  be 
beheld  the  constancy  of  the  academicians  in  those  times  in  revenging  affronts  and  abuses  done 
to  any  of  their  party.  They  were  .always  so  zealous  in  that  matter  that  they  would  have  justice 
done  them,  or  else  be  gone,  as  from  various  instances  will  appear,  especially  in  that  of  Robert 
Wells,  a crafty  veterano,  Baillive  of  Northg<ate  Hundred  in  the  .suburbs  of  Oxford.  For  the 
truth  is  he  did  in  such  measure  confront  and  nose  them  in  relation  to  their  liberties  in  that 
Hundred  that  they  seriously  vowed  before  Almighty  God  that  all  scholastic  exercises  should 
cease,  their  school  doors  be  shut  up,  and  their  books  be  flung  away,  unless  he  was  punished  ac- 


IIISTOllICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SDPERIOll  INSTRUCTION.  495 

The  commercial  consequence  of  this  measure  speedily  brought  their 
adversaries  to  reason,  upon  which  a dispensation  from  the  oath  had 
to  be  obtained  from  the  Pope.  When  a reconciliation  was  finally 
brought  about,  the  privileges  of  the  University  were  generally  con- 
firmed, or  even  farther  enlarged.^ 


ORIGIN  AND  ORGANIZATION  OF  FACULTIES. 

53.  Sentiments  of  this  description  soon  found  expression  in  a sys- 
tem of  forms  and  ordinances  serving  to  mark  the  existing  separation 
more  strongly,  and  to  awaken  a more  vivid  consciousness  of  the  differ- 
ence between  the  life  of  the  academic  body  and  that  of  common  men. 
The  University  thus  acquired  an  ’ intensity  of  internal  unity,  and  a 
distinctness  of  corporate  oiganization  infinitely  beyond  anything  with 
which  antiquity  was  acquainted.  Nor  was  the  consecration,  by  which 
the  student  was  formally  set  apart  to  a nobler  and  higher  mode  of 
existence,  confined  to  the  early  period  of  his  academic  course.  The 
investure  with  a diploma  and  degree^  at  the  termination  of  his  scho- 

cording  to  his  crimes.  And  as  they  vowed  so  their  desires  came  to  pass,  though  not  to  the  con- 
tent of  all.”  (\.  IVood  on  the  riot  of  1248  in  the  Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  Oxford,  1,  p.  2S8.) 

1.  The  extraordinary  reverence  with  which  the  University  was  then  regarded,  and  the  deference 
which  the  loftiest  and  most  absolute  temporal  powers  rendered  to  its  authority,  may  be  seen  in 
the  fact  that  Henry  II.  of  England  proposed  to  refer  the  points  at  issue  between  himself  and 
Becket  to  the  decision  of  the  University  of  Paris,  as  represented  in  the  Nations,  or  widest  assem- 
blage of  the  academic  body.  Deputies  from  the  same  University  .sat  in  1588  in  the  parliament 
at  Blois  amongst  the  estates  of  the  realm.  Nor  does  the  University  appear  to  have  been  in  the 
least  disposed  to  regard  these  tokens  of  re.spect  as  arising  out  of  any  stretch  of  courtesy,  or  as  at 
all  in  excess  of  its  actual  and  proper  merits.  Savigny  tells  us  that  the  University  of  Paris  in 
particular  not  unfrequently  carried  its  just  sense  of  its  own  dignity  to  a perfectly  intolerable 
pitch  of  pride  and  arrogance.  On  the  slightest  suspicion  of  an  infringement  of  its  privileges  the 
most  high-handed  measures  were  resorted  to.  A universal  strike  of  learned  labor,  with  threats 
of  departure  to  another  town,  was  followed  by  commotions  of  the  populace  which  the  govern- 
ment was  fain  to  appease  by  such  concessions  as  the  learned  body  was  pleased  to  express  itself 
satisfied  with.  Savigny  goes  on  to  remark  that  “ what  rendered  the  University  of  Paris  espe- 
cially powerful,  nay  positively  formidable,  was  its  poverty.  The  University  itself,  the  faculties, 
the  Nations,  were  one  and  all  of  them  poor,  and  even  the  Colleges,  though  burdened  with  many 
expenses;  could  by  no  means  be  described  as  wealthy.  The  University  did  not  possess  so  much 
as  a building  of  its  own,  but  was  commonly  obliged  to  hold  its  meetings  in  the  cloisters  of 
friendly  monastic  orders.  Its  existence  and  power  thus  assumed  a purely  spiritual  character, 
and  was  rendered  permanently  independent  of  the  temporal  authority.”  (Gesch.  des  R.  R.  im 
Mittelalte.  HI,  p.  319. 

2.  The  precise  time  at  which  academic  degrees  were  first  taken  is  involved  in  much  obscurity. 
Wood  mentions -(Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  Oxford,  I,  p.  50)  that  St.  John  of  Beverly  (A.  D.  680j  was 
commonly  reported  to  have  been  the  first  who  held  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  at  Oxford.  The 
same  writer  informs  us  that  this  degree  had  become  common  in  the  reigns  of  John  and  tlichard 
I.  According  to  Bulaeus  (Hist.  Univ.  Paris,  II,  pp.  256,  679,  sqq.")  academic  degrees  were  first 
instituted  at  Bologna.  The  forms  designative  of  the  various  orders  of  academic  dignity  in  that 
University  arc  stated  to  have  been  the  Baccalaureatus,  Licentiatus,  and  Doctoratus.  Of  these 
the  last  two  were  probably  equivalent  to  the  degrees  of  the  magister  incipient,  and  magister  so- 
cius,  or  regent  in  Paris.  Certain  stadia,  or  successive  courses  of  legal  study  are  said  to  have 
been  in  e.xi.stence  from  the  time  of  Justinian.  The  five  years  devoted  to  the  acquisition  of 
juristic  knowledge  were  divided  into  the  anni  Justiniani,  Edic tales,  Papinianistae,  Lytae,  and 


496 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


lastic  career  publicly  attested  his  permanent  adoption  into  a distinct 
order  of  society,  and  designated  him  as  a member  of  a class  whose 
profession  and  avowed  function  in  life  consisted  in  cultivating,  apply- 
ing, and  communicating  knowledge  in  some  one  of  its  specific  forms. 
The  degree  admitted  the  graduate  of  the  University  amongst  the 
body  of  “ magistri  ” (doctores)  of  his  own  peculiar  faculty,  that  is  to 
say,  recognized  him  as  competent  to  officiate  in  the  capacity  of  a 
teacher  of  that  branch  of  academic  learning  which  he  had  hitherto 
studied.  This  division  into  certain  professional  faculties,  so  called 
because  represented  by  the  body  of  individuals,  each  of  whom  had 
been  invested  with  the  ^‘‘facuUas  docendi,’^  is  found  in  full  existence 
long  before  the  Universities  had  arrived  at  the  acme  of  their  im- 
portance. The  University,  as  Savigny  observes,  grew  out  of  Theo- 
logy and  Law  in  conjunction  with  Arts.*  The  truth  of  this  observa- 


Prolytae.  The  student  who  had  passed  through  all  successively  was  described  as  a Licentiatus, 
from  the  circumstance  that  he  was  considered  qualified  to  discharge  the  duties  of  an  Antecessor 
or  public  professor  of  this  subject.  The  practice  adopted  in  this  respect  by  the  schools  of  juris- 
prudence was  afterwards  transferred  to  theology  at  Paris  by  Peter  Lombardus.  The  name 
Bachelor  is  supposed  by  Malden  (History  of  Universities  and  academic  degrees,  p.  23.)  To  have 
been  borrowed  from  the  terminology  of  the  military  hierarchy  of  those  ages,  and  to  have  de- 
noted one  who  had  just  entered  upon  a career  of  chivalry.  The  Knight  Bachelor  (chevalier 
bachalier)  fought  merely  in  his  own  person,  while  the  Knight  Banneret  headed  a body  of  adher- 
ents who  combated  under  his  banner. 

Bachelors  are  often  styled  scholars  in  ancient  writers  (Wood  Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  Oxford  I,  p. 
69),  and  the  individual  invested  with  this  degree  was  regarded  as  at  the  utmost  an  imperfect 
graduate.  At  the  same  time,  in  accordance  with  the  system  of  mutual  instruction  so  thoroughly 
adopted  in  the  schools  of  the  middle  ages,  the  more  advanced  class  of  scholars  were  both  en- 
couraged aud  commanded  to  perfect  their  own  acquirements,  and  extend  the  educational  influ- 
ences of  the  University  into  the  minutest  ramifications  of  the  system  by  teaching  and  catechis- 
ing the  junior  members  of  their  own  body  (Crevier  llistoire  de  I’universite  de  Paris  II,  p.  160). 
Bachelors  though  thus  entrusted  with  certain  tutorial  functions  never  possessed  any  of  the 
legislative  powers  assigned  to  the  masters. 

IVith  reference  to  the  term  “ regent-’,  as  pi*eviously  employed  in  this  note,  we  will  observe,  that 
it  was  incumbent  upon  every  individual  who  had  taken  the  Masters  degree  to  begin  (incipere), 
and  for  some  time  continue  to  preside  (regere)  over  a class  in  the  University.  After  having 
completed  a course  of  public  instruction  he  was  permitted  to  retire  into  the  class  of  ‘ non  re- 
gents,” if  so  disposed.  Except  in  very  rare  and  exceptional  cases,  non  regent  masters  were  ex- 
cluded from  all  share  in  the  legislation  and  government  of  the  University  (Bulaeus  Hist.  Univ. 
Par.  Ill,  p.  420.) 

I.  See  also  Bulaeus  Hist.  Univ.  Par.  III.  p.  567.  In  all  assemblies  of  the  University  the 
scholars  met  on  the  common  ground  of  their  studentship,  or  mastership  in  Arts.  A degree  in 
this  department  constituted  the  widest  and  most  comprehensive  category  of  the  University  stu- 
dent (A.  Wood  Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  Oxford  I,  p.  55).  “ The  foundations  of  the  University,  ac- 

cording to  Bonaventura,  were  laid  in  Arts.  Law  and  Physics  were  the  walls,  and  Divinity  the 
roof  of  the  academic  system  ” (ib.  I,  p.  57.  A degree  in  Arts  was  ins^isted  upon  as  a preliminary 
condition  for  all  desirous  of  entering  upon  the  studies  of  the  other  Faculties  (ib.  p.  64).  Although 
the  name  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts  was  no  doubt  originally  suggested  by  those  of  Medicine,  Law, 
and  Theology  (Crevier  histoire  de  I’universite  de  Paris.  I,  p.  90,  note)  the  importance  of  the  first 
mentioned  subject,  as  the  primary  element  of  academic  study,  and  its  historical  rank  in  the 
genetic  process  of  the  principle  of  higher  education,  was  attested  in  the  part  assigned  to  the 
representatives  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts  in  the  public  administration  of  the  University.  The  gov- 
erning bodies  in  the  academic  state  of  Paris  consisted  of  two,  to  wit,  the  Nations  with  their 
proctors,  and  the  Faculties  under  their  respective  deans.  (Bulaeus  Hist.  Univ.  Par.  I,  p.  250). 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


497 


tioTi  is  more  tlian  borne  out  bj  the  fact  that  the  cathedral  and  abbey 
schools  which  contained  the  germs  of  the  academic  institutions  of  the 
north  of  Eui’ope  originated  in  the  very  bosom  of  the  church.  The 
instruction  there  imparted  was  designed  with  almost  exclusive  refer- 
ence to  the  wants  of  the  priesthood,  which  constituted,  not  only  the 
most  honorable  and  important,  but  for  many  ages  the  only  known 
profession.  The  origin  of  the  faculty  of  theology  in  the  person  of 
Anselm  of  Laudun,  the  preceptor  of  Abelard,  gave,  as  Malden  justly 
observes,'  a new  life  to  Paris,  and  marks  the  virtual  beginning  of  its 
University  existence.  Up  to  this  era  it  had  ranked  as  a mere  cathe- 
dral school,  inferior  in  celebrity  and  importance  to  many  similar  in- 
stitutions in  the  provinces.^  There  exists  moreover  abundant  evi- 
dence to  prove,  that  the  type  of  higher  education  set  forth  in  the  law 
professorships  of  the  metropolitan  schools  of  the  later  Empire,  was 
never  wholly  lost  sight  of  in  the  deepest  barbarism  of  the  period 
which  intervened  between  the  decay  of  ancient  arts  and  wisdom,  and 
their  glorified  reappearance  in  the  vaster  forms  of  modern  civilization. 
An  unbroken  succession  is  maintained  from  the  schools  just  men- 
tioned until  the  appearance  of  the  maediaeval  Universities,  and  in 
every  part  of  the  chain  we  have  indisputable  evidence  of  the  exist- 
ence of  that  professional  education  which  is  so  conspicuous  in  their 
full  maturity.  Although,  from  the  extreme  rudeness  of  the  period, 
much  of  what  was  merely  elementary  entered  into  the  instruction  im- 
parted in  the  schools  of  the  earlier  middle  ages.  Law  and  Theology 
constituted  the  two  main  subjects  of  ultimate  study  which  invariably 
recur  in  all  the  most  distinguished  learned  institutions  of  that  epoch. 
The  knowledge  of  both  was  almost  exclusively  preserved  amongst 
the  clergy.  Poman  law,  as  contained  in  works  which  stand  in  imme- 

The  nations  were  identical  and  coextensive  Mith  the  faculty  of  Arts,  the  only  distinction  being 
found  in  the  fact  that  the  former  term  properly  denoted  all  those  members  of  the  University 
who  were  registered  in  the  same  album,  as  living  under  the  same  laws,  observing  the  same 
usages  on  the  other  hand  and  obeying  the  same  head.  The  Faculties  on  the  other  hand  desig- 
nated the  body  of  masters  who  professed  the  same  department  of  knowledge,  without  refei’ence 
to  national  distinction.  The  latter  comprised  only  Doctors,  the  Bachelors  and  Licentiates  being 
included  in  the  Nations,  wherever,  namely  they  had  promoted  in  Arts  (Bulaeus  Hist.  Univ.  Par. 
III.  p.  558'.  The  Faculty  of  Arts  was  for  a considerable  time  less  distinctly  rei)resented  as 
such,  because  virtually  comprehending  the  whole  Un-ivcrsity.  The  importance  of  the  former,  as 
exhibiting  the  ba.sis  of  academic  instruction,  seems  to  have  been  further  recognized  in  the  cir" 
cumstance  that  in  the  assemblies  of  the  University  it  possessed  four  votes,  one  viz.  for  each  of 
its  component  Nations,  while  the  remaining  faculties  were  entitled  severally  to  but  one  (Bulaeu.s 
His.  Univ.  Par.  Ill,  p.  5^16).  Duboullay  aptly  illustrates  the  re.spective  positions  of  the  Nations, 
and  the  Faculties  of  Medicine,  Law  and  Theology , by  a comparison  with  the  political  constitution 
of  Rome.  Here  was  the  whole  community,  he  remarks,  distributed  amongst  three  orders,  the 
Senate,  Equites,  and  Plebs,  while  its  suffrages  were  ultimately  taken  for  the  most  part  according 
to  the  division  into  thirty-two  tribes  in  which  all  were  included  (Hist.  Univ.  Par.  Ill,  p.  566.) 

1.  History  of  Universities  and  Academic  degrees,  p.  7. 

2.  Crevier  llistoire  de  I’Universite  de  Paris  I,  p.  111. 

32 


498 


IIISTOniCAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


diate  connection  with  ancient  literature,  formed  one  of  the  leading 
subjects  taught  in  grammatical  schools,  and  was  doubtless  imparted 
in  connection  with  dialectics.  It  was  owing  to  their  utility  in  this 
respect  that  "W  i^Do  exhorted  the  Emperor  Henry  III.  to  establish 
similar  schools  in  Germany.*  So  strong  was  the  influence  of  the 
traditional  type  inherited  from  the  educational  institutions  of  the 
Homan  empire  that  throughout  the  whole  of  the  middle  ages  juris- 
prudence was,  according  to  Savigny,  one  of  the  leading  if  not  the 
chief  study  cultivated  in  Universities.  It  was  indeed  often  prose- 
cuted to  such  an  extent  as  to  threaten  the  very  existence  of  the  other 
academic  faculties.^  Canon  law  formed  an  essential  part  of  the  pro- 
fessional training  of  the  priesthood,  and  was  regarded  as  the  comple- 
tion of  a course  of  theological  study.  AVe  may  further  mention 
that  the  corporate  existence  of  the  several  faculties  at  Paris  is  first 
attested  by  the  fact  of  their  possessing  public  seals  in  1170.  Though 
we  read  of  a decree,  in  which  mention  is  made  of  the  concurrence  of 
the  four  faculties  in  one  common  uct,^  at  a full  century  previous  to 
this  date.  They  do  not  appear  however  to  have  formally  received  a 
distinct  position  until  towards  the  middle  of  tlie  thirteenth  century, 
when  the  entire  academic  system  of  the  middle  ages  attained  its  noon 
in  conjunction  with  the  matured  perfection  of  the  scholastic  theology. 
The  mendictmt  monks  by  whom  this  study  had  been  prosecuted  with 
extraordinary  ardor,  and  from  whose  midst  the  most  eminent  school- 
men had  proceeded,  laid  claim,  with  the  support  of  the  Pope,  to  the 
right  of  holding  the  professorial  appointments  of  the  University.  The 
jtosition  of  these  orders,  as  heading  the  great  scientific  movement  of 
the  age,  would  doubtless  have  at  once  entitled  them  to  the  privilege  to 
which  they  aspired,  had  not  circumstances  existed  which  gave  a pe- 
culiar and  exceptional  character  to  their  case.  Theh  training  was 
not  so  much  preeminently  as  exclusively  theological,  to  the  s’gnal  ik  g- 
lect  of  that  basis  of  humanistic  study  upon  which  the  University  has 
never  failed  to  insist.  They  were  unwilling,  and  most  probably,  from 
the  rules  of  their  body,  unable  to  submit  to  the  exercises  of  the  pre- 

1.  At  so  early  a period  as  the  end  of  the  seventh  century  St  Ronitus  of  Auvergne  is  said  to 
have  been  grannnaticoruin  imbutus  iuitiis,  nec  non  Theodosii  edoctus  decretis.  In  A.  D.  804,  a 
school  existing  at  York  is  described  by  Alcuiii  ■where  instruction  was  given  in  Grammar,  Rhet- 
oric and  Law,  and  Lanfrancus  (born  at  Pavia  in  1089)  is  spoken  of  as  “ ab  rn-  i putri'.ibus  erud- 
itus  in  scholis  liberaliuin  artiumet  legiim  sfcu'arium  ad  suae  morem  patriae.” 

2 A.  Wood  Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  Oxford,  I,  pp.  153,  151,  242,  304.  Roger  Paeon  assailed  the 
value  of  the  Roman  law  as  an  element  of  University  study,  on  the  ground  of  its  possessing  no  c’-'-m 
to  universal  authority. 

3.  Rulacus  Hist.  Univ.  Par.  Ill,  p.  507.  Origiirally  no  doubt  Masters  of  .Arts  communicated 
such  rudiments  of  instruction  as  then  existed  on  all  these  subjects.  (Malden  Hist,  of  Universi- 
ties and  academic  degrees,  p.  24.  Bulaeus  de  Patron.  4.  Nation.  Univ,  Par.  p.  2.) 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOr-MLNT  02  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


499 


liminary  stages  of  academic  instruction.  The  fruits  of  their  system 
may  be  seen  in  the  circumstance  mentioned  by  Roger  Bacon,  that  in 
Ids  day  there  were  not  four  men  of  learning  to  be  met  with  who  ex- 
hibited an  adequate  acquaintance  with  grammar.  The  schoolmen  of 
the  twelfth  century  had  entered  upon  the  study  of  Latin  literature 
with  lively  activity  and  interest.  Grammar  and  Rhetoric  had  been 
zealously  cultivated  in  conjunction  with  dialectics,  and  the  produc- 
tions of  these  authors  give  evidence  of  a by  no  means  unsuccessful 
attempt  at  combining  some  degree  of  elegance  and  correctness  of  ex- 
pression with  accuracy  and  fullness  of  thought.  In  the  century  of 
which  we  are  now  treating  the  divorce  between  substance  and  the 
form  of  Philosophy  was  complete.  The  writers  of  the  period  in 
which  the  mendicant  orders  were  supreme  exhibit  in  its  harshest  form 
that  barbarous  and  uninviting  mode  of  exposition  to  which  the  schol- 
astic philosophy  has  been  mainly  indebted  for  the  neglect  and  obliv- 
ion into  which  it  has  subsequently  fallen.  Again,  as  representing 
the  monastic  principle  in  its  utmost  force  and  intensity,  the  mendi- 
cant monks  were  inevitably  led  to  aim  at  asserting  a complete  inde- 
pendence of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  University,  and  to  regard  the 
welfare  of  this  institution  as  wholly  subordinate  to  the  interests  of 
their  own  order.  Tlie  establishment  of  such  an  imperium  in  imperio 
called  forth  the  most  determined  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  aca- 
demic body,  which  saw  its  own  authority  and  the  interests  of  learn- 
ing equally  imperiled  by  the  aggressions  of  these  restless  and  unscrupu- 
lous precursors  of  the  Jesuits.  The  long  and  violent  controversies 
which  ensued  seem  merely  to  have  established  by  definite  statutory 
enactments  what  had  all  along  been  the  tendency,  if  not  the  actual 
usage  of  the  University.  The  doctors  of  theology  were  in  the  first 
place  allowed  to  form  a distinct  portion  of  the  University.  Their 
example  was  soon  followed  by  those  of  Medicine  and  Canon  law. 
Ultimately  the  Nations  recognized  the  same  principle,  and  organized 
themselves  as  the  Faculty  of  Arts.^  The  origin  of  this  title  is  traced 
by  Bulaeus  to  the  circumstance  that  this  department  of  the  University 
included  an  endless  variety  of  subjects,  instead  of  being  confined  to 
professors  of  a single  study  (ars),  as  was  the  case  with  the  other 
faculties.’ 

54.  One  of  the  earliest,  and  most  frequently  recurring  forms  of 

1.  Bulaeus  Hist.  Univ.  Par.  Ill,  p.  357.  Crevier  Ilistoire  de  I’Universite  de  Paris  I,  p.466  ; 
II,  p.  55.  Savigny  Gesch.  des  R.  R.  p.  326.  Baehringer  die  Vorreformatoreu  des  14.  und  15. 
Jahrh  p.  26.  Ritter  Gesch.  der  Christl.  Phil.  III. 

2.  Propterea  quod  non  unam  Artem,  utcaeterae  facultates,  quae  uni  duntaxet  professioni  ad- 
dictae  sunt,  sed  omnes  indiscriminatim  docendi  et  profitendi  ius  retinuerunt.  (De  Patronis  4. 
Nat.  Univ.  Par.  p.  2.) 


tqq  historical  development  of  superior  instruction. 

academic  life  in  the  middle  ages  no  less  than  in  the  times  of  classical 
antiquity  is  that  in  which  Universities  were  founded  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  some  one  particular  department  of  professional  knowledge. 
In  the  tenth  century,  or  before  the  Norman  conquest  of  England, 
Salerno  was  instituted  solely  with  reference  to  the  cultivation  of 
medical  science,  and  such  was  afterwards  the  case  with  Montpellier 
also.  Paris  became  peculiarly  distinguished  as  the  Euroj^ean  me- 
tropolis of  theological  study.  Bologna  and  the  majority  of  the  Ital- 
ian Universities  enjoyed  a corresponding  celebrity  for  profound 
acquaintance  with  the  civil  law.  The  Artistae,  or  members  of  the 
faculty  of  Arts  in  Bologna,  including  in  their  number  the  Philosophi 
and  Medici,  or  Physici,  were  long  not  permitted  to  form  a corporate 
body  (Universitas),  and  were  always  regarded  as  subordinate  to  the 
jurists.  In  Padua,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Medici  predominated 
amongst  the  Artistae,  and  the  rector  of  the  latter  was  always  a Me- 
dicus.^  Towards  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century  the  original  sys- 
tem of  fnstruction  in  Bologna  was  augmented  by  the  addition  of  a 
theological  school.  I'he  extraneous  and  foreign  nature  of  this  ad- 
junct  was  attested  in  the  fact  of  its  being  in  all  its  details  an  exact 
copy  of  tlie  University  of  Paris,  and  forming  an  utter  contrast  to  the 
administrative  arrangements  of  the  institution  to  which  it  was  at- 
tached.^ 

55.  So  marked  a predominance  of  the  principle  of  professional 
study  as  we  everywhere  notice  in  the  Universities  of  early  Christen- 
dom is  unquestionably  in  no  small  degree  to  be  attributed  to  the  in- 
fluence and  example  of  the  learned  institutions  of  that  fragment  of 
the  Roman  empire  ,which  continued  to  keep  alive  something  of  the 
traditions  of  antiquity  until  long  after  the  mental  life  of  modern  times 
had  safely  passed  the  worst  perils  of  infantine  existence.  Knowing, 
as  we  do,  the  extent  to  which  the  art  of  AVestern  Europe  received  its 
forms  and  bias  from  that  of  Byzantium,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that 
the  Universities  of  the  Eastern  Empire  did  not  equally  serve  as 
models  for  institutions  which  were  felt  to  bear  upon  interests  so  vastly  • 
more  important.  Nor  does  this  conclusion  rest  upon  grounds  of 
j)robabiIity  alone.  In  Hadrian  and  Theodore  we  have  instances  of 
native  Greeks  appointed  to  English  archbishoprics,'^  and  assembling 
around  them  a body  of  disciples  who  doubtless  perpetuated  not 
merely  the  learning,  but  also  the  forms  and  the  method  of  instruction 
preserved  in  the  schools  of  the  Byzantines.  Theodore,  we  are  told, 

1.  Savigny  Qesch.  des  R.  R.  im  Mittelalter  III,  p.  258. 

2.  Savigay  Gesch.  des  R.  R.  Ill,  p.  164. 

3.  Uallam  Hist,  of  the  Litt.  of  Europe  during  the  middle  ages,  pp.  88,  91. 


IIISIOIIICAL  DIIV^LOL’MEM  OE  SUl’ERlOil  IXSIIlUC'ilON  5Q| 

was  a native  of  Tarsus,’  and  in  all  likelihood  a graduate  of  the  aca- 
demic schools  for  which  that  city  was  so  famous.  lie  is  spoken  of 
as  one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  the  age,  and  it  is  not  impossible 
that  the  eminence  in  this  respect  which  England  is  subsequently  de- 
scribed as  maintaining  was  principally  due  to  his  exertions.  England 
and  Italy  are  mentioned  as  the  only  countries  in  the  Western  empire  in 
which  schools  of  higher  learning  (imiversitates,  studia  generalia,^  aca- 
demiae)  existed  before  the  time  of  Charlemagne.  The  instruction 
communicated  in  the  English  schools  appears  to  have  consisted  of  a 
combination  of  philological  studies  with  theology.  In  the  institution 
establislied  by  Alfred  at  Oxford  three  buildings  were  erected,  one  for 
twenty  grammarians,  another  for  the  like  number  of  philosophers, 
and  a third  for  as  many  theologians.  So  .zealously  was  the  study  of 
Greek  prosecuted  that  Bede  speaks  of  having  met  with  several  of 
the  disciples  of  Hadrian  and  Theodore  who  spoke  that  language  no 
less  fluently  than  English.^ 

5G.  That  Boman  law  was  taught  in  the  schools  afterwards  met 
with  in  England  is  evident  from  testimony  already  adduced.  Addi- 
tional proofs  of  the  influence  exerted  by  the  eastern  empire  upon 
the  earlier  mental  culture  of  modern  Europe  are  furnished  in  the 
liistory  of  many  of  the  most  eminent  individuals  of  that  period.  John 
Scotus  Erigena,  whose  speculations  as  expounded  by  Bitter  and  Ne- 
ander  sound  like  a forecast  of  scholastic  depth  and  ingenuity,  and 
whose  personal  influence  with  Charlemagne  enabled  him  to  give  a 
decisive  bent  to  the  nascent  educational  institutions  of  the  Transal- 
pine continent,  is  represented  by  tradition  as  having  studied  in  Greece.'* 
Even  so  late  as  the  thirteenth  century  the  same  circumstance  is  re- 
corded of  John  of  Basingstoke,  the  friend  of  Grosseteste.^  The  fre- 
quent fluctuations  and  essays  at  intellectual  progress  which  manifest 
themselves  in  the  liistory  of  an  era  once  regarded  as  an  homogeneous 


1.  Ileeren  Geschichte  der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittelalter.  I,  p.  88. 

2.  The  term  Universitas, according  to  Savigny,  denoted  not  the  school  as  such, but  in  the  tnie 
Roman  sense  of  the  word,  the  corporation  to  which  the  existence  of  the  school  had  given  occa- 
sion. That  this  expression  had  no  reference  whatever  to  instruction  in  the  collective  body  of 
scientific  subjects  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  in  the  schools  of  those  times  a universitas  juris- 
tarum  and  a universitas  artistarum  are  repeatedly  found  existing  side  by  side. 

As  little  is  any  such  meaning  to  be  recognized  in  the  term  studium  generale  often  employed  as 
an  honorable  designation  of  the  higher  schools  of  learning.  This  expression  is  found  directly 
applied  to  a single  faculty  (that  of  theology,  for  instance  in  the  Bull  of  1363),  and  merely  had 
reference  to  the  extensive  aims  and  influence  of  the  University,  as  an  institution  designed  to  re- 
ceive not  only  native  but  foreign  scholars,  and  possessed  of  the  right  of  creating  doctors,  whose 
character  and  position  would  be  every  where  recognized.  (Gesch.  des  R.  R.  im  M.  Ill,  p.  3S0s(j.) 

3.  Ileeren  Gesch.  der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittclalt.  I,  p.  167.  Pee  also  A.  Wood  Hist,  and  Antiep 
of  Oxford  I,  p.  34,  where  the  number  of  each  is  stated  at  twenty -six. 

4.  A.  Wood  Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  Oxford  I,  p.  40.  Ileeren  Gesch.  der  class.  Litt.  im  M.  I,  p.  170. 

6.  A.  Wood  Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  Oxford  I,  p.  168.  Tauli  Gesch.  von  England  lll,.p.  854. 


502 


UlSTOllIOAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


period  of  unbroken  spiritual  night  are  at  length  beginning  to  be 
generally  recognized.  In  the  reigns  of  Alfred,  Charlemagne,  and  the 
German  Othos,  the  church  gave  tokens  of  a spirit  not  a little  re- 
sembling that  which  afterwards  showed  itself  in  matured  and  irre- 
sistible vigor  at  the  reformation.^  True  intellectual  activity  is  ever 
accompanied  by  the  liveliest  susceptibility  to  kindred  influences  from 
without,  and  the  temper  of  periods  such  as  those  headed  by  the  great 
princes  above  mentioned  was  peculiarly  favorable  to  an  intelligeut 
reception  and  study  of  whatever  remnants  of  ancient  wisdom  and 
educational  method  still  survived  in  the  keeping  of  the  Byzantine 
Greeks.  We  read  accordingly  that  at  this  epoch,  as  at  the  revival 
of  letters  in  the  fifteenth  century,  copies  of  the  writings  of  ancient 
authors  (genuine  or  spurious)  were  considered  peculiarly  acceptable 
presents  from  the  rulers  of  Constantinople  to  the  sovereigns  of  the 
German  empire.  The  Platonic  element,  which,  contrary  to  the  no- 
tions prevalent  on  the  subject,  so  decidedly  predominates  in  the  ear- 
lier philosophy  of  the  schoolmen,  is  well  known  to  have  been  derived 
through  the  channel  of  the  Greek  church.^  So  ardent  indeed  was 
the  thirst  for  learning  in  the  periods  above  mentioned,  that  distance, 
national  prejudice,  and  even  the  fiercest  animosity  of  religious  fanat- 
ism  were  made  light  of  whenever  a step  in  intellectual  advancement 
was  to  be  gained.  Irish  and  Scottish  monks  were  eagerly  welcomed 
as  the  instructors  and  civilizers  of  Germany  and  France.^  The  cele- 
brated Gerbert,  who  after  having  acted  as  the  friend  and  tutor  of  the 
emperor  Otho  the  third,  was  elevated  to  the  Papal  chair  (A.  D.  999) 
under  the  name  of  Sylvester  the  Second,  spent  a considerable  portion 
of  his  youth  amongst  the  Moors  in  Spain,^  whither  he  had  betaken 

1.  Ileeren  Gescli.  der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittelalt.  1,  p.  123.  The  same  period  is  remarkable  as 
exhibitiog  a powerful  teudenc}'  to  political  organization.  It  is  sagaciously  observed  by  a Ger 
man  writer  that,  had  the  successors  of  Charlemagne  been  possessed  of  the  ability  requisite  for 
carrying  out  the  traditional  policy  of  their  dynasty,  the  world  would  in  all  probability  have  be- 
held the  rise  ot  a sort  of  Caliphate  of  the  west. 

2.  The  Timaeus  of  Plato  in  the  translation  of  Chalcidius  was  especially  studied,  and  long  con- 
(inued  the  main  source  from  which  the  thinkers  of  the  middle  ages  derived  their  knowledge  of 
Platonic  philosophy.  Abelard  seems  to  have  been  chiefly  indebted  to  Macrobius  for  such  ac- 
quaintance as  he  possessed  with  this  subject.  Traces  of  certain  treatises  of  Plutarch  are  also 
met  with  at  this  period.  The  writings  of  many  of  the  Greek  fathers  were  diligently  studied ; 
those  more  especially  of  Origen,  Athanasius,  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  Basilius, 
and  in  the  12th  century,  the  dogmatic  system  of  Johannes  Damascenus.  Amongst  the  Latin 
fathers  Augustin  seems  to  have  been  the  chief  favorite. 

The  only  portion  of  Aristotle’s  works  with  which  the  schoolmen  seem  to  have  been  acquainted 
before  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  was  that  contained  in  the  two  first  books  of  the  Orga- 
non, both  of  which  they  possessed  in  translations.  The  knowledge  of  dialectics  obtained  from 
this  source  was  supplemented  from  Boethius.  In  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  the 
remaining  writings  of  Aristotle  became  known,  chiefly  by  means  of  translations  from  the  Ara- 
bic. Jews  were  employed  in  preparing  this  version.  (Ritter  Gesch.  der  Christlichen  Phi- 
losophie  III.)  3.  Neander  church  Hist.  V,  pp.  38,  58,  151. 

4.  Bulaeus  Hist.  Univ.  Par.  Ill,  p.  334.  Hecren  Gesch.  der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittelalt.  I,  p.  115. 


niSTOx'lICAL  DEVELOPMENi’  OF  SUPEIIIOR  INSTRUCTION.  503 

liimself  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  an  acquaintance  with  physical 
science,  a branch  of  Aristotle’s  system  to  which  the  Arabians  had  de- 
voted an  attention  as  exclusive  as  that  which  the  schoolmen  bestowed 
upon  his  logical  writings.^  Daniel  Morley  of  Merlac,^  a Master  of 
Oxford,  is  also  recorded  to  have  undertaken  a pilgrimage  amongst 
the  infidels,  in  the  latter  half  of  the  twelfth  century  with  the  same 
object.  The  knowledge  thus  acquired  was  at  once  caught  up  through- 
out Christendom,  and  made  the  basis  of  the  studies  of  the  faculty  of 
medicine  in  the  University  system.  Not  to  dwell  upon  the  results 
of  individual  zeal  and  activity,  a constant  interchange  of  opinion  and 
feeling  was  maintained  by  the  vast  pilgrimages  which  formed  so  re- 
markable a feature  in  the  religious  life  of  those  times,  and,  in  so  far 
as  intellectual  interests  were  concerned,  a still  more  important  chan- 
nel of  communication  kept  open  by  the  secessions  which  all  along 
took  place  from  the  Greek  communion  to  that  of  the  Latin  church.^ 
In  consequence  of  the  lasting  and  furious  controversies  which  raged 
through  the  Eastern  section  of  the  Christian  world  on  the  subject 
of  image  worship,  monasteries  of  Greek  monks  were  perpetually 
maintained  at  Rome,  and  similar  associations  of  religious  refugees  are 
met  with  even  as  far  north  as  Lothringia.'*  Augustine,  the  apostle 
of  England,  was  selected  by  Gregory  the  Great  from  a monastery  of 
this  description  at  Rome. 

57.  The  theory  of  an  organic  unity  of  succession  in  the  various 
forms  of  academic  life,  from  its  first  appearance  in  the  times  of  classi- 
cal antiquity  down  to  that  period  of  the  middle  ages  in  which  it  had 
developed  its  peculiarities  in  their  fullest  integrity,  is  further  borne 
out  by  the  extreme  and  minute  coincidence  observable  between  the 
internal  economy  of  the  Universities  of  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  cen- 
turies with  that  which  prevailed  in  the  learned  communities  of 
Athens  and  Alexandria.  We  have  already  noticed  how  completely 
the  features  of  collegiate  life  met  with  in  the  most  perfect  specimens 
of  the  modern  University  are  to  be  recognized  in  the  Museum  of  the 
Lagidae,  itself  doubtless  an  exact  and  careful  copy  of  the  Academic 
and  Peripatetic  societies  in  Athens.  From  the  more  minutely  de- 
tailed accounts  which  we  possess  of  the  schools  of  Athens  under  the 
emperors  we  discover  that  the  body  of  students,  as  in  Paris,  Oxford, 


1.  See  Ritter  Gesch.  der  christlichen  Philosophic  III,  p.  95.  A school  of  Medicine,  Phi- 
losophy and  Mathematics  existed  in  Bagdad,  and  according  to  Leo  Africanus  was  attended  by 
upwards  of  6,0^0  students.  Smiilar  institutions  flourished  in  Alexandria,  and  other  cities  of 
the  Saracen  empire,  lleeren  I.  p.  150,  154. 

2.  A.  Wood  Hist,  and  Antiq.  of  Oxford  I,  p.  151. 

3.  Heeren  Gesch.  der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittelalt.  I,  p.  349. 

4.  Heeren  Gesch.  der  class.  Litt.  im  Mittelalt.  I,  p.  203. 


504  HISTORICAL  DEVLLOILMZXT  OT  SCTLIlIOii  INSTRUCTION. 

and  Bologna,  was  distributed  amongst  a certain  number  of  nations,^ 
each  ruled  and  publicly  represented  by  a proctor  of  its  own.^  A nu- 
merous body  of  sophists,  in  teaching  the  infinitely  multifarious 
branches  of  knowledge  which  were  supposed  to  be  required  by  the 
perfect  orator,  discharged  functions  in  the  highest  degree  analogous, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  to  those  of  the  magistri  and  doctores  of 
mediaeval  Universities.  The  admission  of  the  sludent  into  the  aca- 
demic body  took  place  in  both  cases  by  means  of  a ceremony  of 
matriculation  (rtAfr//)’’  which  conferred  the  right  to  the  title  of 
XaariKoc,  and  the  privilege  of  assuming,  as  its  symbol,  the  philosophic 
pallium  {-ptftiov),  or  gown.  By  an  usage  followed  even  now  in  many 
Universities,  this  dress  was  modified  by  various  diversities  of  shape 
and  color,  in  order  to  mark  the  miner  divisions  of  the  academic 
wmrld.  The  gown  of  the  Academicians  is  said  to  have  been  of  a 
dark  gray  or  russet  color  ((puiog),  resembling  probably  that  of  the 
mantle  worn  by  the  Ca23ucines  of  the  present  day,  the  sophists  on  the 
other  hand  were  clad  in  robes  of  crimson,  while  the  Stoics  and  Cynics 
were  distinguished  by  a double  gown  of  white,  possibly  not  unlike 
that  afterwards  assumed  by  the  order  of  Dominicans.  Contrary  to 
the  practice  which  at  present  prevails  in  English  Universities,  the 

1.  'H  fjiev  \ap  ’Ewa,  KaOdnep  tl  yepa?,  ’ETrL({)ai'itp  cratfte^  i^^prjTO  ■ ttji/  Se  ’ApajStav 

Ai6<|)aj^Tos,  'H<l>aicrrt(oi'  Se  KaraSeiaaf  llpoatpecrLoy  drrrjAdey  ’A6rjvchv  re  Kal  dyOpiiinitH'. 
lipoatpecriui  Se  6 Hoi'TO?  oAos  /cal  rd  eKeivri  irpocroiKaL  tov?  djUtATjTds  aviTirep.Trev , wairep  oi/cel- 
01/  dyaOhu  rov  dvSpa  Oavp.a^ovTe';.  npoa-ereOr]  Se  /cal  Bi0ui/ia  Tracra  /cal  ‘EAAjjcTTrorTOf , oaa 
vrrep  AvSlas  6td  KaAov/ueVr]?  vvv  ’Acrla?  eirl  Kapiau  koX  AvKiau  TeLvovra.  jrpbg  llap.(f>v 

At'av  /cal  rov  Tavpoy  d^opi'^crai  ■ Al-yvirTos  re  ndcra  e/rl  Tois  Ab'/ois  dpxV^  K\-i]pov  \v 
oi/ceto?  avTip,  /cal  ocra  vnep  Alyvirrov  /cal  Trpb?  At/Burji/  avp6p.eva  to  re  ayyajarou  re'Ao?  e^ct 
*cal  rb  oLK-^enpLov.  Eunap.  vita  Proaeresii.  The  ordinary  number  of  nations  appears  from  this 
passage  to  have  been  four,  though  two  seem  occasionally  to  have  been  combined  under  a single 
head.  In  the  same  manner  the  lectures  of  Ilimerius  are  said  to  have  been  atte/ided  by  the 
Bithynians,  Mysians,  Pergameans,  Galatians  and  Egyptians  (Orat.  XXII).  The  four  nations 
of  the  University  of  Athens  are  supposed  by  Bulaeus  to  have  been  instituted  in  accordance  with 
the  four  praetorian  praefectures  into  which  the  empire Nvas  divided  by  Constantine  (Hist.  Uuiv. 
Par.  I,  p.  251). 

The  academic  population  of  Paris  was  divided  into  four  nations,  the  French,  English,  Nor- 
mans, and  Picards.  Under  the  French  were  included  Spaniards,  Italians,  and  Greeks.  Under 
the  English  were  comprehended  not  only  all  the  nations  of  the  British  Isles  but  also  Germans 
and  Scandinavians.  Each  nation  had  its  own  examiners,  beadles,  register  offices,  archives, 
chapels,  in  short  every  thing  pertaining  to  the  complete  organization  of  a poli.ical  body  (Bulaeus 
Hist.  Univ.  Par.  HI,  p.  560).  The  scholars  of  Bologna  were  arranged  according  to  the  two  great 
divisions  of  Citramontani  and  Ultramontani.  The  former  were  distributed  amongst  seventeen, 
the  latter  amongst  eighteen  nations.  The  number  and  names  of  these  divisions  often  varied 
according  to  the  number  of  students  in  each.  Biith,  not  residence,  was  considered  in  making 
this  distinction.  The  Germans  enjoyed  peculiar  privileges,  on  the  other  hand  the  natives  of 
Bologna  in  consequence  of  their  connection  with  the  antagonistic  element  of  the  town  were  not 
j)crmitted  to  form  a nation  (Savigny  Gesch.  des  Rom.  Rechts  im  Mittelalter  III,  p.  170). 

2.  The  proctors  acted  first  as  the  representatives  of  the  Nation <o  the  world  without,  secondly 
as  judges  in  all  cases  of  internal  litigation,  and  lastly  as  the  bankers  and  tiaistees  of  those  be- 
longing to  their  respective  nations.  (Bulaeus  Hist.  Univ.  Paris  I,  p.  252.)  The  proctors  of  Ox- 
ford were  invested  with  authority  over  masters  and  scholars  alike. 

3.  Phot.  Biblioth.,  p.  110,  Uoesch. 


UISTORIOAL  DEVELOPMENT  OE  SUPElllOil  INSTRUCTION.  5Q5 

academic  drees  was  worn  not  only  during  residence,  but  even  while 
absent  in  the  provinces.'  The  act  of  matriculation  consisted  in  a 
species  of  lustral  bath,  a form  not  improbably  suggested  in  the  first 
instance  by  the  religiously  mystical  meaning  associated  with  that 
ceremony.  At  its  conclusion  a fee  of  considerable  amount  was  paid 
to  the  principal  sophists,  who  were  herein  said  to  receive  the  price 
of  the  gown  (^i^^ecrS'ai  ti)j^  tuv  rpH^iovoQ  ct^tav)  and  the  student  was 
formally  enrolled  (Eyeypucf)^!])  in  the  books  of  the  University.^  A 
ceremony  of  initiation,  though  differing  in  outward  form  from  that  of 
the  period  we  are  now  describing,  seems  from  its  travesty  in  Aris- 
tophanes to  have  been  known  at  the  very  earliest  times  of  sophistic 
history.''  The  mode  of  instruction  in  the  Universities  of  Mediaeval 
Europe  seems  to  have  been  almost  identical  with  that  which  prevailed 
in  all  the  learned  institutions  of  anticpiity.  The  /j-eXtrai,  ^laXi^eLSj 
aKejjLjsara,  Xvaeic,  and  eTrthei^eiQ,  by  means  of  which  the  sophists,  gram- 
marians, and  philosophers  of  classical  times  were  trained  to  their  re- 
spective callings,  find  an  exact  counterpart  in  the  theses,  exercises, 
and  disputations  of  the  schools  of  the  middle  ages. 

58.  XV e may  further  remark  before  taking  leave  of  this  portion  of 
the  subject,  that  the  two  great  typical  forms  of  the  academic  life  of 
earlier  European  history  are  exemplified  in  Bologna  and  Paris,  the 
one  the  fountain  and  headquarters  of  legal  knowledge,  the  other 
maintaining  a similar  position  with  reference  to  theology  and  Philoso- 
phy. The  former  of  those  institutions  served  as  the  model  for  the 
Universities  of  Italy,  Spain,  and  France  (with  the  exception  of  Paris), 
the  latter  for  those  of  England  and  Germany.®  The  Italian  Univer- 
sities approximated  far  more  closely  to  the  external  form  and  con- 
stitution of  the  Byzantine  schools,  in  so  far  as  existing  records  *§nable 
us  to  discover  the  peculiarities  of  the  corporate  ariangt-ments  of  the 
latter.  This  resemblance  is  especially  to  be  recognized  in  the  fact 
that  the  University  of  Athens  seems  like  Bologna  to  have  been  mainly 
an  Universitas  scholarium,  and  not  magistrorum  as  was  the  case  with 
Paris.  In  the  last  mentioned  University  the  corporation  consisted 
simply  of  the  order  of  teachers,  and  the  students  were  only  noticed 
as  the  subjects  of  the  body  politic.  In  Bologna  on  the  other  hand 
tlie  sovertrign  power  was  entirely  vested  in  the  rector  and  consiliari, 

1.  Liban.  ei;  ’EvardBLov  r'ov  Kapa.  init.  2.  Cresoll.  Theatr.  Rhet.  III.  16. 

3.  Aristoph.  Nub.  263  sqq. 

4 To  the  coincidences  in  externals  above  mentioned  we  may  add  the  hat  or  symbol  of  the 
masters  degree,  the  origin  of  which  is  no  doubt  indicated  in  the  epigram  where  a grammarian 
dedicates  the  crreyaydi'  Kparbs  (Jacobs  e conj.  aKSTTavov)  amongst  other  insignia  of  his  office. 
(Anthol.  II,  p.  52.  2.  Jacobs.) 

5.  Savigny  Gesch.  des  R.  R.  im  Mittelatler  III,  p.  124. 


506 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


or  representatives  of  the  Nations.  The  professors  were  regarded 
merely  as  individuals  hired  for  the  purpose  of  giving  instruction  to 
such  of  the  students  as  thought  fit  to  combine  for  this  purpose.  The 
former  had  no  vote  in  the  meetings  of  the  University,  except  in  those 
cases  where  they  had  previously  held  the  office  of  rector,  and  were 
not  even  allowed  to  absent  themselves  from  the  town  without  the 
permission  of  the  academic  authorities.’  In  Athens  botli  forms  of 
government  seem  in  a measure  to  have  existed  along  side  of  each 
other.  The  appointments  in  philosophy  were  filled  up  principally 
by  the  vote  of  the  a body  apparently  corresjwnding  to  the 

masters  of  Oxford  and  Paris.’’  The  sophistical  chairs  on  the  other 
hand  are  invariably  described  as  dispossd  of  by  the  av^pojrroL  Kal  rcoo 
that  is  to  say  the  citizens  of  the  town,  and  the  students  of  the  Uni- 
versity.’’ An  eminent  instance  of  this  circumstance  we  have  already 
alluded  to  in  the  case  of  the  celebrated  Gregory  of  Nazianzus,  upon 
whom  the  scholars  of  sophistry  are  said  to  have  conferred  the  pro- 
fessorship of  this  subject."* 

59.  Plain  and  unmistakable  as  is  the  prominence  assigned  in  the 
best  ages  of  University  history  to  philosophic  study  exhibiting  itself 
as  a practical  and  creative  energy  in  the  various  forms  of  professional 
life,  some  difficulty  may  be  occasioned  by  the  circumstance  that  the 
plan  of  instruction  which  we  have  hitherto  impugned  as  essentially 
unacademic,  that  namely  in  which  the  highest  mental  culture  is 
sought  to  be  attained  by  means  of  a course  of  general  subjects,  ap- 
jiears  almost  invariably  associated  with  the  educational  arrangements 
of  such  institutions.  The  presence  of  the  lyKVKXia  /.id^^iiuara  in  con- 
nection with  all- the  highest  teaching  of  ancient  Greece,  the  Trivium 
and  Qifadrivium  in  the  schools  of  the  later  empire,  and  the  studies  of 
the  Faculty  of  Arts  in  the  Universities  of  more  modern  times,  may 
appear  somewhat  irreconcilable  with  the  historical  claims  of  an  ex- 
clusively professional  scheme  of  University  instruction. 

60.  The  answer  to  this  objection  is  sufficiently  obvious.  Passing 
over  the  learned  institutions  of  classical  antiquity,  whose  looser  or- 
ganization and  less  strictly  defined  precision  of  outline  has  been  al- 

1.  The  object  of  this  apparently  singular  restriction  was  to  prevent  popular  and  possibly  restless 
professors  from  betaking  themselves  to  some  of  the  other  great  schools  of  the  time,  and  attract- 
ing thither  the  floating  and  unsettled  portion  of  the  learned  body,  a part  of  the  population  of 
the  ancient  Universities  which  was  peculiarly  large. 

2.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  observe  that  we  are  here  speaking  of  the  usage  of  the  philosophic 
sects  when  they  had  already  assumed  the  character  of  regularly  organized  and  permanently  es' 
tablished  corporations.  In  the  earlier  stages  of  their  history  the  head  of  the  school  named  at  his 
own  discretion  the  person  whom  he  considered  best  qualified  to  succeed  in  his  stead.  Compare 
with  reference  to  this  point  a very  pleasing  story  in  Aulus  Gellius  Noct.  Att.  XIII,  5. 

3.  Eunap.  -vit.  Proaeresii. 

4.  Gregor.  Presbyter.  See  also  Gregor.  Nazianz.  de  -vita  sua  carmen,  p.  4,  ed  Morell 


HlSTOllIOAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


507 


ready  alluded  to,  we  must  remember  that  in  the  earlier  periods  of 
European  history,  the  University  did  not,  as  at  present,  denote  merely 
the  culmination  of  a system  of  educational  institutions.  It  compre- 
hended nothing  less  than  the  entire  literary  and  scientific  life  of  those 
ages,  from  the  humblest  elements  of  rudimentary  study  to  the  lofti- 
est flights  of  philosophic  speculation,  and  united  the  functions  of  the 
preparatory  school  with  the  activity  and  influence  which  alone  de- 
serve to  be  regarded  as  properly  its  own.  An  irresistible  argument 
in  favor  of  thus  engrafting  upon  the  University  a mode  of  education 
not  strictly  in  accordance  with  its  nature,  was  no  doubt  derived  from 
the  circumstance,  that  even  when  schools  capable  of  affording  the 
necessary  amount  of  preliminary  instruction  had  begun  to  come  into 
existence,  their  connection  with  the  University  was  too  slight  and  ill 
defined  for  the  purposes  of  mutual  cooperation.  The  advanced  age 
moreover  of  a very  large  proportion  of  those  who  became  candidates 
for  matriculation’  strongly  urged  the  necessity  of  a preparatory  course 
in  immediate  conjunction  with  the  University.  The  number  of  those 
who  from  poverty  or  other  unfavorable  circumstances  had  bee  pren- 
vented  from  obtaining  in  early  life  the  requisite  acquaintance  with 
elementary  subjects,  and  had  subsequently  embraced  the  resolution 
of  qualifying  themselves  for  a learned  jirofession,  would  then  be  pecu- 
liarly large,  while  the  want  of  books  constituted  an  insuperable  ob- 
stacle ill  the  way  of  any  attempt  at  making  good  their  deficiencies 
by  means  of  private  study.  Such  persons  even  in  acquiring  the  ru- 
diments of  scientific  knowledge  required  to  be  taught  upon  a princi- 
ple totally  different  from  that  which  is  applied  in  imparting  instruc- 
tion to  children,  and  the  University,  which  could  not  afford  to  shut 
its  doors  upon  the  entire  body  of  indigent  scholars,  was  obliged  to 
retain  permanently  much  of  the  furniture  of  those  inferior  and  colle- 
giate schools,  out  of  which  it  had  in  so  many  instances  itself  origin- 
ally grown. 

RELATION  OF  FACULTIES  OF  ARTS  TO  THOSE  OF  THEOLOGY,  LAW  AND 
MEDICINE. 

61.  In  strict  accordance  with  the  preparatory  and  unacademic 
character  of  the  instruction  it  proposed  to  convey,  the  Faculty  of  Arts 
was  not  recognized  as  coordinate  with  those  of  Theology,  Medicine, 
and  Law  until  the  fifteenth  century,  at  which  period  its  studies  be- 
gan to  assume  a character  essentially  different  from  that  which  they 
had  hitherto  maintained.  Thus  we  find  that  the  classes  of  this  por- 
tion of  the  University  were  commonly  known  as  the  scholae  minores, 


1.  Savigny  Gcsch.  des  R.  R.  Ill,  p.  138. 


508  mSTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

to  distinguish  them  from  the  scholae  majores  of  Law,  Medicine,  and 
Divinity.^  The  subject  of  critical  philology  remained  so  completely 
in  its  infancy  until  shortly  before  the  Reformation  that  the  corres- 
ponding department  of  the  University  could  not  possibly  furnish  scope 
for  any  higher  teaching  than  that  of  elementary  instruction.  So  long 
as  classical  learning  and  general  erudition  were  confined  to  the 
knowledge  of  a few  ancient  authors,  and  a facility  in  reading  and 
speaking  the  ecclesiastical  Latin  of  the  period,  it  was  impossible  to 
build  up  a system  of  professional  teaching  with  materials  so  scanty, 
and  so  little  susceptible  of  scientific  method.  The  Bachelor’s  degree, 
which  marked  the  termination  of  this  preliminary  course,  denoted,  ac- 
cording to  Iluber,^  simply  a step  in  the  school  in  which  it  was  taken, 
and  held  no  further  reference  to  the  University  than  as  denoting  the 
threshold  of  legitimate  academic  study.  At  Bologna  in  like  manner 
the  term  Bachalarius  designated  no  University  degree.  It  was  con- 
ferred upon  a student  who  had  lectured  upon  a book  of  Canon  or 
Civil  Law,  or  who  had  formally  expounded  a passage  in  either.^  Of 
the  system  of  preparatory  study  which  existed  in  connection  Avith  the 
academic  institutions  of  antiquity  we  ha^m  already  spoken.  We  may 
further  mention  that  Olympiodorus  alludes  to  a class  of  students  who 
Avere  not  yet  admitted  to  Avear  the  gown.^  That  this  portion  of  the 
academic  body  Avas  the  same  as  the  aKXrjroL  spoken  of  by  Philostra- 
tus,  is  clear  fiom  a passage  in  the  oration  of  Libanius  v-n-ep  tmv  pr^ropiov. 
They  were  no  doubt  utterly  distinct  from  the  pupils  of  those  inferior 
schools  mentioned  by  Ilimerius,  Avhich  Avere  designed  to  serve  as  the 
first  preparation  for  the  teaching  of  the  sophists.  Soldiers,  old  men, 
and  merchants  are  specified  amongst  those  who  attended  the  instruc- 
tion of  Libanius,  particularly  in  those  initiatory  classes  which  were 
taught  in  private.^  In  individuals  of  this  description,  natives  of  North 
Britain  Avill  not  fail  to  recognize  the  historical  prototype  of  those 
Celtic  Catos,  who  may  be  seen  commencing  Greek  at  fourscore  in  the 
junior  classes  of  a Scotch  University. 

62  This  subordinate  position  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts  was  not  only 
put  an  end  to,  but  completely  reversed  in  the  changes  which  took 
place  in  the  University  system  at  the  great  revival  of  letters  in  the 
fifteenth  century.  The  zeal  for  the  new  world  of  learned  research 


1.  Bulacus  Hist.  Univ.  Par.  I,  p.  97.  See  also  Huber  Hi.st.  of  the  English  Universities,  T,  p. 
31,  sqq.  In  Paris  only  those  Masters  of  Arts  who  lectured  on  Logic,  Physics,  and  Metaphysics 
iu  the  Rue  de  la  Fouarre  were  recognized  as  true  regents.  Those  who  taught  grammar  were 
not  considered  as  posses.sing  this  character.  (Crevier  Hist,  de  I’Universite  de  Paris  lA'^,  p.  248.) 

2.  Hist,  of  the  English  Universities,  I,  p.  31. 

3.  Savigny  Uesch.  des  R.  R.  im  Mittelalter,  III,  p.  220. 

4.  Photius  Pibl.  p.  110,  Hoesch.  5.  Rcisk.  ad  Orat.  Trpos  TIoKvk'a  init. 


niSTOUlCAL  DJiVELOl’MENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION.  5Q9 

opened  bj  the  discovery  of  the  remains  of  the  choicest  and  most 
fruitful  period  of  the  past,  caused  almost  every  other  department  of 
academic  stu  ly  to  be  thrown  into  temporary  oblivion  and  neglect. 
Learning,  which,  in  a merely  polyhistoric  and  accumulative  form,  it 
is  true,  showed  itself  most  strongly  in  the  decliiiing  glories  of  the  old 
world,  has  ever  been  the  inseparable  accompaniment  of  the  highest 
genius,  and  the  most  fruitful  originality  in  the  new.  The  age  of  Char- 
lemagne, of  Petrarca,  and  of  Lessing  abound  in  memorable  exam- 
ples of  the  truth  of  this  assertion.  At  each  of  these  epochs  the  re- 
mains of  antiquity  were  searched  into  with  an  indescribable  fervor 
of  enthusiasm,  not  merely  for  the  information  they  contained,  in 
which  case  their  utility  would  soon  luive  been  exhausted,  but  as  sug- 
gesting eternal  principles  of  thought  and  action  — as  a revelation  for 
the  noblest  life  of  intellect.  In  the  days  of  Erasmus  and  the  Reforma- 
tion the  profession  of  the  scholar  was  either  openly  eml^raced,  or  vir- 
tually followed  by  all  the  most  richly  endowed  and  masterly  intellects 
of  the  time ; and  the  chairs  of  philology  became  in  fact  the  most  im- 
portant portions  of  the  whole  University  course  of  instruction.  The 
.more  elevated  and  academical  character  assumed  by  this  subject,  to- 
gether with  the  greater  perfection  to  which  the  lower  stages  of  the 
educational  system  were  gradually  brought  caused  throughout  the  con- 
tinent the  removal  from  the  University  of  the  entire  preparatory 
course,  v/hich  was  henceforward  completed  within  the  collegiate 
schools.’  Classical  learning,  as  the  most  comprehensive  and  rigidly 
exact  of  all  the  sciences  which  deal  witli  the  results  of  time,  became 
the  very  left  arm  of  Philosophy  and  academic  instruction,  but  its 
study  in  the  University  was  confined  to  those  who  intended  to  em- 
brace philology  as  a profession. 


1 See  discussions,  &c.,  by  Sir  William  Hamilton,  p.  410. 


510 


mSTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


Notes — On  Superior  Instruction  in  Ancient  Times. 

MUSEUM  OP  ALEXANDRIA. 

The  building  was  situated  in  the  quarter  of  Alexandria  called  the  Brj-chion, 
and  formed  together  with  the  library  a part  of  the  Royal  Palace.  That  these 
appointments  possessed  something  of  the  snug  and  luxurious  character  at- 
taching to  collegiate  appointments  in  England  may  be  concluded  from  the 
words  of  Timon,  the  sceptic  and  sillograph  (Athenaeus  I,  41),  where  he  describes 
the  members  of  this  society  as  “ fed  in  the  fattening  cage  of  the  INIuses.”  (Bdo-- 
Kovrai  MoDcrewj/  ev  raXapw.).  The  Museum  was  thoroughly  regarded  in  the  light 
of  an  important  institution  of  the  state,  and  after  the  subjugation  of  Egypt  by 
the  Romans  continued  to  be  maintained  by  the  Emperors. 

Poets  also,  as  well  as  scholars  and  men  of  science,  were  attached  to  the  kvkXo^, 
or  society  of  the  Museum,  though  probably  more  as  a species  of  literary  pension- 
ers than  as  constituting  a part  of  the  regular  staff  of  the  institution.  In  Boeckh. 
(Corpus  Inscr.  Gr.  Pars  XXIX.  Sect.  III.  47,  48,)  an  ’OpnpiKog  notrjSns  ek  Mod- 
cEiov  is  mentioned.  Under  the  later  Emperors  persons  who  did  not  reside  in 
Alexandria  were  also  appointed  members.  Griifenhahn  G.  d.  Cl.  Litt.  III.  p. 
51.  Zumpt  iiber  den  Bestand  der  philosoph.  Schulen  in  Athen.  p.  20.  Anm.  4. 

Certain  learned  festivals  were  regularly  celebrated  in  the  Museum,  and  bore 
apparently  some  analogy  to  the  Commemorations  of  the  English  Universities. 
It  was  on  some  annually  recurring  occasion  of  this  kind  that  the  writings  of  the 
Emperor  Claudius  were  publicly  read.  Suet.  vit.  Claud,  c.  42.  Celebrations  of 
this  nature  seem,  indeed,  not  to  have  been  unusual  in  the  academic  life  of  the 
ancients.  Even  the  tinSei^Eis  of  the  Sophists  were  succeeded  by  a half  holiday. 
See  Liban.  npdg  rag  Tov  zaicaywyov  ,8\aa^ripiag,  p.  281. 

LITERARY  CLUBS  AND  FEASTS  IN  ANCIENT  GREECE. 

The  aovoSoi,  cvprrdcna  and  crvaatria  of  the  philosophers,  like  those  politically  es- 
tablished in  certain  states  of  Greece,  arose  out  of  the  conception  of  the  most  perfect 
and  entire  intimacy  of  friendship  amongst  the  individuals  of  whom  they  were 
composed.  In  the  words  of  Plutarch,  such  an  association  was  regarded  as  a <5«a- 
yuyti  eig  fiXiap  vtto  TeXsvreiaa.  It  was  designed  at  oiice  to  ratify,  and 

express  a degree  of  attachment  which  had  ripened  into  a union  like  that  of  actual 
brotherhood.  Every  such  society  was  founded  upon  a supposed  relationship  of 
its  various  members  ; and  like  the  family  circle  composed  a species  of  little  state 
(Midler’s  Dorians,  II.  p.  237).  Associations  of  this  nature  particularly  abounded 
in  Thebes,  and  in  this  circumstance  we  may  very  possibly  recognise  a trace  of 
tlie  Pythagorean  influences  which,  we  know,  were  at  all  times  particularly  pow- 
erful in  that  city.  (See  Polyb.  Er.  libri  XX.  c.  G.  6.  cited  by  Zumpt  iiber  den 
Bestand  der  philosoph.  Schulen  in  Athen  p.  15.)  So  powerful  was  this  striving 
after  the  strictest  and  closest  forms  of  social  life  in  the  ancient  schools  of  philoso- 
p>hy,  that  attempts  were  made  to  cement  their  union  with  each  other  by  ties  and 
interests  of  a still  stronger,  more  permanent,  and  more  unmistakeabl}^  domestic 
nature.  Aristotle  and  Epicurus  in  their  wills  both  expressed  a desire  that  their 
daughters,  and  those  who  held  in  their  affections  an  equivalent  position,  should 
be  given  in  marriage  to  one  of  the  academic  fraternity.  Diogen.  Laert.  V.  9- 
X.  17. 


HISTORICAL  DEYELOWIENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


511 


The  ancient  Greeks  seem  not  to  have  yielded  to  the  modern  English  in  their 
partiality  foi-  the  principle  of  public  dinners.  Every  regularly  recurring  event 
of  national  importance,  every  association  for  the  accomplishment  of  some  worthy 
common  end  warmed  into  a tone  of  kindly  good  fellowship  {(piXocppoauvi/r],)  and 
easy  familiarity,  by  being  frequently  commemorated  in  small  assemblages  of  a 
convivial  description.  Athenaeus  (Deipnosopli.  V,  2)  enumerates  whole  classes 
of  public  cvp.n6(xia  (<pvX£TtKd,  dtipoTiKa  Qiaaoi,  (pparpcKu,  opycwviKa)  which  are  de- 
scribed as  regularly  instituted  by  their  wisest  legislators  and  statesmen.  The 
philosophers  one  and  all  recognized  this  national  usage  as  furnishing  a means 
for  the  accomplishment  of  the  noblest  and  most  exalted  ends,  and  the  avadhia 
were  adopted  in  every  variety  of  form  as  one  of  the  most  important  and  effective 
elements  of  their  system  of  academic  education.  The  crvpTrdcia  referred  to  a little 
farther  on  in  the  text  seem  to  have  been  composed  of  the  mass  of  the  students, 
whose  number  of  course  was  too  great  to  permit  of  their  constantly  dining  with 
each  other.  The  avaaina  on  the  other  hand  seem  to  have  been  embraced  only 
the  seniors,  and  so  to  say  the  graduates  of  the  school  (ol  (Tvp(pi\ocro(povvT£s,  avcy^o- 
\d^ovT£i.  Plut.  symposiac.  p.  677),  who  acted  as  assistants,  and  as  a species  of 
deliberative  assembly  in  concert  with  the  chief  of  the  sect.  The  discussions 
which  took  place  on  these  occasions  exhibited  philosophy  in  its  lighter,  gayer, 
more  genial,  and  more  versatile  moods  (Plutarch  symposiac,  I,  pp.  563.  614). 
Questions  Avere  proposed,  not  of  a knotty  and  abstruse  nature,  but  such  as  gave 
play  to  ingenuity,  wit,  and  high  bred  elegance  of  mind.  It  was  to  one  of  those 
parties  that  the  compliment  addressed  by  Tiinotheus  to  Plato  “ vcstrae  coenae 
non  solum  in  praescntia,  sed  etiam  postero  die  jucundae  sunt”  (Cic.  Tusc.  Y. 
100.  Plut.  symposiac.  init.)  had  reference.  The  significance  of  the  symposia, 
as  a prominent  part  of  the  institutions  designed  to  promote  the  moral  discipline 
of  the  ancient  schools,  may  be  gathered  from  the  number  of  writings  in  which 
a similar  artistic  form  has  been  selected  as  the  most  suitable  vehicle  for  the  com- 
munication of  the  highest  and  most  vitally  momentous  doctrines  of  philosophy 
(Plutarch  symposiac.  I.  p.  612). 

The  minor  regulations  observed  in  these  meetings  probably  differed  with  each 
of  the  leading  philosophical  sects.  Some  particulars  of  the  code  of  rules  adhered 
to  by  the  Peripatetics  on  certain  occasions  of  this  kind  are  alluded  to  in  Athe- 
naeus Deipnosoph.  XII.  p.  547.  We  are  there  informed  that  the  individual  ap- 
pointed to  superintend  the  moral  conduct  of  the  younger  members  of  the  sect  re- 
mained in  office  for  the  space  of  one  month,  and  when  about  to  resign  his 
authority  into  the  hands  of  his  successor  invited  those  over  whom  he  had  pre- 
sided to  a banquet  to  which  nine  obols  were  contributed  by  each  of  the  guests. 
Strangers  and  older  members  of  the  school  were  not  unfrequently  entertained 
on  these  occasions.  From  the  accounts  given  by  Athenaeus  and  Aulus  Gellius 
the  repast  seems  to  have  been  of  the  most  simple  and  frugal  description  (Noct. 
Att.  XII.  8.  Athen.  Deipnos.  Xj»14).  Under  Lycon  however  (Athen.  XII.  p.  69) 
it  became  so  preposterously  extravagant  and  luxui'ious  as  quite  to  defeat  the 
purposes  of  such  an  institution,  the  sum  contributed  not  sufficing  to  provide 
even  perfumes  and  garlands  for  the  banquet.  With  Menedemus  the  opposite 
extreme  prevailed  to  such  a degree  that  it  became- necessary  for  the  company  to 
take  the  precaution  of  dining  before  hand  (Diog.  Laert.  II.  15).  This  arrange- 
ment, it  need  hardly  be  mentioned,  was  received  with  intense  disgust  on  the  part 
of  the  public  [Kar£<ppov£XTO  Kvoiv  Kai  \fjpos  vtto  rdv  ’Ep£r/3i£coz/  aKovwv). 

Three  several  associations  of  this  nature  were  in  existence  amongst  the  Stoics. 
The  Antipatristae,  Diogenistae,  and  Panaetiastae  (Athen.  Y.  2.  p.  146),  so 


512  IIISrOPvICAL  DEVELOPMEXT  OP  SUPEPvIOIl  INSTRUCTION. 

called  from  the  successive  masters  of  the  school,  Antipater  of  Tarsus,  Diogenes 
of  Babylon,  and  Panaetius  of  Rhodes,  (Zumpt  iiber  den  Bestand  der  philosoph. 
Schulen  in  Athen  p.  15.)  At  the  Halcyonea,  a feast  in  memory  of  Halcyonens, 
sonot  Antigonus  Gonatas,  for  which  funds  were  supplied  by  that  monarch,  phi- 
losophers of  all  sects  met  together.  The  duty  of  entertaining  the  company  seems 
to  have  been  annually  taken  in  turn  by  the  heads  of  each.  (Diogen.  Laert.  IV. 
41,  and  V.  68.  quoted  by  Zumpt  iiber  den  B.  der  ph.  Sch.  in  Athen  p.  16.) 

The  younger  members  of  the  various  schools  were,  as  before  mentioned,  fre- 
quently invited  to  assemblies  of  this  description  at  the  house  of  the  head  of  the  sect 
(Aul.  Gell.  ^oct.  Att.  XVII.  8).  Much  of  course  here  depended  upon  the  social 
gifts  and  graces  of  the  academic  Amphitryon,  and  something  likewise  upon  the 
refinement  and  spiiitual  mindedness  of  his  guests.  The  philosopher  Meuedemus 
was  in  the  habit  of  asking  two  or  three  of  the  cla.ss  to  dinner,  and  inviting  the 
rest  for  the  evening.  Wary  and  experienced  seniors,  it  is  said,  contrived  to 
hang  about  the  door,  and  obtain  information  from  the  first  comers  with  reference 
to  the  nature  of  the  repast  which  awaited  them,  incontinently  disappearing  from 
the  scene,  unless  undoubted,  and  most  trustworthy  assurances  of  a hot  substan- 
tial supper  were  obtained.  (Athen.  Deipn.  X.  15.) 

Similar  associations  existed  to  a very  considerable  extent  amongst  the  younger 
portion  of  the  various  philosophic  sects  (convivia  juvenum).  They  appear  to 
have  borne  a much  greater  resemblance  to  the  Commcrschen  and  Burschenschaften 
of  German  students  at  the  present  day  than  to  the  regular  hall  dinners  of  Eng- 
lish Universities.  Aulus  Gellius  tells  us  that  the  young  Romans  who  studied 
the  same  subjects,  and  attended  the  same  instructors  in  Athens  (qui  Romani  in 
Graeciam  veneramus,  quique  easdem  auditiones  cosdemque  doctores  colebamus) 
formed  a sort  of  club,  and  regularly  dined  together  once  a week  (hebdomadibus 
lunae  Xoct.  Att  XVIII.  4),  and  on  feast  days.  Here  the  office  of  avinroaCap^os 
went  through  the  whole  body  in  rotation]  questions  of  a lighter  nature  were  dis- 
cussed, prizes  given,  fines  imposed,  and  the  sum  thus  collected  served  in  part  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  next  coenacula  (XVIII.  13). 

No  ancient  writer  furnishes  so  distinct,  and  at  the  same  time  so  joyous  and 
genial  a picture  of  the  ancient  academic  life  of  Athens  as  the  one  we  have  just 
referred  to.  The  simple  and  innocent  enjoyments  of  his  University  period  seems 
in  the  case  of  Aulus  Gellius  to  have  given  a lasting  tinge  to  the  whole  of  the 
after  existence  of  the  man.  He  descants  with  infinite  delight  upon  the  jDleasant 
evening  parties,  at  the  house  of  Taurus  (Noct.  Att.  XVII.  8),  with  his  lively  and 
quick  witted  Athenian  famulus,  on  the  tone  of  modesty  and  cheerful  enjoyment 
(hilarc  et  modcstam),  which  gave  relish  to  the  simple  repast,  and  the  sailing  par- 
ties on  the  Aegean  between  Athens  and  Aegina  during  deliciously  soft  summer 
evenings  in  the  companionship  of  youthful  friends  and  as.sociates.  (Nox  fuit  et 
clemcns  mare,  et  anni  aestes  coelumque  liquidc  screnum.  Sedebamus  ergo  in 
puppi  universi,  et  lucentia  sidera  considerabamfis.) 

The  avcraiTiov  of  Plato,  we  are^  told,  consisted  of  twenty-eight  (Athenaens 
Deipnosoph.  I.  7).  That  of  the  Peripatetics,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  wills  of 
Theophrastus,  Strato,  and  Lycon,  appears  at  first  to  have  comprised  only  ten 
members.  Not  only  buildings,  but  furniture  and  plate  [(jTpwpara  koX  itorfipia) 
are  often  mentioned  as  bequeathed  to  the  societies  thus  constituted  (Diog.  Laert. 
V.  2,  3.  4.  9.) 


DETELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


513 


SCHOOL  OF  PROTAGORAS  AT  ATHENS. 

Protagoras  came  to  the  bright  city  with  the  profession  of  teaching  “the. 
political  art  ” ; and  the  young  flocked  around  him.  They  flocked  to  him,  be  it 
observ^ed  not  because  he  promised  them  entertainment  or  novelty,  such  as  the 
theatre  might  promise,  and  a people  proverbially  fickle  and  curious  might 
exact ; nor,  on  the  other  hand,  had  he  any  definite  recompense  to  hoid  out, — a 
degree,  for  instance,  or  a snug  fellowship,  or  an  India  writership,  or  a place  in 
the  civil  service.  He  offered  them  just  the  sort  of  inducement,  which  carries  off 
a man  now  to  a conveyancer,  or  a medical  practitioner,  or  an  engineer, — he 
engaged  to  prepare  them  for  the  line  of  life  which  they  had  chosen  as  their  own, 
and  to  prepare  them  better  than  Hippias  or  Prodicus,  who  were  at  Athens  with 
him  Whether  he  was  really  able  to  do  this,  is  another  thing  altogether ; or 
rather  it  makes  the  argument  stronger,  if  he  w^ere  unable;  for,  if  the  very 
promise  of  knowledge  was  so  potent  a spell,  what  would  have  been  its  real 
possession  1 

But  now  let  us  hear  the  state  of  the  case  from  the  mouth  of  Hippocrates  him- 
self,— the  youth,  who  in  his  eagerness  woke  Socrates,  himself  a young  man  at  the 
time,  while  it  was  yet  dark,  to  tell  him  that  Protagoras  was  come  to  Athens. 
“ When  we  had  supped,  and  were  going  to  bed,”*  he  says,  “then  my  brother 
tol#  me  that  Protagoras  was  arrived,  and  my  first  thought  was  to  come  and  see 
you  immediately  ; but  afterwards  it  appeared  to  me  too  late  at  night.  As  soon, 
however,  as  sleep  had  refreshed  me,  up  I got,  and  came  here.”  “ And  I,”  con- 
tinued Socrates,  giving  an  account  of  the  conversation,  “ knowing  his  earnest- 
ness and  excitability,  said  : ‘ What  is  that  to  you  1 does  Protagoras  do  you  any 
haiTO  ? * He  laughed  and  said  : ‘ That  he  does,  Socrates ; because  he  alone  is 
wise,  and  does  not  make  me  so.’  ‘ Nay,’  said  I,  ‘ do  you  give  him  money 
enough,  and  he  will  make  you  wise  too.’  ‘ O Jupiter  and  ye  gods,’  he  made 
answer,  ‘ that  it  depended  upon  that,  for  I would  spare  nothing  of  my  own,  or 
of  my  friends’  property  either ; and  I have  now  come  to  you  for  this  very  pur. 
pose,  to  get  you  to  speak  to  him  in  my  behalf.  For,  besides  that  I am  too 
young,  I have  never  yet  seen  Protagoras,  or  heard  him  speak ; for  I was  but  a 
boy  when  he  came  before.  However,  all  praise  him,  Socrates,  and  say  that  he 
has  the  greatest  skill  in  speaking.  But  why  do  we  not  go  to  him,  that  we  may 
find  him  at  home  'i  ” 

They  went  on  talking  till  the  light ; and  then  they  set  out  for  the  house  of 
Callias,  where  Protagoras,  with  others  of  his  own  calling,  was  lodged.  There 
they  found  him  pacing  up  and  down  the  portico,  with  his  host  and  others,  among 
whdm,  on  one  side  of  him,  was  a son  of  Pericles  (his  father  being  at  this  time  in 
power),  while  another  son  of  Pericles,  with  another  party,  was  on  the  other.  A 
party  followed,  chiefly  of  foreigners,  whom  Protagoras  had  “bewitched,  like 
Orpheus,  by  his  voice.”  On  the  opposite  side  of  the  portico  sat  Hippias,  Avith  a 
bench  of  youths  before  him,  Avho  were  asking  him  questions  in  physics  and 
astronomy.  Prodicus  was  still  in  bed,  with  some  listeners  on  sofas  round  him. 
The  house  is  described  as  quite  full  of  guests.  Such  is  the  sketch  given  us  of 
this  school  of  Athens,  as  there  represented.  I do  not  enter  on  the  question,  as 

*Protagor\s  was  bom  at  Abdera  in  Thrace,  about  440  B.  C.,  and  was  the  first  who  adopted 
the  name  of  Sophist  and  taught  for  pay.  He  traveled  through  Greece  teaching  oratory  and 
politics  as  an  art.  During  one  of  his  visits  to  Athens,  having  taught  that  he  did  not  know 
whether  the  gods  existed  or  not,  he  was  banished  from  the  state,  and  his  books  were  burned, 
in  the  market  place. 


514 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


I have  already  said,  whether  the  doctrine  of  these  Sophists,  as  they  are  called, 
was  true  or  false ; more  than  very  partially  true  it  could  not  be,  whether  in 
morals  or  in  physics,  from  the  circumstances  of  the  age;  it  is  sufficient  that  it- 
powerfully  interested  the  hearers*.  We  see  what  it  was  that  filled  the  Athenian 
lecture-halls  and  porticos ; not  the  fashion  of  the  day,  not  the  patronage  of  the 
great,  not  pecuniary  prizes,  but  the  reffutation  of  talent  and  the  desire  of  know- 
ledge,— ambition,  if  you  will,  personal  attachment,  but  not  an  influence,  poli- 
tical or  other,  external  to  the  School.  “ Such  Sophists,”  says  Mr.  Grote, 
referring  to  the  passage  in  Plato,  “had  nothing  to  recorrtmend  them  except  superior 
Icnowledge  and  intellectual  fame,  combined  Avith  an  imposing  personality,  making 
itself  felt  in  the  lectures  and  conversation.” — Newman’s  Rise  of  Universities. 

DIOGENES,  CAIINEADES,  AND  CRITOLAUS  AT  ROME. 

In  Rome.  Greek  literature  and  philosophy  had  to  encounter  at  first  the  direct 
opposition  of  the  ruling  party  in  the  state,  and  of  the  hereditary  and  popular 
sentiment.  The  story  goes,  that  when  the  Greek  treatises  which  Numa  had 
had  buried  with  him,  were  accidentally  brought  to  light,  the  Romans  had 
burned  them,  from  the  dread  of  such  knowledge  coming  into  fashion.  At  a 
later  date  decrees  passed  the  Senate  for  the  expulsion  from  the  city,  first  of 
philosophers,  then  of  rhetoricians,  who  were  gaining  the  attention  of  the  ri^ng 
generation.  A second  decree  was  passed  some  time  afteiwards  to  the  same 
effect,  assigning,  in  its  vindication,  the  danger,  which  existed,  of  young  men 
losing,  by  means  of  these  new  studies,  their  taste  for  the  military  profession. 

Such  was  the  nascent  conflict  between  the  old  rule  and  policy  of  Rome,  and 
the  aAvakening  intellect,  at  the  time  of  that  celebrated  embassy  of  the  three 
philosophers,  Diogenes  the  Stoic,  Carneades  the  Academic,  and  Critolaus  the 
Peripatetic,  sent  to  Rome  from  Athens  on  a political  affair.  Whether  the}’’ 
were  as  skillful  in  diplomacy  as  they  Avere  zealous  in  their  own  particular  line, 
need  not  here  be  determined  ; any  hoAv,  they  lengthened  out  their  stay  at  Rome, 
and  employed  themselves  in  giving  lectures.  “ Those  among  the  youth,”  says 
Plutarch,  “ who  had  a taste  for  literature  went  to  them,  and  became  their  con- 
stant and  enthusiastic  hearers.  Especially,  the  graceful  eloquence  of  Carneades, 
Avhich  had  a reputation  equal  to  its  talent,  secured  large  and  favorable  audiences, 
and  Avas  noised  about  the  city.  It  was  reported  that  a Greek,  with  a perfectly 
astounding  poAver  both  of  interesting  and  of  commanding  the  feelings,  was 
kindling  in  the  youth  a most  ardent  emotion,  Avliich  possessed  them,  to  the 
neglect  of  their  ordinary  indulgences  and  amusements,  with  a sort  of  rage  for 
philosophy.”  Upon  this,  Cato  took  up  the  matter  upon  the  traditionary 
ground ; he  represented  that  the  civil  and  military  interests  of  Rome  were  sure 
to  suffer,  if  such  tastes  became  popular ; and  he  exerted  himself  with  such  effect, 
that  the  three  philosophers  wei’e  sent  off  with  the  least  possible  delay,  “to 
return  home  to  their  own  schools,  and  in  future  to  confine  their  lessons  to 
Greek  boys,  leaving  the  youth  of  Rome,  as  heretofore,  to  listen  to  the  magis- 
trates and  the  laws.”  The  pressure  of  the  government  was  successful  at  the 
moment;  but  ultimately  the  cause  of  education  prevailed.  Schools  were 
gradually  founded ; first  of  grammar,  in  the  large  sense  of  the  word,  then  of 
rhetoric,  then  of  mathematics,  then  of  philosophy,  and  then  of  medicine,  though 
their  order  of  introduction,  one  with  another,  is  not  altogether  clear.  At  length 
the  Emperors  secured  the  interests  of  letters  by  an  establishment,  which  has 
lasted  to  this  day  in  the  Roman  University,  now  called  Sapienza.-— Newman. 


THE  EARLIEST  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  * 

The  earliest  Christian  school  or  formal  gathering  of  young  per- 
sons for  instruction  in  the  principles  and  practice  of  Christianity,  is 
traced  back  to  the  apostle  Mark  at  Alexandria,  then  one  of  the 
most  populous  and  influ^tial  centers  of  Roman  power  and  Grecian 
thought,  in  the  year  10  of  Nero’s  reign,  and  GO  of  the  Christian 
Era.  Its  beginning  was  not  with  children,  but  an  adult  in  the  house 
of  the  cobbler  Anianus,  whose  hospitality  to  the  apostle  was  re- 
warded by  direct  oral  explanation  of  the  Gospel,  which  he  held  in 
hand,  and  written  by  himself,  in  the  Greek  language,  of  the  life  and 
teachings  of.  Jesus  Christ.  To  the  systems  of  philosophy,  and  the 
sciences  then  taught  in  the  schools  of  Athens  and  Ptolemy  Soter, 
was  added,  not  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  (for  they  were  alread}^  to  be 
found  translated  into  Greek,  in  the  Library  of  the  Museum),  but  the 
Gospel  according  to  Mark,  the  Creed,  the  Liturgy,  and  the  ecclesi- 
astical Chant — and  the  inculcation  and  illustration  of  these  elements 
and  agencies  of  a higher  spiritual  culture  than  had  yet  been  reached 
in  individual  or  social  life  in  the  most  advanced  civilization.  By 
degrees  the  instruction,  which  was  first  directed  to  rooting  out  false 
principles  and  erroneous  habits,  and  in  the  exposition  of  the  wish- 
ing aims  and  methods  of  the  new  faith — addressed  to  men  and 
women  as  well  as  children,  for  all  were  children  in  respect  to  their 
knowledge — absorbed  all  branches  of  learning  then  or  afterwards 
cultivated  in  the  schools  of  the  country  where  Christianity  obtained 
a foothold,  and  Christian  families  existed,  and  children  were  not 
only  to  be  converted  but  to  be  educated.  To  the  direct  religious 
and  catechetical  teaching  of  the  apostle,  and  his  companions  and 
successors  down  to  179,  Panta3nus,  a former  stoic,  whose  eloquence 
had  earned  him  the  title  of  the  Sicilian  Bee,  arid  his  pupil  Clement, 
who  is  said  to  “ have  visited  all  lands,  and  studied  in  all  schools, 

* For  material  for  this  and  subsequent  articles  on  the  same  subject,  we  have  drawn  freely  from 
Christian  Schools  and  Scholars,  or  Sketches  of  Education  from  the  Christian  Era  to  the  Council 
of  Trent.  London  : Longman,  1867. 

(515) 


616 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


in  search  of  truth,”  add  a wider  range  of  studies  to  enforce  and  il- 
lustrate and  dispense  with  attendance  on  other  schools.  Their  suc- 
cessor, the  celebrated  Origen,  in  a letter  to  Gregory  Thaumaturgus, 
his  own  pupil,  thus  speaks  of  the  sciences  of  the  day.  “ They  are 
to  be  used  so  that  they  may  contribute  to  the  understanding  of  the 
Scriptures;  for  just  as  philosophers  are  accustomed  to  say  that 
geometry,  music,  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  astronomy,  all  dispose  us 
to  the  study  of  philosophy,  so  we  may  say  that  philosophy,  rightly 
studied,  disposes  us  to  the  study  of  Christianity.  We  are  permit- 
ted, when  we  go  out  of  Egypt,  to  carry  with  us  the  riches  of  the 
Egyptians,  wherewith  to  adorn  the  tabernacle ; only  let  us  beware 
how  we  reverse  the  process,  and  leave  Israel  to  go  down  into  Egypt 
and  seek  for  treasure.”  To  Origen  the  school  of  Alexandria  owes 
the  computum  (used  frequently  in  descriptions  of  the  curriculum 
of  church  schools  to  signify  an  elementary  knowledge  of  arith- 
metic), or  such  knowledge  of  arithmetic  and  astronomy,  as  was 
necessary  to  calculate  the  time  of  Easter.  The  method  was 
taught  to  Origen  by  Hippolitus,  an  Alexandrian  by  birth,  and 
the  spiritual  son  of  the  apostle  John.  Under  Origen,  who 
took  charge  of  the  Catechetical  school  of  Alexandria  in  the 
year  211,  and  continued  in  it  with  little  interruption  for  twenty 
years,  the  school  became  a type  of  similar  schools,  until  under  im- 
perial authority,  the  Christian  faith  became  a recognized  branch  of 
liberal  study  in  the  public  schools.  He  taught  his  pupils  in  suc- 
cession the  different  branches  of  philosophy  ; logic  in  order  to  ex- 
ercise their  minds,  and  enable  them  to  discern  true  reasoning  from 
sophistry  ; physics,  that  they  might  understand  and  admire  the 
works  of  God ; geometry,  which  by  its  clear  and  indisputable  de- 
monstrations serves  as  a basis  for  the  science  of  thought ; astron- 
omy to  lift  their  hearts  from  earth  to  heaven  ; and  finally — philos- 
ophy, which  did  not  end  in  empty  speculations,  but  took  hold  of 
practical  duties  and  eternal  life. 

TEACHINGS  OF  ORIGEN  AT  ALEXANDRIA  AND  CiESAREA. 

With  Origen,  as  the  erudite  Biblical  scholar  and  stanch  defender 
of  Christianity  against  Greek,  Roman,  and  Hebrew  assailants,  when 
to  be  its  avowed  defender  was  to  encounter  wit,  argument,  elo- 
quence, and  arms,  in  their  supreme  authority — we  have  here  noth- 
ing to  do — but  simply  with  this  learned  and  God-led  man  as  the 
head-master  of  a Christian  School — the  earliest  and  best  of  the  pe- 
riod. Of  his  aims,  subjects  and  methods  of  teaching,  we  have  an 
authentic  account  in  an  oration  by  one  of  his  scholars,  Theodore, 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS 


517 


better  known  by  his  Christian  name  already  cited,  of  Gregory 
Thaiimaturgus,  who,  with  his  brother  Athenodorus,  became  ac- 
quainted with  Origen  at  Caesarea,  on  their  way  from  Cappadoeia  to 
Ber.ytus  (modern  Bey  rout),  to  study  Roman  jurisprudenee — having 
already  made  some  progress  in  rhetoric.  They  were  induced  to  re- 
main with  him  five  years  at  Caesarea  and  Alexandria.  The  follow- 
ing running  commentary,  and  extracts  from  the  Oratio  Panegy- 
rica”  of  St.  Gregory,  is  taken  from  an  essay  in  the  Dublin  Review 
on  the  Christian  Schools  of  Alexandria,  slightly  abridged.  The  ex- 
tracts from  the  oration,  where  literal,  are  quoted. 

First  of  all,  then,  the  scholar  was  not  of  an  emphatically  philosophic  cast  of 
mind.  The  Greek  philosophers  were  absolutely  unknown  to  him.  He  was  a 
rich  and  clever  young  man,  bade  fair  to  be  a good  speaker,  studied  the  law  not 
because  he  liked  it,  but  because  his  friends  and  his  master  wished  it;  thought 
the  Latin  language  very  imperial,  but  very  difficult;  and  had  a habit  of  taking 
up  what  opinions  he  did  adopt  more  after  the  manner  of  clothes  that  he  could 
change  as -he  pleased  than  as  immutable  truths.  He  was  of  a warm  and  af- 
fectionate disposition,  and  had  a keen  appreciation  of  physical  and  moral  beauty. 
He  was  not  without  leanings  to  Christianity,  but  he  leaned  to  it  in  an  easy,  off- 
hand sort  of  way,  as  he  might  have  leaned  to  a new  school  in  poetry  or  a 
new  style  of  dress.  He  had  no  idea  that  there  is  such  a thing  as  the  absolutely 
right  and  the  absolutely  wrong  in  ethics  any  more  than  in  taste.  He  was  con- 
firmed in  this  state  of  mind  by  the  philosophic  schools  of  the  day,  among  whom 
it  was  considered  disreputable  to  change  one’s  opinions,  however  good  the  rea- 
sons for  a change  might  be;  which  was  to  degrade  philosophy  from  truth  to  the 
mere  spirit  of  part}’-,  and  to  make  a philosopher  not  a lover  of  wisdom,  but  a 
volunteer  of  opinion.  So  prepared  and  constituted,  the  scholar,  on  his  way  to 
Berytu.s,  fell  in  with  Origen,  not  so  much  by  accident  as. by  the  disposition  of 
Providence  and  the  guidance  of  his  angel  guardian;  so  at  least  he  thought 
himself.  The  first  process  which  he  went  through  at  the  hands  of  the  master 
is  compared  by  the  scholar  to  be  catching  of  a beast,  or  a bird,  or  a fish,  in  a 
net.  Philosophizing  had  small  charms  for  the  accomplished  young  man;  to 
philosophize  was  precisely  what  the  master  had  determined  he  should  do.  We 
must  remember  the  meaning  of  the  word  <pl\oco(pcTif  • it  meant  to  think,  act,  and 
live  as  a man  who  seeks  true  wisdom.  All  the  sects  acknowledge  this  theoret- 
ically; what  Clement  and  Origen  wanted  to  show,  among  other  things,  was 
that  only  a Christian  was  a true  philosopher  in  practice.  Hence  the  net  he 
spread  for  Theodore,  a net  of  words,  strong  and  not  to  be  broken. 

“ You  are  a clever  j'oung  man,”  he  seemed  to  say ; “ but  to  what  purpose  are 
your  accomplishments  and  your  journeys  hither  and  thither?  3'ou  can  not  an- 
swer me  the  simple  question,  Wl>o  are  jmu  ? You  are  going  to  study  the  laws 
of  Rome,  but  should  3mu  not  first  have  some  definite  notion  as  to  3mur  last 
end,  as  to  what  is  real  evil  and  what  is  real  good?  You  are  looking  forward 
to  enjo3'ment  from  your  wealth  and  honor  from  3'our  talents;  wh3’,  so  does 
every 'poor,  sordid,  creeping  mortal  on  the  earth;  so  even  do  the  brute  beasts. 
Surel3'-  the  divine  gift  of  reason  was  given  you  to  help  you  to  live  to  some 
higher  end  than  this.”  Tiie  scholar  hesitated,  the  master  insisted.  The  view 
was  striking  in  itself,  but  the  teacher’s  personal  gifts  made  it  strike  far  more  ef- 
fectuall3'.  ‘‘ He  was  a mixture,”  says  the  scholar,  “of  geniality,  persuasive- 
ness, and  compulsion.  I wanted  to  go  away,  but  could  not;  his  words  held 
me  like  a cord.”  The  3’’0ung  mad,  unsettled  as  his  mind  had  been,  yet  had  al- 
ways at  heart  believed  in  some  sort  of  Divine  Being.  Origen  completed  the 
conquest  of  his  intellect  by  showing  him  that  without  philosoph3%  that  is,  with-- 
out  correct  views  on  morality,  the  worship  of  God,  or  piety,  as  it  used  to  be 
called,  is  impossible.  And  yet  wisdom  and  eloquence  might  have  been  thrown 
away  here  as  in  so  many  other  cases,  had  not  another  influence,  imperious  and 
all-powerful,  been  all  this  time  rising  up  in  his  heart.  The  scholar  began  to 


518 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


love  the  master.  It  was  not  an  ordinary  love,  the  love  with  which  Origen  in- 
spired his  hearers.  It  was  an  intense,  almost  a fierce,  love  (we  are  almost 
translating  the  words  of  the  original),  a fitting  response  to  the  genuineness  and 
kindly  spirit  of  one  who  seemed  to  think  no  pains  or  kindness  too  great  to  win 
the  young  heart  to  true  morality,  and  thereby  to  the  worship  of  the  only  God — 
“ to  that  saving  word,”  says  St.  Gregory,  in  his  lofty  style,  ‘‘  which  alone  can 
teach  God-service,  which  to  whora.soever  it  comes  home  it  makes  a conquest  of 
them;  and  this  gift  God  seems  to  have  given  to  him,  beyond  all  men  now  in 
the  world.”  To  that  sacred  and  lovely  word,  therefore,  and  to  the  man  who 
was  its  interpreter  and  its  friend,  sprang  up  in  the  heart  of  the  scholar  a deep, 
inextinguishable  love.  For  that  he  abandoned  pursuits  and  studies  which  he 
had  hitherto  considered  indispensable;  for  tliat  he  left  the  “grand  ” laws  of 
Rome,  and  forsook  the  friends  he  had  left  at  home,  and  the  friends  that  were 
then  at  his  side.  “And  the  soul  of  Jonathan  was  knit  to  the  soul  of  David,” 
quotes  the  scholar,  noting  that  the  text  speaks  emphatically  of  the  union  of 
the  soul,  which  no  earthly  accidents  can  affect,  and  finding  a parallel  to  him- 
self in  Jonathan,  to  his  master  in  Davidj  the  wise,  the  holy,  and  the  strong. 
And  though  the  hour  for  parting  had  come,  the  moment  when  these  bonds  of 
the  soul  should  be  severed  would  never  come ! 

The  scholar  was  now  completely  in  the  hands  of  his  teacher — “as  a land,” 
he  says,  “ empty,  un|)roductive,  and  the  reverse  of  fertile,  saline  ” (like  the 
waste  lands  near  the  iNile),  “burnt  up.  stony,  drifted  with  sand;  yet  not  abso- 
lutely barren;  nay,  with  qualities  which  might  be  worth  cultivating,  but  which 
had  hitherto  been  left  without  tillage  or  care,  to  be  overgrown  witli  thorn  and 
thicket.”  He  can  hardly  make  enough  of  this  metaphor  of  land  and  cultiva- 
tion to  show  the  nature  of  the  work  that  the  teacher  had  with  his  mind.  We 
have  to  read  on  for  some  time  before  we  find  out  that  all  this  vigorous  grub- 
bing, plowing,  harrowing,  and  sowing,  represents  the  dialectical  training 
which  Origen  gave  liis  pupils,  such  pupils,  at  least,  as  tiiose  of  whom  Gregory 
Thaumaturgus  was  the  type.  In  fact,  the  dialectics  of  the  Platonists  and  their 
offshoots  is  very  inadequately  represented  by  the  modern  use  of  the  word 
logic.  It  seems  to  have  signified,  as  nearly  as  a short  definition  can  express 
it,  the  rectifying  the  ideas  of  the  mind  about  itself,  and  about  those  things  most 
intimately  connected  with  it.  A modern  student  takes  up  his  manual  of  logic, 
or  sits  down  in  his  class-room  with  his  most  important  ideas,  either  correct  and 
settled,  or  else  incorrect,  beyond  the  cure  of  logic.  At  Alexandria  manuals 
were  scarce,  and  the  ideas  of  the  converts  from  heathenism  were  so  utterly 
and  fundamentally  confused,  that  the  first  lessons  of  the  Christian  teacher  to 
an  educated  Greek  or  Syrian  necessarily  took  the  shape  of  a Socratic  discus- 
sion, or  a disquisition  on  principles.  And  so  the  scholar,  not  witliout  much 
amazement  and  ruffling  of  the  feeling.s,  found  the  field  of  his  mind  uncere- 
moniously cleared  out,  broken  up,  and  freshly  planted.  -But,  the  process  once 
complete,  the  result  was  worth  the  inconvenience. 

It  was  about  this  stage,  also,  that  the  master  insisted  on  a special  training  in 
natural  history  and  mathematics.  In  his  youth  Origen  had  been  educated,  as 
we  have  seen,  by  his  father  in  the  whole  circle  of  the  sciences  of  the  day. 
Such  an  education  was  possible  then,  though  impossible  now,  and  the  spirit  of 
Alexandrian  teaching  was  especially  attached  to  the  sciences  that  regarded 
numbers,  the  figure  of  the  earth,  and  nature.  The  schools  of  the  Greek  phi- 
losophers had  always  tolerated  these  sciences  in  their  own  precincts ;,  nay, 
most  of  the  schools  themselves  had  arisen  from  attempts  made  in  the  direction 
of  those  very  sciences,  and  few  of  them  had  attempted  to  distinguish  accu- 
rately between  physics  and  metaphysics.  Moreover,  geography,  astronomy, 
and  geometry,  were  the  peculiar  property  of  the  Museum,  for  Eratosthenes, 
Euclid,  Hipparchus,  and  Ptolemy  himself,  had  observed  and  taught  within  its 
walls.  Origen,  therefore,  would  not  be  likely  to  undervalue  tho.se  interesting- 
sciences  which  he  had  studied  with  his  father,  and  which  most  of  his  educated 
catechumens  were  more  or  less  acquainted,  and  puzzled,  or  delighted  witli. 

With  tliis  view  present  to  our  minds,  the  words  of  the  scholar  in  this  place 
are  very  significant.  “ By  these  two  studies,  geometry  and  astronomy,  he 
made  us  a path  toward  heaven.'^  The  three  words  that  Saint  Gregory  uses  in 
the  description  of  this  part  of  the  master’s  teaching  are  worth  noticing.  The 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


519 


first  is  Geometr}^,  which  is  taken  to  mean  everything  that  relates  to  the  earth’s 
surface.  Tlie  second  is  Astronomy,  which  treats  of  the  face  of  the  heavens. 
The  third  is  Physiology,  which  is  the  science  of  nature,  or  of  all  that  corned 
between  lieaveu  and  earth.  So  that  Origen’s  scientific  teaching  was  truly  en- 
cj'clopasdic.  He  was,  moreover,  an  experimental  philosoplier,  and  did  not 
merely  retail  the  theories  of  others.  He  analyzed  things  and  resolved  them 
into  their  elements  (their  “very  first”  elements,  says  the  scholar);  he  descant- 
ed on  the  multiform  changes  and  conversions  of  things,  partly  from  his  own 
discoveries,  and  gave  his  liearers  a rational  admiration  for  the  sacredness  and 
perfection  of  nature,  instead  of  a blind  and  stupid  bewilderment;  he  “carved 
on  their  minds  geometry  the  unquestionable,  so  dear  to  all,  and  astronomy  that 
searches  the  upper  air.” 

The  scholar  next  comes  to  the  most  strictly  etlncal  part  of  Origen’s  teaching. 
The  preliminary  dialectics  had  cleared  the  ground,  and  to  a certain  extent  re- 
planted it;  physics  made  the  process  more  easy,  pleasant,  and  complete;  but 
the  great  end  of  a philosophic  life  was  ethics,  that  is,  the  making  a man  good. 
The  making  of  a man  good  and  virtuous  seems  nowada3^s  a simple  matter,  as 
far  as  theory  is  concerned,  and  so  perhaps  it  is,  if  only  theory  and  principles  bo 
considered ; though  hioralitj  is  an  extensive  science,  and  one  that  is  not  mas- 
tered in  an  hour  or  a day.  But  in  Origen’s  day  a science  of  Christian  ethics 
did  not  exist.  The  teaching  of  the  Scripture  and  the  voice  of  the  pastors  was 
.sufficient,  doubtless,  for  the  guidance  of  the  faithful;  but  science  is  a different 
thing,  Such  a science  is  shadowed  out  to  us  by  the  scholar  in  the  record  we 
are  noticing.  * * The  only  virtues  mentioned  in  the  summary  of  Origen’s 
moral  teaching  given  by  St.  Gregory,  are  precisely  the  four  cardinal  virtues, 
prudence,  justice,  fortitude,  and  temperance  (of  St.  Thomas).  The  classifica- 
tion dates,  of  course,  from  the  Stoics,  but  the  circumstance  that  the  framework 
laid  down  by  a father  in  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  was  used  and 
completed  b\’-  another  father  in  the  thirteenth,  gives  the  earl}’-  father  an  un- 
doubted claim  to  be  considered  the  founder  of  Christian  ethics.  And  here  we 
lay  our  hands  on  one  of  the  earliest  instances  of  heathen  philosophy  being 
made  to  hew  wood  and  carry  water  for  Christian  theology.  The  division  of 
virtues  was  a good  one ; all  the  schools  pretended  to  teach  it ; but  the  distinct- 
ive boast  and  triumph  of  the  Christian  teacher  was  that  he  taught  true  pru- 
dence, true  justice,  fortitude,  and  temperance,  “not  such,”  says  the  scholar, 
“ as  the  other  philosophers  teach,  and  especially  the  moderns,  who  are  strong 
and  great  in  words;  he  not  only  talked  about  the  virtues,  but  exhorted  us  to 
practice  them ; and  he  exhorted  us  by  what  he  did  far  more  than  by  what  he 
said.”  And  here  the  scholar  takes  the  opportunity  of  recording  his  opinion 
about  “ the  other  ” philosophers,  now  that  he  has  had  a course  of  Origen’s 
training.  He  first  apologizes  to  them  for  hurting  their  feelings.  He  sa^^s  that, 
personally,  he  has  no  ill-will  against  them,  but  he  plainly  tells  them  that  things 
have  come  to  such  a pass,  through  their  conduct,  that  the  very  name  of  phi- 
losophy is  laughed  at.  And  he  goes  on  to  develop  what  appeared  to  him  the 
very  essence  of  their  faults,  viz.,  too  much  talk,  and  nothing  but  talTc.  Their 
teaching  is  like  a widely-extended  morass;  once  set  foot  in  it,  and  you  can 
neither  get  out  nor  go  on,  but  stick  fast  till  you  perish.  Or  it  is  like  a thick 
forest ; tlic  traveler  who  once  finds  himself  in  it,  has  no  chance  of  ever  getting 
back  to  the  open  fields  and  the  light  of  day,  but  gropes  about  backward  and 
forward,  first  trying  one  path,  then  another,  and  finding  they  all  lead  further 
in,  until  at  last,  wearied  and  desperate,  he  sits  down  and  dwells  in  the  forest, 
resolving  that  the  forest  shall  be  his  world,  since  all  the  world  seems  to  be  a 
forest.  This  i.s,  perhaps,  one  of  the  most  graphic  pictures  ever  given  of  the 
state  of  mind,  so  artificial,  so  unsatisfied,  and  yet  so  self-sufficient,  brought 
about  b}'  a specious  heathen  philosophy,  and  the  effect  of  enlightened  reason 
destitute  of  revelation.  The  scliolar  can  not  heighten  the  strength  of  his  de- 
scription b^  going  on  to  compare  it,  in  the  third  place,  to  a labyrinth.  “For 
there  is  no  labyrinth  so  hard  to  thread,”  sums  up  the  scholar,  “no  wood  so 
deep  and  thick,  no  bog  so  false  and  hopeles.s,  as  the  language  of  some  of  these 
philosophers.”  In  this  language  we  recognize  another  of  the  characteristic 
feelings  of  the  day — the  feeling  of  profound  disgust  for  the  highest  teachings 
of  heathenism  from  the  moment  the  soul  catches  a ray  of  the  light  of  the  Gos- 
pel. In  such  days  as  those,  sharp  comparisons  between  heathen  wisdom  and 


520 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


the  light  of  Christ  must  have  been  part  of  the  atmosphere  in  whicli  the  cate- 
chumens of  the  great  school  lived  and  breathed;  there  was  a reality  and  inte- 
rest in  them  such  as  can  never  be  again.  And  yet  the  master  was  no  bigot  in 
his  dealings  with  the  Greek  pliilosophies.  “He  was  the  first  and  the  only 
one,”  says  his  scholar,  “that  made  me  study  the  philosophy  of  Greece.”  The 
scholar  was  to  reject  nothing,  to  des[)ise  nothing,  but  make  himself  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  whole  range  of  Greek  philosophy  and  poetry ; there  was 
only  one  class  of  writers  he  was  to  have  nothing  to  do  witli,  and  those  were 
the  atheists,  who  denied  God  and  God’s  providence ; their  books  could  only 
sully  a mind  that  was  striving  after  piety.  But  his  pupils  were  to  attach  them- 
selves to  no  school  or  party,  as  did  the  mob  of  those  who  pretended  to  study 
philosophy.  Under  his  gu. dance  they  were  to  take  what  was  true  and  good, 
and  leave  what  was  false  and  bad.  He  walked  beside  them  and  in  front  of 
them  through  the  labyrinth  ; he  had  studied  its  windings  and  knew  its  turns; 
in  his  company,  and  with  their  eyes  on  his  “lofty  and  safe”  teaching,  his 
scholars  need  fear  no  danger. 

St.  Gregory,  in  the  concluding  pages  of  his  farewell  discourse,  sufficiently 
proves  that  the  great  end  and  object  of  all  philosophic  teaching  and  intellectual 
discipline  in  the  school  of  his  master  was  faith  and  practical  piety.  To  teach 
his  hearers. the  great  first  cause  was  his  most  careful  and  earnest  task  His  in- 
structions about  God  were  so  full  of  knowledge  and  so  carefully  prepared  that 
the  scholar  is  at  a loss  how  to  de.scribe  them.  His  explanations  of  the  proph- 
ets. and  of  Holy  Scripture  generally,  were  so  wonderful  that  he  seemed  to  be 
the  friend  and  interpreter  of  the  Word.  The  soul  that  thirsted  for  knowledge 
went  away  from  him  refreshed,  and  the  hard  of  heart  and  the  unbelieving  could 
not  listen  to  him  without  both  understanding  and  believing,  and  making  sub- 
mission to  God.  “It  was  no  otherwise  than  by  the  communication  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  that  he  spoke  thus,”  says  his  disciple,  “for  the  prophets  and  the  inter- 
preters of  the  prophets  have  necessarily  the  same  help  from  above,  and  none 
can  understand  a propliet  unle.ss  by  the  same  spirit  wherein  the  prophet  spoke. 
This  greatest  of  gifts  and  this  splendid  destiny  he  seemed  to  have  received 
from  God,  that  he  should  be  the  interpreter  of  God’s  words  to  men,  that  he 
should  understand  the  things  of  God,  as  though  he  heard  them  from  God’s  own 
mouth,  and  that  through  him  men  should  be  brought  to  listen  and  obey.” 

EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  IN  ITALY. 

In  Italy  the  transition  from  schools  governed  by  the  old  religiaus  and 
philosophical  ideas,  to  those  in  which  the  cardinal  doctrines  of  Christ- 
ianity, the  sacredness  of  childhood  as  the  type  and  germ  of  the  kingdom 
of  heaven,  and  the  universality  of  its  teaching  to  all  men  of  all  classes 
and  all  nationalities  appear,  is  not  clear!}"'  marked  in  the  annals  of  the 
church. . It  did  not  occur  till  Rome  and  other  chief  cities  were  sacked, 
demolished  or  impoverished  by  the  successive  floods  of  pagan  and  bar- 
barian armies,  which  filledThe  country  with  turbulence. 

The  earliest  distinct  Christian  school  in  Italy — apai  t from  the  cata- 
chetical  teachings  of  pastors,  and  the  special  training  of  young  aspirants 
to  the  priesthood  in  the  household  of  bishops,  was  in  Vercelli,  and  was 
established  by  Eusebius,  in  354  of  the  Christian  Era.  This  school  be- 
came the  nursery  of  many  men  who  figured  in  the  civil  afiairs  of  the 
time,  and  as  prelates  of  the  church. 

Private  schools,  for  children  and  youth  of  Christian  parentage,  were 
set  up  by  converts  to  the  new  faith  from  the  graduates  of  the  Law 
School  of  Berytus — such  as  those  of  Imola,  by  Cassian ; of  Caesarea  by 
Pamphilius;  of  Antioch  by  Lucian — in  which  the  Scriptures  were  added 
to  the  ordinary  curriculum.  But  generally,  Christian  parents  were 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


521 


obliged  to  send  their  children  to  such  schools  as  existed  in  their  neigh- 
borhood, in  which  the  fables  of  the  poets,  and  the  gross  impieties  of  the 
gods  formed  an  important  part  of  the  instriiction.  It  was  to  escape  the 
corruption  of  the  semi-pagan  schools  of  Rome  that  Benedict  of  Nescia 
fled,  in  460,  and  sought  refuge  and  better  teaching  in  the  desert  district 
of  Subiaco,  from  which  he  emerged  w’ith  his  Rule  of  Monastic  life,  to 
mold,  henceforth,  the  educational  institutions  of  all  Europe. 

Before  noticing  briefly  in  this  place,  the  monastic  institution,  as  a 
school,  we  must  not  omit  to  mention  the  cloister  or  boarding  school, 
set  up  by  Cassiodorus.  He  was  born  in  Scylaceum,  in  480,  and  after 
having  held  various  public  offices  in  Rome,  and  among  them  the  municipal 
dignity,  by  the  old  name  of  Roman  Consul,  and  secretary  of  the  Ostrogothic 
King  Theodoric.  From  this  last  position  he  voluntarily  withdrew  to  his 
estates  in  Calabria,  where  he  had  erected  a boarding  establishment  for 
children  and  youth,  and  which  was  in  the  nature  of  the  monasteries  of 
the  East,  although  without  any  foi’mal  ecclesiastical  relations.  He 
drew  up  for  his  scholars  a plan  of  studies,  and  wrote  for  their  use  two 
treatises,  one  “On  the  Teaching  of  Sacred  Studies,”  and  the  other  “On 
the  Seven  Liberal  Arts  ” — the  Trivium  and  Quadrivium,  which  constituted 
the  curriculum  of  the  elementary  and  higher  learning  of  that  and  sub- 
sequent centuries  in  the  Grammar  Schools  of  Europe. 

The  Trivium  included  grammar,  logic  and  rhetoric,  with  enough  of 
vocal  music  to  enable  the  pupils  to  assist  in  the  office  of  the  mass,  and 
of  arithmetic  to  calculate  the  return  of  holy  days.  Children  began  with 
learning  from  dictation  certain  portions  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  Psalter, 
and  the  “ holy  memory  ” was  largel}’^  exercised  through  the  entire  school 
attendance — a half  hour  at  least  each  day  being  assigned  to  this  work. 
By  grammar  was  meant  the  study  of  the  Latin,  and  sometimes  the  Greek 
and  Hebrew  tongue,  after  the  acquisition  of  which  attention  was  given 
to  declamation  and  public  speaking  under  the  name  of  rhetoric.  Music, 
which  belonged  to  the  Quadrivium^  meant  not  only  the  cantus^  or  sing- 
ing of  the  elementary  school,  but  a knowledge  of  the  laws  of  sound, 
and  the  connection  of  harmony  with  numbers.  In  its  original  Greek  use 
it  was  equivalent  to  liberal  studies,  and  included  mathematics,  poetry 
and  eloquence.  Under  the  Christian  dispensation  it  early  received 
special  attention,  and  the  school  of  the  Roman  Chant,  instituted  by 
Gregory  590 — 604,  became  the  model  of  many  others,  which  were  estab- 
lished by  Charlemagne  in  France,  and  by  Boniface  in  Germany. 

The  earliest  educational  institution  of  a distinctively  Christian  type 
which  received  the  patronage  of  the  imperial  government,  was  the  Basil- 
ica of  the  Octagon,  built  by  Constantine  at  Constantinople  in  620.  In 
connection  with  it  seven  libraries  were  established  with  an  aggregate  of 
120,000  volumes,  and  twelve  professors  were  maintained  at  the  public 
expense.  This  noble  foundation  perished  in  730  by  authority  of  the 
Greek  Emperor  lico,  the  Iscarian,  in  a fire  which  consumed  building  and 
inmates,  and  which  he  caused  to  be  kindled  because  the  nrofessors  would 


522 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


not  cooperate  with  him  in  his  efforts  to  banish  all  pictures  and  statuary 
illustrative  of  Scripture  history,  from  schools  and  churches. 

But  the  most  positive  and  effective  agency  of  education  recognized  and 
fostered  by  the  authorities  of  the  Christian  church,  was  the  monastic 
institution  which  originated  in  the  East,  but  found  its  full  development 
in  the  West,  The  monks  of  the  East,  according  to  the  rule  of  Basil  of 
Neocaesara,  and  the  instructions  of  Pachomius,  an  Egyptian,  the  father 
of  the  Cmiobites  (or  the  common  life)^  were  not  only  bound  to  a life  of 
religious  devotion,  and  to  agricultural  and  mechanical  employment,  but 
to  give  asylum  to  orphans,  and  to  receive  and  train  children,  as  well  as 
to  instruct  all  who  came  to  them,  in  the  catechism  and  the  Sci  iptures, 
and  church  ritual.  The  directions  of  Basil  are  quite  minute  in  the  mat- 
ter of  discipline.  “Let  every  fault  have  its  own  remedy,  so  that  while 
the  offense  is  punished,  the  soul  may  be  exercised  to  conquer  its  passions. 
If,  for  example,  a child  has  been  angry  with  his  companion,  oblige  him 
to  beg  pardon  of  the  other,  and  to  do  him  some  humble  service,  for  it  is 
only  by  accustoming  them  to  humility  that  you  can  eradicate  anger, 
which  is  always  the  offspring  of  pride.  Has  he  eaten  out  of  meals?  Let 
him  remain  fasting  for  a good  part  of  a day  [This  would  not  improve  the 
temper  of  a child  in  our  dayl.  Has  he  eaten  to  excess,  and  in  an  unbe- 
' coming  manner?  At  the  hour  of  repast,  let  him  without  eating  himself, 
W'atch  others  taking  their  food  in  a modest  manner,  and  sodie  will  be 
learning  how  to  behave  himself,  at  the  same  time  he  is  being  punished 
by  his  abstinence.  And  if  he  has  offended  by  idle  words,  by  rudeness, 
or  by  telling  lies,  let  him  be  corrected  by  diet  and  silence.”  In  respect 
to  the  studies  of  the  children,  Basil  would  substitute  the  wonderful 
events  of  Scripture  history  for  the  fables  of  the  poets ; enjoins  com- 
mitting to  memory  choice  selections  from  the  Proverbs,  which  he  would 
reward  by  prizes,  to  the  end  that  pupils  may  learn  not  reluctantly,  but 
with  avidity.  Their  wandering  thoughts  must  be  recalled  by  frequent 
interrogation,  and  with  their  knowledge  of  letters  should  be  taught  some 
useful  art  or  trade.”  This  would  be  denominated  advanced  pedagogy 
and  systematic  technical  education  in  our  da3L 

In  the  midst  of  the  decay  and  distractions  of  the  old  Roman  civilization 
and  society,  in  the  turbulance  and  barbarism  which  northern  paganism 
and  ar.iiies  poured  into  Italy,  the  monastic  institutions  of  western  Europe 
preserved  the  memory  of  letters,  founded  schools  for  the  clergy,  and 
trained  teachers  for  such  children  as  could  find  refuge  in  their  walls. 
The  founder  of  the  first  religious  order  in  the  West,  which  was  formally 
recognized  by  the  highest  educational  authorities,  was  Benedict,  who 
was  born  at  Nescia,  in  Spolito,  in  480.  In  his  fourteenth  year  he  retired 
to  Subiaco,  a cavern  in  a desolate  region  forty  miles  from  Rome,  where 
he  continued  his  studies,  with  several  companions  who  resorted  to  these 
same  retirements,  and  in  515  drew  up  a rule  of  life  for  a religious  order 
which  in  528  he  constituted  and  located  in  Monte  Cassino,  where  the 
rites  of  paganism  were  still  paid  to  Apollo  in  a temple  specially  dedica- 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


523 


ted  to  him.  This  temple  he  induced  his  worshipers  to  abandon  and 
destroy,  and  on  the  spot  erected  a building  which  became  one  of  the 
most  flourishing  schools  of  Italy,  and  with  its  as.sociated  edifices,  the 
model  of  a thousand  similar  establishments  in  every  part  of  Europe. 
This  was  the  mother  house  of  the  Benedictines  for  ten  centuries.  From 
time  to  time  to  meet  local  wants  and  wishes,  and  carry  out  the  differing 
views  of  equally  pious  and  zealous  men,  different  religious  orders  were 
instituted,  nearly  all  of  which  made  the  care,  conversion  and  education 
of  the  young  a prominent,  and  several,  their  exclusive  object. 

We  can  not  give  even  this  rapid  glance  at  the  first  stage  of  modern 
education  as  compared  with  that  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome,  without 
noticing  the  fact  that  each  Christian  home  was  regarded  by  the  early 
fathers  of  the  church  as  a .school,  and  the  mother  as  emphatically  the 
teacher  of  piety  and  devotion  to  her  children.  The  characteristic  features 
of  Christianity  are  the  sacred  ness  thrown  around  childhood,  as  the  type 
of  the  kingdom  of  Heaven,  and  the  special  recipient  of  the  Saviour’s 
love,  and  the  almost  immediate  social  and  intellectual  regeneration  of 
woman ; wherever  the  Gospel  precepts  were  proclaimed,  wherever  the 
Christian  church  was  planted,  there  children  were  sought  after  and 
taught,  and  women  were  softened,  purified  and  elevated  into  such  char- 
acters as  Agnes  and  Cecilia,  Lucy  and  Agatha,  Felicitas  and  Catherine, 
Blandina  and  Ursula — and  a host  of  others,  who  have  illustrated  the 
annals  of  every  nation  which  has  made  Chiistianity  the  faith  and  rule 
of  life  for  the  people.  Basil  and  his  brother  Gregory,  of  Nyssa,  gloried 
in  preserving  the  faith  in  which  they  had  been  trained  by  their  grand- 
mother Macrina  the  elder.  Gregory  writes  that  one  of  his  brothers  was 
chiefly  brought  up  by  his  sister  Sebasta,  whose  own  education  had  been 
superintended  by  her  mother,  who  took  extreme  pains  that  he  should 
understand  the  Scriptures.  Fulgentius  of  Ru.'^pe,  who  flourished  about 
the  year  500,  acknowledges  his  indebtedness  to  his  mother  {religiosa 
mater\  who  was  so  solicitous  about  the  purity  of  his  Greek  accent  that 
she  made  him  learn  by  heart  the  poems  of  Homer  and  Meander,  before 
he  studied  his  Latin  rudiments.  The  training  of  Chrysostom  by  his 
mother  wa§  so  liberal  and  pious,  as  to  draw  from  a pagan  teacher  (Eiban- 
ius),  the  exclamation,  “Ye  gods  of  Greece!  how  wonderful  are  these 
Christian  women  I”  Jerome  dedicated  his  commentaries  to  his  pupil 
Eustochium,  who,  he  assures  us,  M rote,  spoke  and  recited  Hebrew  with- 
out the  least  trace  of  a Latin  accent.  And  he  speaks  of  Marcella  as  the 
glory  of  the  Roman  ladies,  who  was  learned  in  the  Scripture.s,  and  could 
instruct  others,  and  at  the  same  time  did  not  lose  those  qualities  which 
are  associated  with  the  character  and  face  of  the  Holy  Mother,  as  “ gravely 
sweet  and  sweetly  grave.”  The  further  development  of  higher  education 
in  Italy  in  the  establishment  of  universities,  and  the  revival  and  qulti- 
vation  of  classical  studies,  as  well  as  the  late  and  imperfect  legislation  of 
the  different  states,  in  behalf  of  the  popular  schools  in  Lombardy,  Tus- 
cany, and  Naples,  will  be  given  in  the  Appendix  and  elsewhere. 


-?■- 


■3 


w 


■->  1.M-,  ' ■ ;■ '''-'i-  ;'  v-  ■’  ‘ 

. •■  . . • J If  - ■ : j ' 

'>::•  ■■  ' J-  i’X-'  ':  ' ; r .-  ... 

i ;.  - . ;j  •»',  .■  ..  . .i  • ; --  ■■ 

••' ..X , •*•  ■ ,.  -;i  >;.  -,  ^ 

■y  ■■  :■'■.  • ___  ^ '■  , ■'  .y-  , y J 

Jm*  ■.''  " '■>  .'1  ■'•  ^^  .•',  ‘ - •■  ■ , ' . 

,>;<»■  v‘  ■ . ■,.  ■ / /■  :•  f i '■  ',  V ■"  ■ 

7;:-;',  _ ...  ,..  . ..^,.  ^ i<  \ 

• • . •■  • '/■?/■'  v''^-V. ‘'I' 

. ‘ r " ■.  nii-  .■  . '.  '■  I 

^ - . . • . 

• ■:'  v.^  J.  ...  : -■ 


■ ' r ' ' ' . .'v'  ~ ~ -r..  V. 

> V * ' ' '■  :y^:rA  f . ,j,  ./yt  ,5'  , j ;•;  (• '^1 


ST.  BENEDICT,  AND  THE  BENEDICTINE  ORDER. 


ST.  BENEDICT. 

About  the  year  480  of  the  Christian  Era,  in  the  Sabine  town  of 
Nursia,  sixty  miles  northwest  of  Rome,  was  born  in  the  wealthy 
and  illustrious  family  of  Anicius,  a child,  whose  baptismal  name 
was  Benedictus  (the  Blessed),  and  who  is  known  in  the  annals  of 
Christian  civilization  as  St.  Benedict.  At  an  early  age,  before  his 
studies  were  completed,  this  future  founder  of  the  monastic  institu- 
tion of  the  West,  that  he  mighf  escape  from  the  contagion  of  evil 
example,  and  enjoy  the  benefits  of  solitary  meditation  and  devo- 
tion, retired  from  Rome  and  his  family  to  a deserted  cavern  in  the 
rude  district  of  Subiacum,  among  the  Appenines.  To  this  spot  re- 
sorted after  a time  many  others,  in  the  contagion  of  an  example 
which  the  anchorites  and  monks  of  Egypt  and  Sjria  had  set,  and 
which  had  already,  in  an  isolated  and  unregulated  fashion,  got 
established  in  Italy.  After  thirty-five  years  sojourn  in  this  district, 
during  which  time  he  had  built  two  oratories,  one  to  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  the  first  solitary  of  the  new  faith ; and  the  other  to  St. 
Martin,  the  great  monk-bishop,  whose  ascetic  and  priestly  virtues 
had'  edified  Gaul;  after  preaching  the  Christian  doctrine  to  the 
pagan  peasants  who  still  sacrificed  to  the  gods  and  demons  of  the 
ancient  worship ; after  a trial  in  the  establishment  of  several  re- 
ligious communities,  of  the  dangers  and  temptations  of  a life  at 
once  solitary  and  associated,  unregulated  by  some  received  authority, 
and  permanent  and  uniform  rule,  and  unrelieved  by  timely  and 
suitable  labor, — taking  with  him  a small  number  of  disciples,  Bene- 
dict left  his  cavern  in  the  wild  gorges  of  Subiaco,  and,  directing  his 
steps  south  along  the  Abruzzi,  penetrated  into  what  was  known  as 
the  Land  of  Labor,  which  name  foreshadowed  the  career  of  the 
most  laborious  body  of  men  the  world  has  known.  “ He  ended 
his  journey,”  says  Montalembert,  in  his  chapter  on  St.  Benedict,  in 
the  Monks  of  the  West,  “in  a scene  very  different  from  that  of 
Subiaco,  but  of  incomparable  grandeur  and  majesty.  There,  upon 
the  boundaries  of  Samnium  and  Campagnia,  in  the 'center  of  a 

(525) 


526 


ST.  BENEDICT  AND  HIS  RULE. 


large  basin,  half  surrounded  by  abrupt  and  picturesque  heights, 
rises  a scarfed  and  isolated  hill,  the  vast  and  rounded  summit  of 
which  overlooks  the  course  of  the  Liris  near  its  fountain  head,  and 
the  undulating  plain  which  extends  south  towards  the  shore  of  the 
Mediterranean,  and  the  narrow  valleys  which,  towards  the  north, 
the  east  and  the  west,  lost  themselves  in  the  lines  of  the  moi^itain- 
ous  horizon.  This  is  Monte  Cassino.  At  the  foot  of  this  rock, 
he  found  an  amphitheater  of  the  time  of  the  Caesars,  amidst  the 
ruins  of  the  town  of  Cassinium,  which  the  most  learned  and  pious 
of  the  Romans  (sanctissimus  et  integerrimus,  are  the  words  of 
Cicero  applied  to)  Varro,  that  Pagan  Benedictine,  whose  memory 
and  knowledge  the  sons  of  Benedict  took  pleasure  in  honoring,  had 
rendered  illustrious.  From  the  summit  the  prospect  extended  to- 
wards Arpinum,  where  the  prince  of  Roman  orators  was  born,  and 
on  the  other  towards  Aquinum,  already  celebrated  as  the  birthplace 
of  Juvenal  before  it  was  known  ^s  the  country  of  the  Doctor  An- 
gelico. It  was  amidst  those  noble  recollections,  this  solemn  nature, 
and  upon  that  predestinated  height,  that  the  patriarch  of  the  monks 
of  the  West  founded  the  capitol  of  the  monastic  order.  He  found 
paganism  still  surviving  there.  Two  hundred  years  after  Con- 
stantine, in  the  heart  of  Christendom,  and  so  near  Rome,  there  still 
existed  a very  ancient  temple  of  Apollo,  and  a sacred  wood,  where 
a multitude  of  peasants  sacrificed  to  the  gods  and  demons.  Bene- 
dict preached  the  faith  of  Christ  to  those  forgotten  people ; he  per- 
suaded them  to  cut  down  the  wood,  and  to  overthrow  the  temple 
of  the  idol.”  Upon  their  remains  he  erected  places  of  prayer  and 
of  Christian  worship,  and  round  them  rose  the  monastery  which 
was  to  become  the  most  celebrated  in  the  Catholic  world — cele- 
brated not  only  for  the  virtues  which  were  nurtured  within  its 
walls,  but  because  here  Benedict  wrote  his  Rule,  and  formed  the 
type,  of  the  communities  which  submitted  to  that  sovereign  code.f 
Benedict  ended  his  life  at  Monte  Cassino,  where  he  lived  for  four- 
teen years,  occupied,  in  the  first  place,  in  extirpating  from  the  sur- 
rounding country  the  remnants  of  paganism,  in  building  his  mon- 

* The  first  monastery  of  Monte  Cassino,  built  by  Benedict  and  his  monks,  was  destroyed  by  the 
Lombards  in  58:1,  and  restored  by  the  Abbot  Petronax,  under  Gregory  II.,  in  731,  and  consecrated 
by  Pope  Zacharias,  in  748.  It  i^as  a second  time  destroyed  by  the  Saracens,  who  massacred  a 
greater  part  of  the  monks  in  587  ; and  was  rebuilt  by  Abbot  Aligern  about  950,  and  consecrated 
by  Alexander  II.  in  1071.  After  many  other  calamities,  it  was  rebuilt  in  1649,  and  consecrated  a 
third  time  by  Benedict  XIII.,  in  1727.  In  the  height  of  its  splendor,  the  Abbot  was  first  baron 
of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  administrator  of  a special  diocese  established  in  1321,  atxd  com- 
posed of  37  parishes. 

t The  most  recent  and  correct  edition  of  the  Rule  is  that  of  Brandes,  Benedictine  of  Einsiedeln, 
with  a commentary  and  life  of  the  patriarch,  in  three  volumes.  Einsiedeln  and  New  York,  1857. 


ST.  BENEDICT  AND  IIIS  RULE. 


527 


astery,  in  cultivating  the  arid  sides  of  his  mountiifns,  and  the  arid 
plains  around;  and,  above  all,  in  the  practice  of  the  devotions  by 
which  his  own  soul  was  trained  to  the  highest  obedience  to  the 
divine  will,  and  in  directing  the  studies  and  labors  of  candidates 
and  monks  who  gathered  into  his  community.  To  the  poor,  in  all 
the  neighboring  country,  he  was  an  adviser,  and  in  various  ways  a 
helper  and  protector.  To  the  young  patricians,  who  resoi  ted  to  his 
institution  the  more  readily  because  he  was  of  their  rank,  he  was 
the  loving  guide  in  the  ways  of  willing  obedience  and  labor. 

Scholastica,  the  twin-sister  of  Benedictus,  had  consecrated  her- 
self to  God  even  earlier  than  did  her  brother.  She  became  a nun, 
and  established  herself,  after  the  monastery  at  Monte  Cassino  was 
begun,  in  a convent  in  the  depth  of  a valley  in  the  neighborhood, 
which  accepted  the  code  of  her  brother  as  its  rule.  The  convent 
was  afterwards  enlarged  and  rebuilt  by  a wife  and  daughter  of  a 
king  of  the  Lombards,  who  became  a monk  of  Monte  Cassino. 
The  sister  died  only  forty  days  before  Benedict.  They  had  been 
in  the  habit  of  meeting  once  a year,  and  they  met  for  the  last  time, 
three  days  before  the  death  of  the  sister,  and  with  that  interview  is 
associated  in  the  minds  of  devout  Catholics  the  occurrence  of  a 
miracle,  wrought  by  the  passionate  urgency  of  her  prayers  and 
tears,  by  which  that  last  interview  was  prolonged  in  devotional  ex- 
ercises and  sweet  communion, through  the  night.  Her  death  he 
received  as  the  signal  of  his  own  departure.  He  was  seized  with  a 
violent  fever,  but  on  the  sixth  day,  he  caused  himself  to  be  carried 
into  the  chapel,  and  after  receiving  the  holy  viaticum,  he  was  placed 
at  the  side  of  the  open  grave,  near  the. foot  of  the  altar,  and  with 
his  arms  extended  towards  heaven,  died  murmuring  a last  prayer, 
on  the  31st  of  March,  543.  Both  were  buried  side  by  side,  in  a 
sepulchre  made  on  the  spot  where  stood  the  altar  of  Apollo,  and 
over  which  now  stands  the  high  altar  of  the  present  church  of 
Monte  Cassino. 

We  give,  mainly  from  Montalembert’s  chapter  on  St.  Benedict, 
the  chief  points  in  the  Rule  drawn  up  by  him  for  the  government 
of  the  religious  communities  which  he  established. 

* The  Church  recognizes  four  principnl  rules,  under  which  might  be  classed  almost  all  the  re- 
ligious orders:  1st,  That  of  St.  Basil,  which  prevailed  by  degrees  over  all  the  others  in  the  East, 
and  which  is  retained  by  all  the  Oriental  monks  : 2d,  That  of  St.  Augustine,  adopted  by  the 
regular  canons,  the  order  of  Premontre,  the  order  of  the  Preaching  brothers  or  Dominicans,  and 
several  military  orders ; 3d,  That  of  St.  Benedict,  whicji,  adopted  successively  by  all  the  monks 
of  the  West,  still  remained  the  common  rule  «»f  the  monastic  order,  properly  so  called,  up  to  the 
thirteenth  century  ; the  orders  of  the  Camaldules,  of  Vallombrosa,  of  the  Carthusians,  and  of 
Citeaux,  recognize  this  rule  us  the  basis  of  their  special  constitutions,  although  the  name  of  monk 
of  St.  Benedict  or  Benedictine  monk  may  still  be  specially  assigned  to  others:  4th  and  last.  The 
rule  of  St.  Francis,  which  signalized  the  advent  of  the  Mendicant  Orders  at  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. We  shall  further  remark,  that  the  denomination  of  monks  is  not  generally  attributed  to  the 
Religious  who  follow  the  rule  of  St.  Augustine,  nor  to  the  mendicant  orders. 


528 


ST.  BENEDICT  AND  HIS  RULE. 


RULE  OF  ST.  BENEDICT. 

The  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  opens  with  a preamble,  in  which  the 
spirit  and  aim  of  his  reform  is  set  forth  in  a style  peculiar  to  him- 
self. The  first  words,  0 Jili ! generally  appear  on  the 

book  which  the  Italian  painters  put  in  the  hands  of  the  saint. 

Listen,  oh  son!  to  the  precepts  of  the  Master,  and  incline  to  him  the  ear 
of  thy  heart;  do  not  fear  to  receive  the  counsel  of  a good  father  and  to  fulfill 
it  full}",  tliat  thy  laborious  obedience  may  lead  thee  back,  to  Him  from  whom 
disobedience  and  weakness  have  alienated  thee.  To  thee,  whoever  thou  art, 
who  renouncest  thine  own  will  to  fight  under  the  true  King,  the  Lord  Jesus 
Chri.<<t,  and  takest  in  hand  the  valiant  and  glorious  weapons  of  obedience,  are 
my  words  at  this  moment  addressed. 

And  in  the  first  place,  in  all  the  good  thou  undertakest,  ask  of  him,  in  ear- 
nest prayer,  that  he  would  bring  it  to  a good  end ; that  having  condescended 
to  reckon  us  among  his  children,  he  may  never  be  grieved  by  our  evil  actions. 
Obey  him  always,  by  the  help  of  his  grace,  in  such  a way  that  the  irritated 
Father  may  not  one  day  disinherit  his  children,  and  that  also  the  terrible  Mas- 
ter, enraged  by  our  perverse  deeds,  may  not  give  up  his  guilty  servants  to  un- 
ending punishment  because  they  would  n8t  follow  him  into  glory. 

Then,  let  us  rise  up  in  answer  to  that  exhortation  of  Scripture  which  says 
to  us,  ‘It  is  time  for  us  to  awake  out  of  sleep.’  And  with  eyes  open  to  the 
light  of  God  and  attentive  ears,  let  us  listen  to  the  daily  cry  of  the  Divine 
voice : ‘ Come,  my  son,  hearken  unto  me  ; I will  teach  you  the  fear  of  the  Lord. 
Work  while  it  is  day;  the  night  cometh,  when  no  man  can  work.’ 

Now,  the  Lord,  who  seeks  his  servant  in  the  midst  of  the  people,  still  says 
to  him,  ‘What  man  is  he  that  desireth  life  and  loveth  many  days,  that  he  may 
see  good?  When  if,  at  that  word,  thou  answerest,  ‘it  is  I,’  the  Lord  will  say 
to  the,  ‘ If  thou  wouldest  have  life,  keep  thy  tongue  from  evil,  and  thy  lips 
from  speaking  guile.  Depart  from  evil  and  do  good : seek  peace,  and  pursue 
it.’  And  that  being  done,  ‘Then  shall  my  eyes  be  upon  you,  and  my  ears 
shall  be  open  to  your  cry.  And,  even  before  thou  callest  me,  I shall  say  to 
thee.  Here  am  I !’ 

What  can  be  more  sweet,  0 beloved  brethren,  than  the  voice  of  the  Lord 
urging  us  thus  ? By  this  means  the  Lord,  in  his  paternal  love,  shows  us  the 
way  of  life.  Let  us  then  gird  our  loins  with  faith  and  good  works;  and  with 
our  feet  shod  with  the  preparation  of  the  gospel,  let  us  follow  upon  his-foot- 
steps,  that  we  may  be  worthy  of  seeing  him  who  has  called  us  to  the  kingdom. 
If  we  would  find  a place  in  the  tabernacle  of  that  kingdom,  we  must  seek  it 
by  good  works,  without  which  none  can  enter  there. 

For  let  us  inquire  at  the  Lord  with  th5  prophet  . . . then  listen  to  the  an- 
swer he  gives:  . . . He  who  shall  rest  in  the  holy  mountain  of  God  is  he  who, 
being  tempted  by  the  devil,  casts  him  and  his  council  far  from  his  heart,  sets 
him  at  defiance,  and,  seizing  the  first  offshoots  of  sin,  like  new-born  children, 
breaks  them  to  pieces  at  the  feet  of  Christ.  It  shall  be  those  who,  faithful  in 
the  fear  of  the  Lord,  shall  not  exalt  themselves  because  of  their  services,  but 
who,  remembering  that  they  can  do  nothing  of  themselves,  and  that  all  the 
good  that  is  in  them  is  wrought  by  God,  glorify  the  Lord  and  his  works.  . . . 

The  Lord  waits  continually  to  see  us  answer  by  our  actions  to  his  holy  pre- 
cepts. It  is  for  the  amendment  of  our  sins  that  the  days  of  our  life  are  pro- 
longed like  a dream,  since  the  Apostle  says:  ‘Art  thou  ignorant  that  the  pa- 
tience of  God  leads  thee  to  repentance?’  And  it  is  in  his  mercy  that  the  Lord 
himself  says : ‘ I desire  not  the  death  of  a sinner,  but  rather  that  he  should 
turn  to  me  and  live.’  ♦ 

Having  thus,  my  brethren,  asked  of  the  Lord  who  shall  dwell  in  his  taber- 
nacle, we  have  heard  the  precepts  prescribed  to  such  a one.  If  we  fulfill  these 
conditions,  we  shall  be  heirs  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  Let  us  then  prepare 
our  hearts  and  bodies  to  fight  under  a holy  obedience  to  these  precepts ; and  if 
it  is  not  always  possible  for  nature  to  obey,  let  us  ask  the  Lord  that  he  would 


ST.  BENEDICT  AND  IIIS  RULE. 


529 


deign  to  give  us  tlie  succor  of  his  grace.  Would  we  avoid  the  pains  of  hell 
and  attain  etemai  life  while  there  is  still  time,  while  we  are  st.ll  in  tliis  mortal 
body,  and  while  the  light  of  this  life  is  bes.owed  upon  us  for  that  purpose;  let 
us  run  and  st.ive  so  as  to  reap  an  eternal  reward. 

We  must,  then,  form  a school  of  divine  servitude,  in  which,  we  trust,  noth- 
ing too  heavy  or  rigorous  will  be  established.  But  if,  in  contbrmity  wiih  right 
and  jusiice,  we  should  exercise  a little  seventy  for  the  amendment  of  vices  or 
the  preserv.-.tion  of  charity,  beware  of  fleeing  under  the  impulse  of  terror  from 
the  way  of  salvation  which  can  not  but  have  a hard  beginn.ng  When  a man 
has  walked  ((n-  some  time  in  obedience  and  faith,  his  heart  will  expand,  and  he 
will  run  with  the  unspeakable  sweetness  of  love  in  the  way  of  God’s  eom- 
mandinent.s.  May  he  grant  that,  never  straying  from  the  instruction  of  the 
Master,  and  persevering  in  his  doctrine  in  the  monastery  until  death,  we  may 
share  by  patience  in  the  sufferings  of  Christ,  and  be  worthy  to  share  together 
his  kin_dpm. 

In  this  preamble  Benedict  insists  on  two  principles,  action  or 
labor,  and  obedience,  which  underlie  his  entire  superstructure,  and 
give  the  clue  to  the  seventy-two  articles  which  compose  the  Rule 
of  the  Benedictine  Order. 

In  order  to  banish  indolence  which  he  called  the  enemy  of  the 
soul,  he  regulated  minutely  every  hour  of  the  day  according  to  the 
seasons,  and  ordained  that  after  celebrating  the  praises  of  God 
seven  times  a day,  seven  hours  should  be  given  to  manual  labor, 
and  two  hours  to  reading.  All  must  be  done  with  moderation, 
having  regard  to  the  weak,  and  nothing  must  accrue  to  the  indi- 
vidual profit  or  fame  of  the  workman.  All,  the  weak  and  the  strong, 
the  more  and  the  less  skillful,  who  do  their  best  faithfully,  must 
stand  on  a severe  equality  of  self-negation. 

Obedience  was  the  most  meritorious  and  essential  spiritual  disci- 
pline, by  which  the  monk  realized  the  sacrifice  of  self,  and  entered 
victor  over  earthly  desires  and  passions  into  the  liberty  of  the  chil- 
dren of  God.  Submission  must  be  prompt,  perfect,  and  absolute. 
To  be  acceptable  to  God  and  easy  to  man,  it  must  be  practiced 
without  reserve,,  without  a murmur,  calmly,  and  with  good  will. 
This  passive  and  absolute  obedience  would  have  been  intolerable, 
had  it  not  been  the  result  of  a predetermination,  after  a sufficient 
trial  of  temper  and  strength,  to  accept  its  performance,  and  also 
sanctified  and  tempered  by  the  nature  and  origin  'of  the  power. 
This  power  represented  no  selfish  will.  The  abbot  could  not  or- 
dain any  thing  which  is  not  in  conformity  to  the  law  of  God,  and 
the  authority  which  he  exercised  was  limited  by  the  necessity  of 
consulting  all  the  monks  assembled  in  a council  or  chapter  upon  all 
important  business;  and  even  in  small  matters  he  can  never  act 
without  the  advice  of  the  principal  members.  His  permanent 
council  is  composed  of  deans,  or  elders  chosen  by  the  monks  them- 
selves, not  by  order  of  seniority,  but  for  their  merit,  charged  with 

34 


530 


ST.  BENEDICT  AND  HIS  RULE. 


assisting  the  abbot,  by  sharing  with  him  the  weight  of  government, 
lie  can,  with  their  advice,  designate  a prior,  or  provost,  to  act  as 
his  lieutenant.  lie  is  himself  elected  by  all  the  monks  of  the  mon- 
astery without  any  restriction  on  their  choice  among  the  members, 
whether  old  or  new  comers.  Once  elected,  his  authority  ceases 
only  with  life,  unless  an  evidently  unworthy  person  receives  the 
election,  when  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  may  intervene. 

The  absolute  authority  of  the  abbot,  fixed  in  a ride  which  he  can 
not  modify  or  transgress,  limited  by  the  necessity  of  consulting 
either  an  elect  number  or  the  whole  body  of  his  subordinates  upon 
all  business,  as  well  as  by  the  mode  of  the  election,  in  which  the 
electors  are  all  competent,  all  free,  and  all  personally  interested  in 
the  result — makes  the  chief  in  reality  the  servant  of  all  those  he 
commanded.  In  combination  of  authority,  at  once  absolute,  per- 
manent, and  elective,  with  the  necessity  of  taking  the  advice  of 
the  whole  community,  and  of  acting  solely  in  its  interests,  there 
was  a principle,  to  which  there  was  nothing  analogous  in  past  or 
existing  legislation,  which  gave  an  irresistible  force  to  the  com- 
munity, strong  in  the  concentration  of  wills  possessed  by  abnegation 
and  concentrated  towards  one  sole  end,  under  a single  hand,  which 
was  ruled  and  controlled  in  its  turn  by  the  spirit  of  self-sacrifice, 
already  tested,  and  respected  by  a majority  of  the  members,  on 
whom  and  through  him,  that  will  was  exerted. 

The  monastery,  like  a citadel  always  besieged,  was  to  have  within 
itself  gardens,  a mill,  a bakery,  and  various  workshops,  in  order 
that  no  necessity  of  material  life  should  occasion  the  monks  to 
leave  its  walls.  A certain  number  of  the  Religious,  whom  the 
abbot  judged  worthy,  might  be  raised  to  the  priesthood  for  the 
spiritual  service  of  the  house,  without  ceasing  on  that  account,  to  be 
subject  to  ordinary  discipline.  By  slow  degrees  all  monks  were,  in 
the  privileges  accorded  to  their  orders  from  Rome,  elevated  from 
the  lay  condition  to  the  title  and  standing  of  the  Regular  Clergy, 
in  opposition  to  the  Secular  Clergy. 

One  monk  was  charged  under  the  title  of  cellarer,  wdth  the  ad- 
ministration of  all  the  goods  of  the  monastery,  the  distribution  of 
food,  the  care  of  the  hospital,  and  all  the  details  of  material  life. 
To  the  poor  and  the  stranger  the  most  generous  hospitality  Vvas  en- 
joined— and  were  exercised  without  disturbing  the  solitude  of  the 
monks,  or  the  silence  of  their  cloisters.  “Let  every  stranger  be 
received,”  says  the  rule,  “ as  if  he  were  Christ  himself ; for  it  is 
Christ  himself  who  shall  one  day  say  to  us,  ‘ I w^as  a stranger,  and 
ye  took  me  not  in.’  ” 


ST.  BENEDICT  AND  IIIS  RULE. 


631 


Tliere  was  no  individual  pro]>erty  in  any  member  of  the  com- 
munity, as  well  as  no  individual  will,  different  from  and  independ- 
ent of  the  whole.  In  the  reciprocal  tie  of  all  its  members  by  the 
solemn  engagements  of  the  vow,  he  forever  relinquished  all  his  pos- 
sessions, either  to  his  own  family,  or  to  the  poor,  or  to  the  mon- 
astery itself — reserving  nothing  to  himself,  possessing  nothing  of 
his  own,  not  even  tablets,  or  a pen  for  writing. 

The  rule  regulates  the  admission,  tries  the  vocation,  and  binds 
the  consciences  of  those  who  came  to  sacrifice  their  wdll  and  patri- 
mony to  God.  It  recognizes  two  classes  of  candidates — (1)  Chil- 
dren confided  in  their  youth  by  their  parents  to  the  monastery,  or 
received  by  the  charity  of  the  monks,  whose  education  is  pre- 
scribed with  minute  solicitude.  (2)  Young  men,  and  adults  who 
came  out  of  the  world  to  enter  the  cloister.  These  were  not  ad- 
mitted at  once — 'the  rules  ordaining  that  they  should  be  left  out  for 
four  or  five  days  to  try  their  perseverance.  If  they  persevered, 
they  were  introduced  into  the  guest  chamber,  and  at  the  end  of 
several  days  into  the  novitiate.  Here  the  novice  was  intrusted  to  the 
care  of  an  old  monk,  who  was  charged  faithfully  to  report  the 
difficulties,  humiliations,  and  discomforts  in  the  hard  path  of  mon- 
astic obedience,  and  if,  at  the  end  of  two  montlis,  he  w’as  inclined 
to  persevere,  the  entire  rule  was  read,  to  him,  concluding  in  these 
words:  ‘Behold  the  law  under  which  thou  wouldst  fight;  if  thou 
canst  observe  it  enter ; if  thou  canst  not,  depart  in  freedom  V 
Three  times  during  the  year  of  novitiate  this  trial  was  renewed,  and 
when  the  year  was  expired,  if  the  novice  persevered,  he  was  w^arned 
that  shortly  the  power  of  leaving  the  monastery  would  be  lost,  and 
the  rule  which  he  had  only  acce))ted  thus  far  after  mature  delibera- 
tion, would  become  binding.  If  he  still  adhered  to  his  original 
purpose,  he  was  introduced  into  the  oratory  in  presence  of  all  the 
community,  where,  before  God  and  his  saints,  he  promised 
or  perpetual  residence,  and  also  reformation  of  his  morals,  and  obe- 
dience, under  pains  of  eternal  damnation.  With  a declaration  of 
this  written  with  his  own  hand,  and  placed  upon  the  altar,  he  threw 
himself  at  the  feet  of  each  of  the  brethren,  begging  them  to  praj" 
for  him  ; and  he  was  henceforth  considered  a member  of  the  com- 
munity. 

Such  w'as  the  general  spirit  and  foundation  of  the  rule  of  St. 
Benedict.  The  rule  itself  is  composed  of  seventy  three  chapters  : — 
nine  touch  on  the  general  duties  of  the  abbot  and  the  monks  ; 
thirteen  upon  worship  and  the  divine  services  ; twenty-nine  upon 
discipline,  faults,  and  penalties;  ten  upon  internal  administration  of 


532  • 


ST.  BENEDICT  AND  HIS  RULE. 


the  monastery ; twelve  upon  various  subjects,  sucli  as  the  reception 
of  guests,  the  conduct  of  the  brethren  while  traveling.  Montalem- 
bert  closes  his  notice  of  the  Rule  as  follows: 

Thirteen  hundred  years  have  passed  since  the  hand  of  Benedict  traced  all 
those  minute  regulations,  and  notliing  lias  been  found  more  tit  to  strengthen 
the  religious  spirit  and  monastic  hfe.  The  most  admired  and  ettectual  retbrms 
have  scarcely  had  any  other  aim  than  to  lead  back  the  regular  clergy  to  a code 
of  wh  ch  time  has  only  confirmed  the  wisdom  and  increased  the  autliority. 

Among  all  these  details  of  the  rule,  the  scrupulous  care  winch  the  legislator 
has  taken  to  bind  the  Religious  to  the  careful  celebration  of  divine  worship, 
according  to  the  liturgical  usage  of  the  Roman  church,  is  specially  rem..rkable. 
They  were  to  give  themselves  to  prayer,  chanted  aloud  by  the  community, 
first  in  the  night,  at  vigils,  which  began  about  two  in  the  morning  and  contin- 
ued until  dawn;  then  six  times  during  the  day — at  prime,  tierce,  sexte.  nones, 
vespers,  and  compline.  The  hundred  and  fill}'’  psalms  of  Dav.d  were  divided 
among  these  seven  services  in  such  a manner  that  the  whole  psalter  should  be 
chanted  every  week  ; and  this  prayer  in  common  was  not  to  interrupt  mental 
devotion.'  which,  during  the  rem, lining  time,  was  to  be  short  and  simple. 

Then  comes  these  noble  rules  of  sobrieiy,  which,  as  Bossuet  says,  take  every 
thing  supei  fiuous  from  nature,  and  spare  her  all  anxiety  in  resp.  et  to  that 
which  is  necessary,  and  which  are  but  a reproduction  of  the  cu  toms  of  the 
first  Christians.  To  serve  each  other  by  turns  in  cooking  and  at  the  table ; to 
eat,  in  silence,  listening  to  the  reading  of  some  pious  book,  of  two  cooked 
dishes  and  one  uncooked,  with  a pound  of  bread  and  a hemiue  of  wine,  whether 
thej'  made  two  meals  in  the  day  or  onlv  one;  to  abstain  from  all  flesh  of  quad- 
rupeds ; and  to  increase  the  number  and  severity  of  the  fasts  appointed  by  the 
Chuich.  To  have  for  clothing  only'  a tunic,  with  a cvwl  for  ilie  choir,  and  a 
scapulury  for  work  : this  was  nothing  else  than  the  hooded  frock  of  the  plow- 
man and  shepherds,  borrowed  from  that  of  the  slaves  of  pagan  times,  such  as 
Columella  has  described.  To  sleep  in  one  general  dormitory;  to  sleep  but  lit- 
tle, and  always  in  their  clothes  and  shoes;  and  finally,  to  keep  aii  almost  con- 
tinual silence  during  the  whole  day.  Such  were  the  n)inute  and  sa.utary  regu- 
lations which -authorized  Benedict  to  declare  that  the  life  of  a monk  ought  to 
be  a perpetual  Lent. 

And  there  were  other  rules  stHl  better  adapted  to  root  out  from  the  hearts 
of  the  Religious  even  the  last  allurements  of  pride,  voluptuousness,  and  ava- 
rice. They  could  not  receive  either  letter  or  present,  even  from  their  nearest 
relatives,  wiihout  the  permission  of  the  abbot.  In  accepting  the  rule,  they 
pledged  themselves  beforehand  to  bear  patiently  public  and  humiliating  pen- 
ances for  the  smallest  faults,  and  even  cor|)oreal  punishment,  in  case  of  mur- 
muring or  repetition  of  the  offense,  and  this  while  still  subje  t to  temporary 
excommunication  and  final  exclusion.  But  mercy  appeared  by  the  side  of  se- 
verity: the  excluded  brother  who  desired  to  return,  promising  amendment, 
was  to  be  received  anew,  and  three  times  in  succession,  before  he  was  banished 
forever  from  the  community. 

However,  in  going  back  to  the  austerity  of  the  ancient  Fathers  of  the  desert, 
Boned  ct  does  not  hesitate  to  say,  in  the  preamble  of  his  rule,  as  has  been  seen, 
that  he  believed  he  had  ordained  nothing  too  hard  or  too  difficult  to  be  fol- 
lowed ; and  he  ends  by  declaring  that  it  was  only  a litUe  beginning,  a modest 
yitroduction  to  Christian  perfection. 

Such  are  the  most  remarkable  features  of  this  famous  code,  which  has  ruled 
so  rn.iny  souls  for  so  many  ages,  and  which  although  it  has  lost  almost  all  its 
sul)jects,  remains,  notwithstanding,  one  of  the  most  imposing  monuments  of 
Christian  genius.  Compared  to  the  previous  Oriental  rules,  its  bears  that  seal 
of  Roman  wisdom,  and  that  adaptation  to  Western  customs,  which  has  made 
it,  according  to  the  idea  of  Gregory  the  Great,  a masterpiece  of  clearness  and 
discretion,  in  which  judges  who  are  above  all  suspicion  have  not  hesitated  to 
recognize  a character  of  good  sense  and  gentleness,  humanity  and  moderation, 
superior  to  every  thing  that  could  be  found  up  to  that  time  in  either  Roman  or 
Barbarian  laws,  or  in  the  habits  of  civil  society. 


ST  * BENEDICT  AND  THE  BENEDICTINES. 


533 


When  we  reflect  that  all  the  other  monastic  systems,  not  only  of 
the  past,  but  even  of  the  present  day,  are  but  modifications  of  this 
same  rule,'  and  that  it  emanated  from  the  brain,  and  is  the  embodi- 
ment ot  the  genius  of  the  solitary  hermit  of  Monte  Cassino,  we  are 
lost  in  astonishment  at  the  magnitude  of  the  results  which  have 
sprung  from  so  simple  an  origin.  That  St.  Benedict  had  any  pre- 
sentiment of  the  future  glory  of  his  order,  there  is  no  sign  in  his 
rule  or  his  life.  lie  was  a great  and  good  man,  and  he  produced 
that  comprehensive  rule  simply  for  the  guidance  of  his  own  imme- 
diate followers,  without  a thought  beyond.  But  it  was  blessed, 
and  grew,  and  prospered,  mightily  in  the  world.  He  has  been  called 
the  Moses  of  a favored  people ; and  the  comparison  is  not  inapt, 
for  he  IchI  his  order  on  up  to  the  very  borders  of  the  promised 
country,  and  after  his  death,  which,  like  that  of  Moses,  took  place 
within  sight  of  their  goal,  they  fought  their  way  through  the  hos- 
tile wilds  of  barbarism,  until  those  men  who  had  concjiiered  the 
ancient  civilizations  of  Europe  lay  at  their  feet,  bound  in  the  fetters 
of  sj)iritual  subjection  to  the  cross  of  Christ.  The  wild  races  of 
Scahdinavia  came  pouring  down  upon  Southern  Europe  in  one  vast 
inarch  of  extermination,  slaying  and  destroying  as  they  advanced, 
sending  before  them  the  terror  of  that  doom  which  might  be  seen 
in  the  desolation  which  lay  behind  them  ; but  they  fell,  vanquished 
by  the  power  of  the  array  of  God,  who  sallied  forth  in  turn  to  re- 
conquer the  world,  and  fighting  not  with  the  weapons  of  fire  and 
sword,  but,  like  Christian  soldiers,  girt  about  with  truth,  and  hav- 
ing on  the  breastplate  of  rightconsness,  they  subdued  these  wild 
races,  who  had  crushed  the  conquerors  of  the  earth,  and  rested  not 
until  they  had  stormed  the  stronghold,  and  planted  the  cross  tri- 
umphantly upon  the  citadel  of  an  ancient  paganism.  Time  rolled 
on,  and  the  gloom  of  a long  age  of  darkness  fell  upon  a world  whose 
glory  lay  buried  under  Roman  ruins.  Science  had  gone,  literature 
had  vanished,  art  had  flown,  and  men  groped  about  in  vain  in  that 
dense  darkness  for  one  ray  of  hope  to  cheer  them  in  their  sorrow. 
The  castle  of  the  powerful  baron  rose  gloomily  above  them,  and 
with  spacious  moat,  dense  walls,  and  battlemented  towers,  frowned 
ominously  upon  the  world  which  lay  abject  at  its  feet.  In  slavery 
men  w^ere  born,  and  in  slavery  they  lived.  Tliey  pandered  to  the 
licentiousness  and  violence  of  him  who  held  their  lives  in  his  hands, 
and  fed  them  only  to  fight  and  fall  at  his  bidding.  But  far  away 
from  the  castle  there  arose  another  building,  massive,  solid,  and 
strong,  not  frowning  with  battlemented  towers,  nor  isolated  by 
broad  moats ; but  with  open  gates,  and  a hearty  welcome  to  all 


534 


ST.  BENEDICT  AM)  THE  BENEDICTINES. 


comers,  stood  the  monastery,  wliere  lay  the  hope  of  liiimanity,  as 
in  a safe  asylum.  Behind  its  walls  was  the  church,  and  clustered 
around  it  the  dwelling  places  of  those  who  had  left  the  world,  and 
devote<l  their  lives  to  the  service  of  that  church,  and  the  salvation 
of  their  souls.  Far  and  near  in  its  vicinity  the  land  bore  witness 
to  assiduous  culture  and  diligent  care,  bearing  on  its  fertile  bosom 
the  harvest  hope  of  those  who  had  labored,  which  the  heavens 
watered,  the  sun  smiled  upon,  and  the  winds  played  over,  until  the 
l)eart  of  man  rejoiced,  and  all  nature  was  big  with  the  promise  of 
increase.  This  was  the  refuge  to  which  religion  and  ait  had  fled. 
In  the  quiet  seclusion  of  its  cloisters  science  labored  at  its  problems 
and  perpetuated  its  results,  uncheered  by  applause  and  stimulated 
only  by  the  pure  love  of  the  pursuit.  Art  toiled  in  the  church, 
and  whole  generations  of  busy  fingers  worked  patiently  at  the 
decoration  of  the  temple  of  the  Most  High.  The  pale,  thoughtful 
monk,  upon  whose  brow  genius  had  set  her  mark,  wandered  into 
the  calm  retirement  of  the  library,  threw  back  his  cowl,  buried 
himself  in  the  study  of  philosophy,  history,  or  divinity,  and  trans- 
ferred his  thoughts  to  vellum,  which  was  to  molder  and  wjisre'in 
darkness  and  obscurity,  like  himself  in  liis  lonely  monk’s  grave, 
and  be  read  only  when  the  spot  wlnu-e  he  labored  should  be  a heap 
of  ruins,  and  his  very  name  a controversy  among  scholars. 

We  sliould  never  lo<e  sight  of  this  truth,  that  in  this  building, 
when  the  world  was  given  up  to  violence  and  darkness,  was  gar- 
nered up  the  hope  of  humanity;  and  these  men  who  dwelt  there 
in  contemplation  and  obscurity  were  its  faithful  guardians  ; — and 
this  was  more  particularly  the  case  with  that  great  order  whose 
foundation  we  have  been  examining.  The  Benedictines  were  the 
depositaries  of  learning  and  the  arts  ; they  gathered  books  together, 
and  reproduced  them  in  the  silence  of  their  cells,  and  they  pre- 
served in  this  way  not  only  the  volumes  of  sacred  writ,  but  many 
of  the  works  of  classic  lore.  They  started  Gothic  architecture — 
that  matchless  union  of  nature  with  art — they  alone  had  the  secrets 
of  chemistry  and  medical  science;  they  invented  many  colors; 
they  were  the  first  architects,  artists,  glass-stainers,  carvers,  and  rao- 
.saic  workers  in  medieval  times.  They  were  the  original  illumina- 
tors of  manuscripts,  and  the  first  transcribers  of  books;  in  fine, 
they  were  the  writers,  thinkers,  and  workers  of  a dark  age,  who 
wrote  for  no  applause,  thought  with  no  encouragement,  and  worked 
for  no  reward.  Their  power,  too,  waxed  mighty  ; kings  trembled 
before  their  denunciations  of  tyranny,  and  in  the  hour  of  danger 
fled  to  their  altars  for  safety ; and  it  was  an  English  king  who  made 


ST.  BENEDICT  AND  THE  BENEDICTINES. 


535 


a pilgrimage  to  their  shrines,  and,  prostrate  at  the  feet  of  five 
Benedictine  monks,  bared  his  back,  and  submitted  himself  to  be 
scourged  as  a penance  for  his  crimes. 

Nearly  fourteen  hundred  years  have  rolled  by  since  the  great 
man  who  founded  this  noble  order  died  ; and  he  who  in  after  years 
compiled  the  “ Saxon  Chronicle,”  has  recorded  it  in  a simple  sen- 
tence, which,  amongst  the  many  records  of  that  document,  we  may 
at  least  believe,  and  which  will  conclude  the  chapter — ‘ This  year 
St.  Benedict  the  Abbot,  father  of  all  monks,  went  to  heaven.’ 

OFFICERS  OF  A MONASTIC  ESTABLISHMENT. 

The  head  and  ruler  of  the  Benedictine  Monastery  was  the  abliot — and  his 
election  and  installation  were  events  of  great  moment,  not  onh"  in  the  estab- 
lishment, but  to  all  the  country  round  about.  In  its  palmy  days,  he  ranked  as 
peer,  and  the  moniirch  himself  could  not  enter  the  gates  witl  out  the  abbi-t^s 
permission.  The  next  man  in  office  to  the  abbot  was  the  prior,  who,  in  the 
absence  of  his  superior,  was  invested  with  full  powers ; but  on  other  occasions 
his  jurisdiction  was  limited — in  some  monasteries  he  was  assii-ted  by  sub- 
priors, in  proportion  to  the  size  of  the  institution  and  number  of  its  inmates. 
After  t[ie  prior  in  rank  came  the  precentor  or  chanter,  an  office  only  given  to  a 
monk  who  h id  been  brought  up  in  the  monastery  from  a child.  He  had  the 
supervi.sion  of  the  choral  service,  the  writing  out  the  tables  of  divine  .service 
for  the  monk.s,  the  correction  of  mi^takes  in  chanting,  which  he  led  off  from  his 
place  in  the  center  of  the  choir;  he  distributed  the  robes  at  festivals,  and  ar- 
rairged  processions.  The  cellarer  was  intrusted  with  the  food,  drink,  etc.,  of 
the  monastery,  also  with  the  mazers  or  drinking  cups  of  the  monks,  and  all 
other  ve.ssels  used  in  the  cellar,  kitchen,  and  refectory ; he  had  to  attend  at  the 
refectory  table,  and  collect  the  spoons  after  dinner.  The  treasurer  had  charge 
of  the  docuiuent.s,  deeds  and  moneys  belonging  to  the  monastery;  he  received 
the  rents,  paid  all  the  wages  and  expenses,  and  kept  the  accounts.  The  sacris- 
tan’s duties  were- connected  with  the  church;  he  had  to  attend  to  the  altar,  to 
carry  a lantern  before  the  priest,  as  he  went  from  the  altar  to  the  lecturn,  to 
cause  the  bell  to  be  rung ; he  took  charge  of  all  the  sacred  vessels  in  use,  pre- 
pared the  host,  the  wine,  and  the  altar  bread.  The  almoner’s  duty  was  to  pro- 
vide the  monks  with  mats  or  hassocks  for  their  feet  in  the  church,  also  matting 
in  the  chapter-house,  cloisters,  and  dormitory  stairs;  he  was  to  attend  to  the 
poor,  and  distribute  alms  amongst  them,  and  in  the  winter,  warm  clothes  and 
shoes.  After  the  monks  had  retired  from  the  refectory,  it  was  liis  duty  to  go 
round  and  collect  any  drink  left  in  the  mazers  to  be  given  away  to  the  poor. 
The  kitchener  was  tilled  by  a different  monk  every  week,  in  turn,  and  he  had  to 
arrange  what  food  was  to  be  cooked,  go  round  to  the  infirmary,  visit  the  sick 
and  provide  for  them,  and  superintend  the  labors  of  his  assistants.  The  in- 
firmarer  had  care  of  the  sick  ; it  was  his  office  to  administer  to  their  wants,  to 
give  them  their  meals,  to  sprinkle  holy  water  on  their  beds  every  night  after 
the  service  of  complin.  A person  was  generally  appointed  to  this  duty  who,  in 
case  of  emergency,  was  competent  to  receive  the  confession  of  a sick  man. 
The  porter  was  generally  a grave  monk  of  mature  age;  he  had  an  assistant  to 
keep  the  gate  wlien  he  delivered  messages,  or  was  compelled  to  leave  Ids  post. 
The  chamberlain's  business  was  to  look  after  the  beds,  bedding,  and  shaving 
room,  to  attend  to  the  dormitory  window.s,  and  to  have  the  chambers  swept, 
and  the  straw  of  the  beds  changed  once  every  year,  and  under  his  supervision 
was  the  tailory.  where  clothes,  etc,  was  made  and  repaired.  Tliere  were  other 
offices  connected  with  the  monastery,  but  these  were  the  principal,  and  next  to 
these  came  the  monks  who  formed  the  convent  with  the  lay  brethren  and 
novices. 

We  give  brief  notices  of  a few  of  the  earlier  Benedictine  Abbeys. 


536 


ST  BENEDICT  AND  IIIS  RULE. 


MONASTIC  INSTITUTIONS  AND  CIVILIZATION. 

To  appreciate  the  services  rendered  by  the  institutions  which 
grew  up  under  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  we  must  look  closely  into 
the  state  of  society  which  existed  at  the  advent  of  Chidstianitv,  and 
which  succeeded  the  downfall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  the 
processes  by  which  the  new  civilization  was  planted  in  regions  before 
utterly  barbarous.  Dr.  Newmau  has  described,  in  a short  chapter, 
the  Downfall  and  Refuge  of  Ancient  Civilization,  portions  of  which 
we  introduce  here. 

There  never  was,  perhaps,  in  tlie  Ihstory  of  tliis  tumnltnons  world,  prosperity 
so  great,  so  far-spreading,  so  lasting,  us  tlmt  wliieli  began  Linoughout  the  vast 
Empire  of  itoine,  at  the  lime  when  the  Prince  of  Peace  was  bom  into  it.  Pre- 
ternatural as  was  the  tyranny  of  certain  of  the  Caesars,  it  did  imt  reach  the 
mass  of  the  population ; and  tlie  reigns  of  the  five  good  emperors,  who  suc- 
ceeded them,  are  proverbs  of  wise  and  gentle  government.  ‘The  sole  great  ex- 
ception to  this  universal  happiness  WuS  the  cruel  per.secution  of  the  Christians; 
the  sufferings  of  a whole  woild  fell  and  were  concentrated  on  them,  and  the 
children  of  heaven  were  torment-  d,  that  t!ie  sons  of  men  miglit -enjoy  their 
revel.  Their  Lord,  wliile  His  shad  nv  brought  peace  upon  earth,  foretidd  that 
in  the  event  He  came  to  send  ‘ not  peace  but  a sword ; ’ and  that  sword  was 
first  let  loose  upon  His  own  people.  ‘Judgment  commenced  witli  the  House 
of  God;’  and  though,  as  time  went  on,  it  left  Jerusalem  behind,  and  began  to 
career  round  the  world  and  sweep  t.ie  nations  as  it  traveled  on.  nevertheless, 
as  if  by  some  paradox  of  Providence,  it  seemed  at  first,  that  trn  h and  wretch- 
edness had  ‘met  together.’ and  s'n  and  prosperity  had  ‘kissed  one  another.’ 
The  more  the  heathens  enjot^ed  themselves,  the  more  they  scorned,  h .ted.  and 
persecuted  tlieir  true  light  and  true  peace.  They  persecuted  Him,  f r the  very 
reason  that  they  had  little  else  to  do;  happy  and  haughty,  they  saw  in  Him 
the  sole  drawback,  the  sole  exception,  the  sole  hindrance,  to  a universal,  a 
continual  sunshine;  tliey  called  Him  ‘the  enemy  of  the  human  race;’  and 
they  felt  themselves  bound,  by  their  loyalty  to  the  glorious  and  immortal 
memory  of  their  forefathers,  by  their  trad.tions  of  state,  and  their  duties 
towaixls  their  children,  to  trample  u ;on  and.  if  they  could,  to  stifle  that  teach- 
ing, whicli  w.is  destined  to  be  tlie  life  and  mold  of  a new  world. 

But  our  immediate  subject  here  is,  not  Christianity,  but  the  world  that 
passed  away ; and  before  it  passed,  it  had,  I say.  a tranquillity  great  in  propor- 
tion to  its  former  commotions  Ages  of  trouble  terminated  in  two  centuries 
of  pe.ice.  The  present  crust  of  the  earth  is  .said  to  be  the  result  of  a long  war 
of  elements,  and  to  have  been  made  so  beautiful,  so  various,  so  rich,  and  so 
useful,  by  the  disciple  of  revolutions,  by  earthquake  and  li  htning,  by 
mountains  of  water  and  seas  of  fire;  and  so  in  like  manner,  it  required  the 
events  of  two  thousand  years,  the  multifurm  fortunes  of  tribes  and  popul. .lions, 
the  rise  and  fall  of  king.s,  the  mutual  collision  of  states,  the  spread  of  colonies, 
the  vicissitudes  and  the  succession  of  conquests,  and  the  gradual  adjustment 
and  settlement  of  innumcrous  discordant  ideas  and  interests,  to  carry  on  the 
human  race  to  unity,  and  to  shape  and  consalidate  the  gnat  Roman  Power. 

And  when  once  tho.se  unwieldy  materials  were  welded  together  into  one 
mas.s,  what  human  force  could  split  tliem  up  again?  what  ‘hammer  of  the 
earth  ’ could  shiver  at  a stroke  a solid  ly  which  bad  taken  ages  to  form?  Who 
can  estimate  the  strength  of  a political  establishment,  which  has  been  the  slow 
birth  of  time?  and  what  establishment  ever  equaled  pagan  Rome?  Hence 
has  come  the  proverb,  ‘ Rome  was  not  built  in  a day;’  it  was  the  portentous 
solid  ty  of  its  power  that  forced  the  gazer  back  upon  an  exclamation,  which 
was  the  relief  of  his  astonishment,  as  lieing  his  solution  of  the  prodigy.  And, 
when  at  length  it  was  built,  Rome,  so  long  in  building,  was  ‘ Eternal  Rome;’ 
it  had  been  done  once  for  all ; its  being  was  inconceivable  beforehand,  and  its 
not  being  was  inconceivable  afterwards.  It  had  been  a miracle  that  it  was 


, ST.  BENEDICT  AND  IIIS  RULE. 


637 


broup:lit  to  be  ; It  would  take  a second  miracle  tliat  it  should  cease  to  bo.  To 
remove  it  from  it.-^  place  was  to  c..st  a mouiilaih  into  the  sea.  Look  at  tlie 
Palatine  Hill,  penetrated,  traversed,  cased  with  brickwork,  tiU  it  appears  a 
work  of  man,  not  of  nature;  run  )'our  eye  along  the  ciilfs  from  Ostia  to  Ter- 
raeina,  covered  with  the  debris  of  masonry;  gaze  around  the  bay  of  Baiae, 
whose  rocks  have  been  made  to  serve  as  the  foundations  and  the  walls  of 
palaces;  and  in  those  mere  ren^ains,  lasting  to  this  day,  you  will  have  a type 
of  the  moral  and  political  strength  of  the  establishments  of  Rome.  Think  of 
the  aqu  ducts  making  for  the  imperial  city,  for  miles  across  the  plain;  think  of 
the  straight  roads  stretching  off  again  from  that  one  centre  to  the  ends  of  tlie 
earth  : consider  the  vast  territory  round  about  it  strewn  to  this  day  with 
countless  ruins;  htllovv  in  your  imagination  its  suburbs,  extend’ng  along  its 
roads,  for  as  much,  at  least  in  some  directions,  as  forty  miles;  and  number  up  its 
continuous  mass  of  population,  amounting,  as  grave  authors  say.  to  almost  six 
millions;  and  iinswer  tlie  question,  how  was  Rome  ever  to  be  got  rid  of?,  why 
was  it  not  to  progress  ? why  was  it  not  to  progress  for  ever  ? where  was  that 
ancient  civilization  to  end?  Such  were  the  questionings  and  anticipations  of 
thoughtful  minds,  not  specially  proud  or  fond  of  Rome.  ‘The  world,’ says 
Tertullian,  ‘ has  more  of  cultivation  every  day,  and  is  better  furnished  than  iu 
times  of  old.  All  places  are  opened  up  now  ; all  are  familiarly  known ; all  are 
scenes  of  busines.s.  Smiling  firms  have  obliterated  the  notorious  wilderness; 
tillage  has  tamed  the  forest  land ; flocks  have  put  to  flight  the  beasts  of  prey. 
Sandy  tracts  are  sown;  rocks  are  put  into  shape;  marshes  are  drained. 
There  are  more  cities  now,  than  there  were  cottages  at  one  time.  Islands  are 
no  longer  wild  ; the  crag  is  no  longer  frightful ; everywhere  there  is  a home,  a 
population,  a state,  and  a livelihood.’  Such  was  the  prosperity,  such  the 
promise  of  progress  and  permanence,  in  which  the  Assyrian,  the  Persian,  the 
Greek,  the  Macedonian  conquests  had  terminated 

Education  had  gone  through  a similar  course  of  difficulties,  and  had  a place 
in  the  prosperou.s  result.  First,  carried  forth  upon  the  wings  of  genius,  and 
disseminated  by  the  energy  of  individual  minds,  or  by  the  colonizing  missions 
of  single  cities,  knowledge  was  irregularly  extended  to  and  fro  over  the 
spaci  us  regions,  of  which  the  Mediterranean  is  the  common  bas’n.  Intro- 
duced, in  course  of  time,  to  a more  intimate  alliance  with  political  power,  it 
received  the  means,  at  the  date  of  Alexander  and  his  successors,*  both  of  its 
cultivation  and  its  propagation.  It  was  formally  recognized  and  endowed 
under  the  Ptolemies,  and  at  length  became  a direct  object  of  the  solicitude  of 
the  government  under  the  Cse-ars.  It  was  honored  and  dispensed  in  every 
considerable  city  of  the  Empire;  it  tempered  the  political  administration  of 
the  conquering  people;  it  civilized  the  manners  of  a hundred  barbarian  con- 
quests; it  gradually  reconciled  uncongenial,  and  associated  distant  countrie.s, 
with  each  other;  while  it  had  ever  mini.stered  to  the  tine  arts,  it  now  proceeded 
to  subserve  the  useful.  It  took  in  hand  the  reformation  of  the  world’s  re- 
ligion; it  began  to  harmonize  the  legends  of  discordant  worships;  it  purified 
the  mythology  by  making  it  symbolical;  it  interpreted  it,  and  gave  it  a moral, 
and  explained  away  its  idolatry.  It  began  to  develope  a system  of  ethics,  it 
framed  a code  of  laws;  what  might  not  be  expected  of  it.  as  time  went  on, 
were  it  not  for  that  illiberal,  unintelligible,  fanatical,  abominable  sect  of  Gali- 
leans? If  they  were  allowed  to  make  play,  and  get  power,  what  might  not 
happ'  ii?  There  again  Christians  were  in  the  way,  as  hateful  to  the  philosopher, 
as  to  the  'Statesman.  Yet  in  truth  it  was  not  in  this  quarter  that  the  peril  of 
civilization  lay;  it  lay  in  a ver}'-  different  direction,  over  ag.iinst  the  Empire  to 
the  North  and  North-east,  in  a black  cloud  of  inexhaustible  barbarian  j)opula- 
tions;  and  when  the  s‘orm  mounted  overhead  and  broke  upon  the  earth,  it 
was  those  scorned  and  detested  Galilee.ns.  and  none  but  they,  the  rnen-haters 
and  God-despiser.s.  who,  returning  good  fir  evil,  housed  and  lodged  the  scat- 
tered rernnant-i  of  that  old  world’s  wisdom,  which  had  so  persecuted  them,  went 
forth  valiantly  to  meet  the  savage  destroyer,  tamed  him  without  arms,  and 
became  the  founders  of  a new  and  higher  civilization.  Not  a man  in  Europe 
now,  who  talks  bravely  against  the  Church,  but  owes  it  to  the  Church,  that  he 
can  talk  at  all. 


538 


ST.  BENEDICT  AND  IJIS  RULE. 


But  what  was  to  be  the  process,  what  the  method,  what  the  instruments, 
what  the  p’.ace,  fur  shelterhi^  the  treasures  of  ancient  intellect  durinjr  the 
convulsion,  of*bridg-ino:  over  the  abyss,  and  of  hnkitifr  the  old  world  to  the 
new  ? In  spite  of  the  consolidation  of  its  j ower,  Rome  was  to  go,  as  all 
things  human  go,  and  vanish  for  ever.  In  the  words  of  inspiration,  ‘Great 
Babylon  came  in  remembrance  befoi’e  God,  and  every  island  tied  away,  and  the 
mountains  were  not  found.’  All  the  fury  of  tpe elements  was  directed  against 
it;  and,  as  a continual  dropping  wears  away  the  stone,  so  blow  alter  blow, 
and  revolution  after  revolution,  sufficed  at  last  to  heave  up.  and  hurl  down, 
and  smash  into  fragments,  the  noblest  eartldy  power  that  ever  was.  First 
came  the  Goth,  then  the  Hun.  and  then  the  Lombard.  The  Goth  took  po.s.ses- 
sion,  but  lie  was  of  noble  nature,  and  soon  lost  his  barbarism.  The  Hun  came 
came  next;  he  was  irreclaimable,  but  did  not  stay.  The  Lombard  kept  both 
his  savageness  and  his  ground;  he  appropriated  to  Iiimself  the  territory,  not 
the  civilization  of  Italy,  fierce  as  the  Huu,  and  powerful  as  the  Goth,  the  most 
tremendous  scourge  of  Heaven.  In  his  dark  [)resence  the  poor  remains  of  Greek 
and  Roman  splendor  died  away,  and  the  world  went  more  rapidly  to 'ruin, 
material  and  moral,  than  it  was  advancing  from  triumph  to  trium[  h in  the 
Tertullian.  Alas  I the  change  between  Rome  in  the  hey-day  of  her  pride,  and 
in  tlie  agony  of  her  judgment  1 Tertullian  writes  while  she  is  exalted  ; Pope 
Gregory  when  she  is  in  humiliation.  He  was  delivering  homilies  upon  the 
Prophet  Ezekiel,  when  the  news  came  to  Rome  of  the  advance  of  the  Lombards 
upon  the  city,  and  in  the  course  of  them  he  several  times  burst  out  into 
lament,  tions  at  the  news  of  miseries,  which  eventually  obliged  him  to  cut 
short  his  exposition. 

‘Sights  and  sounds  of  war,’  he  says,  ‘meet  us  on  every  side.  The  cities  are 
destroyed;  tlie  military  stations  broken  up ; the  land  devastated  ; the  earth  de- 
populated No  one  remains  in  the  country;  scarcely  any  inhabitants  in  the 
towns;  yet  even  tlie  poor  remains  of  human  kind  are  still  smitten  daily  and 
without  intermission.  Before  our  eyes  some  are  carried  away  ca|  tive.  some 
mutilated,  some  murdered.  She  herself,  wno  once  was  mistiess  of  the  world, 
we  behold  how  Rome  fares;  worn  down  by  manifold  and  incalculable  dis- 
tre.s.ses,  the  bereavement  of  citizens,  the  attack  of  foes,  the  reiteration  of  over- 
throws, where  is  her  senate?  where  are  her  people  ? We,  the  few  survivors,  are 
still  the  daily  prey  of  the  sword  and  of  other  innumerable  tribulations.  Where 
are  they  who  in  a former  day  reveled  in  her  glory?  where  is  their  pomp,  their 
prid:%  their  frequent  and  immoderate  joy  ? — youngsters,  j’oung  men  of  the 
world,  congregated  here  from  every  quarter,  where  the}'’  aimed  at  a secular 
advancement.  Now  no  one  Innstens  up  to  her  for  preferment;  and  so  it  is 
with  other  cities  also;  some  pi, ices  are  laid  w.  sts  by  pestilence,  o hers  are  de- 
populated by  tlie  sword,  others  are  tormented  b}"  famine ; and  others  a-re  swal- 
low. d up  lyy  earthquakes.’ 

These  words,  far  from  being  a rheto’Ical  lament,  are  but  a meagre  statement 
of  some  of  the  circumstances  of  a desolation  in  which  the  elements  them- 
selves, as  St.  Gregory  intimates,  as  well  as  the  barbarians,  took  a principal 
part.  In  the  dreadful  age  of  that  great  Pope,  a plague  spread  from  the  low- 
lands of  Egypt  to  the  Indies  on  the  one  h.n.d,  along  Africa  across  to  Spain  on 
the  other,  till,  revers’ng  its  course,  it  reached  the  eastern  extremity  of  Europe, 
For  tiity-two  years  did  it  ret. fin  possession  of  the  infected  atmosphere,  and, 
in  Constantinople,  during  three  month.s.  five  thousand,  and  at  length  ten 
thousand  persons,  are  said  to  have  died,  daily.  Many  cities  of  the  East  were 
left  without  inhabitants;  and  in  several  districts  of  Italy  there  were  no  laborers 
to  ga'her  either  harvest  or  vintage.  A success'on  of  earthquakes  accompanied 
for  years  this  heavy  calam’ty.  C’onstantinople  was  shaken  for  above  forty 
days.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  piT.sons  are  said  to  have  perished  in  the 
earthquake  of  Antioch,  crowded,  as  the  city  was.  with  strangers  for  the  festival 
of  the  Ascension.  Berytus.  the  eastern  school  of  Roman  juri.sprudence,  called, 
from  its  literary  and  scientific  importance,  the  eye  of  Phtjenicia,  shared  a 
similar  fate.  These,  however,  were  but  loc  il  visitations  Cities  are  indeed  the 
homes  of  civilization,  but  the  wide  earth,  with  her  hill  and  dale,  open  plain 
and  winding  valley,  is  its  refuge. 


ClIllISTIAN  SCHOOLS,  teachers,  Ai\D  SCHOLARS. 


539 


THE  ABBEY  OF  ST.  GALL.* 

The  Abbey  of  St.  Gall  owed  its  origin  to  an  Irish  disciple,  of  that  name,  of 
St.  Coiuiuuauus,  who,  in  the  seventh  century,  penetrated  into  the  recesses  of 
the  Helvetian  niouniains,  and  there  fixed  Jiis  abode  in  the  midst  of  a pagan 
population.  Under  the  fiunous  abbot  St.  Otlnnar,  who  flourished  in  tlie  time 
of  Pepin,  the  monks  received  the  Benedictine  rule,  and  from  that  time  the  mon- 
astery rap  dly  grew  in  fame  and  pro;  perit}^  so  that  in  the  ninth  century  it  was 
regarded  as  the  first  religious  house  north  of  tlie  Alps.  It  is  with  a sigh  of 
that  irrepressible  regret  called  forth  by  the  remembrance  of  a form  of  beauty 
that  is  dead  and  gone  for  ever,  tliat  the  monastic  historian  hangs  over  the  early 
chronicles  of  St.  Gall.  It  lay  in  the  midst  of  the  savage  Helvetian  wilderness, 
an  oa<is  of  piety  and  civilization.  Looking  down  from  the  craggy  mountains, 
the  passes  of  which  open  upon  the  southern  extremity  of  the  lake  of  Con- 
stance, the  traveler  would  have  stood  amazed  at  the  sudden  ajiparition  of  that 
vast  r.uige  of  stately  buildings  which  almost  filled  up  the  valley  at  his  feet. 
Churches  and  cloisters,  tlie  offices  of  a great  abbey,  buildings  set  apart  for  stu- 
dents and  guests,  workshops  of  every  description,  tlie  forge,  the  bakehouse, 
and  the  mill,  or  rather  mills,  for  there  were  ten  of  them,  all  in  such  active  ope- 
ration, that  they  every  year  required  ten  new  millstones;  and  then  the  houses 
occupied  by  the  vast  numbers  of  artisans  and  workmen  attached  to  the  monas- 
ter}’- ; gardens,  too.  and  vineyard  creeping  up  the  mountain  slopes,  and  bejmnd 
them  fields  of  waving  corn,  and  sheep  speckling  the  green  meadows,  and  far 
away  boats  busily  plying  on  the  lake  and  carrying  goods  and  passengers — what 
a world  it  was  of  life  and  activity ; yet  how  unlike  the  activity  of  a town!  It 
was,  in  fact,  not  a town,  but  a house, — a family  presided  over  by  a father, 
whose  members  were  all  knit  together  in  the  bonds  of  common  fraternity.  I 
know  not  whether  tlie  spYitu.d  or  the  social  side  of  such  a religious  colony 
were  most  fitted  to  rivet  the  attention.  Descend  into  the  valle}^  and  visit  all 
these  nurseries  of  useful  toil,  see  the  crowds  of  rude  peasants  traiu formed  into 
intelligent  artisans,  and  you  will  carry  away  the  impression  that  the  monks  of 
St.  Gall  h id  found  out  the  secret  of  creating  a world  of  happy  Christian  fac- 
tories. Enter  their  church  and  listen  to  the  exquisite  modulations  of  those 
chants  and  sequences  peculiar  to  the  abbey  which  boasted  of  posse.ssing  the 
most  scientific  school  of  music  in  all  Europe,  visit  their  scriptorium,  their  li- 
brary, and  their  school  or  the  workshop  where  the  monk  Tutilo  is  putting  the 
finishing  touch  to  his  wonderful  copper  images,  and  his  fine  altar  frontals  of 
gold  and  jewels,  and  you  will  think  yourself  in  some  intellectual  and  artistic 
academy.  But  look  into  the  choir,  and  behold  the  hundred  monks  who  form 
the  community  at  their  midn'ght  office,  and  you  will  forget  every  thing,  save 
the  saintl}’’  aspect  of  those  servants  of  God  who  shed  abroad  over  the  desert 
around  them  the  good  odor  of  Christ,  and  are  the  apostles  of  the  provinces 
which  own  their  gentle  sway.  You  may  quit  the  circuit  of  the  abbey  and 
plunge  once  more  into  the  mountain  region  which  rises  beyond,  but  3mu  will 
have  to  wander  far  before  jmu  find  yourself  bejmnd  the  reach  of  its  softening 
humanizing  influence.  Here  are  distant  cells  and  hermitages  with  their 
chapels,  where  the  shepherds  come  for  early  mass;  or  it  may  be  that  there 
meets  you,  winding  over  the  mountain  paths  of  which  they  sing  so  sweet- 


* Christian  Schools  and  Scholars.  Longman  : 18G7. 


540 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS,  TEACHERS,  AND  SCHOLARS. 


ly,*  going  up  and  down  among  the  hills  into  the  thick  forests  and  the  rocky  hol- 
lows, a procession  of  the  monks  carrying  their  relics,  and  followed  by  a peasant 
crowd.  In  the  schools  you  may  have  been  listening  to  lectures  in  the  learned, 
and  even  in  the  Eastern  tongues;  but  in  the  churches,  and  here  among  the 
mountains,  you  will  hear  these  line  classical  scholars  preaching  plain  truths, 
in  barbarous  idioms,  to  a rude  race,  who,  before  the  monks  came  among  them, 
sacrificed  to  the  Evil  One,  and  worshiped  stocks  and  stones. 

Yet,  hidden  away  as  it  was  among  its  crags  and  deserts,  the  abbey  of  St. 
Gall  was  almost  as  much  a place  of  resort  as  Rome  or  Athens — at  least  to  the 
learned  world  of  the  ninth  century.  Her  schools  were  a kind  of  university, 
frequented  by  men  of  all  nations,  who  came  hither  to  fit  themselves  for  all  pro- 
fessions. You  would  have  found  here  not  monks  alone  and  future  scholastics, 
but  courtiers,  soldiers,  and  the  sons  of  kings.  The  education  given  was  very 
far  from  being  exclusively  intended  for  those  aspiring  to  the  eccle.siastical  state; 
it  had  a large  admixture  of  the  secular  element,  at  any  rate  in  the  exterior 
school.  Not  only  were  the  Sacred  .sciences  taught  with  the  utmost  care,  but 
the  classic  authors  were  likewise  explained;  Cicero,  Horace,  Virgil,  Lucan,  and 
Terence  were  read  by  the  scholars,  and  none  but  the  very  little  boys  presumed 
to  speak  in  any  thing  but  Latin.  The  subjects  for  their  original  compositions 
were  mostly  taken  from  Scripture  and  Church  history,  and  having  written  their 
exercises  they  were  expected  to  recite  them,  the  proper  tones  being  indicated 
by  musical  notes.  Many  of  tlie  monks  excelled  as  poets,  others  cultivated 
painting  and  sculpture,  and  other  exquisite  cloistral  arts ; all  diligentl.y  applied 
to  the  grammatical  formation  of  the  Tudesque  dialect,  and  rendered  it  capable 
of  producing  a literature  of  its  own.  Their  library  in  the  eighth  century  was 
only  in  its  infancy,  but  gradually  became  one  of  the  richest  in  the  world.  They 
were  in  correspondence  with  all  the  learned  monastic  houses  of  France  and 
Italy,  from  whom  they  received  the  precious  codex,  now  of  a Virgil  or  a Livy, 
now  of  the  Sacred  Books,  and  sometimes  of  some  rare  treatise  on  medicine  or 
astronomy.  They  were  Greek  students,  moreover,  and  those  most  addicted  to 
the  cultivation  of  the  ‘ Cecropian  Muse’  were  denominated  the  ‘ fratres  El- 
lenici.’  The  beauty  of  their  early  manuscripts  is  praised  by  all  authors,  and 
the  names  of  their  best  transcribers  find  honorable  mention  in  their  annals. 
They  manufactured  their  own  parchment  out  of  the  hides  of  the  wild  beasts 
that  roamed  through  the  mountains  and  forestsmround  them,  and  prepared  it 
with  such  .skill  that  it  acquired  a peculiar  delicacy.  Many  hands  were  em- 
ployed on  a single  manuscript.  Some  made  the  parchment,  others  drew  the 
fair  red  lines,  others  wrote  on  the  pages  thus  prepared ; more  skillful  liands 
put  in  the  gold  and  the  initial  letters,  and  more  learned  heads  compared  the 
copy  with  the  original  text,  this  duty  being  generally  discharged  during  the 
interval  between  matins  and  lauds,  the  daylight  hours  being  re.served  for  actual 
transcription.  Erasure,  when  necessary,  was  rarely  made  with  the  knife,  but 
an  erroneous  word  was  delicately  drawn  through  by  the  pen.  so  as  not  to  .spoil 
the  beauty  of  the  codex.  Lastly  came  the  binders,  who  inclosed  the  whole  in 
boards  of  wood,  cramped  with  ivory  or  iron,  the  Sacred  Volumes  being  covered 
with  plates  of  gold,  and  adorned  with  jewels. 

* Fciindenset  descendens  inter  montium  confinia 
Silvarum  scrutundo  l<ica.  vnlliumque  concavn. 

{Hymn  for  the  Procession  of  Relics,  ap.  Leibnitz.'). 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS,  TEACHERS,  AND  SCHOLARS. 


541 


Amon^  the  masters  and  scliolars,  whose  reputation  shed  a lustre  on  the  annals 
of  St.  Gall,  was  Iso,  styled  by  Ekkehard,  ‘a  doctor  magnificus,’  wliose  pupils 
W’ere  in  great  demand  by  all  the  monasteries  of  Gall  and  Burgundy,  and  Moen- 
gall  (or  Marcellus,  a nephew  of  the  Irish  bishop  Marx,  both  of  whom  entered 
the  cloister  in  840,  on  their  return  from  Rome),  who  extended,  if  he  did  not  in- 
troduce the  study  of  Greek  into  the  interior  school.  Of  the  pupils  of  the  lat- 
ter, Notker,  Rat  pert,  and  Tutilo,  were  distinguished  for  rare  scholarship,  and  in 
music,  sculpture,  and  painting,  Tutilo  could  preach  both  in  Latin  and  Greek; 
and  statuary  of  his  workmanship  adorned  most  of  the  finest  churches  in  Ger- 
many. Ratpert  succeeded  master  Iso  in  the  external  school,  and  was  famous 
as  a poet.  But  Notker  was  the  best  type  of  the  culture  of  St.  Gall — at  once 
scholar,  poet  and  musician. 

It  was  the  reputation  of  learning  enjoyed  by  St.  Gall  which  had  first  at- 
tracted him  thither,  for  indeed,  says  Ekkehard,  ‘he  was  devoured  with  a love 
of  grammar.’  Like  a true  poet,  he  was  keenly  susceptible  to  the  sights  and 
sounds  of  nature,  and  loved  to  ‘ study  her  beautifulness  ’ in  tliat  enchanted  re- 
gion of  lakes  and  mountains.  The  gentle  melancholy  inseparable  from  exalted 
genius,  which  in  him  was  increased  by  his  exceeding  delicacy  of  organization, 
found  its  expression  in  the  wild  and  mystic  melodies  wliich  he  composed.  The 
monot.mous  sound  of  a mill-wheel  near  the  abbey  suggested  to  him  the  music 
of  the  ‘Media  Vita,’  the  words  being  written  whilst  looking  into  a deep  gulf 
over  which  some  laborers  were  constructing  a bridge.  This  ant  phon  became 
very  popular  in  Germany,  and  was  every  year  sung  at  St.  Gall  during  the  Ro- 
gation Processions  But  it  was  not  as  a poet  or  man  of  science  that  the 
‘Blessed  Notker ’ was  best  known  to  posterity;  profoundly  learned  in  human 
literature,  he  yet  says  Ekkehard,  applied  more  to  the  Psalter  than  to  any  other 
book.  Even  in  his  own  lifetime  he  was  revered  as  a saint.  He  was  master 
of  the  inferior  and  claustral  school  at  the  same  time  as  Ratpert  governed  the 
exterior  school,  and  kept  up  the  same  strict  discipline,  ‘stripes  only  excepted.’ 
The  gentleness  of  his  disposition  peeps  out  in  the  fact  that  one  of  the  faults  he 
was  hardest  on  in  his  pupils  was  the  habit  of  bird’s-nesting.  He  was  alwaj^s 
accessible;  no  hour  of  day  or  night  was  ever  deemed  unseasonable  for  a visit 
from  any  one  who  brought  a book  in  their  hand^  For  the^ake  of  maintaining 
regular  observance,  he  once  forbade  his  di.'^ciples  to  whisper  to  him  in  time  of 
silence,  but  the  abbot  enjoined  him  under  obedience  to  let  them  speak  to  him 
whenever  they  would.  Ratpert  relates  a story  of  him,  which  shows  the  opin- 
ion of  learning  and  sanctity  in  which  he  was  held.  The  emperor  Charles,  hav- 
ing on  one  occasion  come  to  the  monastery  on  a visit,  he  brought  in  his  suite  a 
certain  chaplain,  whose  pride  appears  to  have  taken  offense  at  the  consideration 
wnth  which  his  master  treated  the  Blessed  Notker,  When  they  were  about  to 
depart,  therefore,  seeing  the  man  of  God  sitting,  as  was  his  custom,  with  the 
Psalter  in  his  hand,  and  recognizing  him  to  be  the  same  man  who,  on  the  pre- 
vious day,  had  solved  many  hard  questions  proposed  to  him  by  Charles,  he 
said  to  his  companions,  ‘ There  is  he  who  is  said  to  be  the  most  learned  man 
in  the  whole  empire.  But  if  you  like,  I will  make  this  most  excellent  wiseacre 
a laughing-stock  for  you,  for  I will  ask  him  a question,  which,  with  all  his 
learning  he  will  not  be  able  to  answer.’  Curious  to  see  what  he  would  do,  and 
liow  Notker  would  deal  with  him,  they  agreed  to  his  proposal,  and  all  went  to- 
gether to  salute  the  master  who  courteously  rose,  and  asked  them  what  they 


642 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS,  TEACHERS.  AND  SCHOLARS. 


desired.  Then  said  the  unhappy  man  of  whom  we  spoke,  ‘ 0 most  learned 
master,  we  are  very  well  aware  that  there  is  nothing  you  do  not  know.  We 
therefore  desire  you  to  tell  us,  if  you  can,  what  God  is  now  doing  in  heaven?’ 
‘Yes,’ replied  Notker,  ‘I  can  answer  that  question  very  well.  He  is  doing 
what  he  always  has  done,  and  what  He  is  shortly  about  to  do  to  thee,  He  is 
exalting  the  humble,  and  humbling  the  proud.’  The  scoffer  moved  away,  while 
the  laugh  was  turned  against  him.  Nevertheless,  he  made  light  of  Notker’s 
words,  and  the  prediction  of  evil  which  they  seemed  to  contain  regarding  him- 
self. Presently  the  bell  rang  for  the  king’s  departure,  and  the  chaplain,  mount- 
ing his  horse,  rode  off*  with  a great  air  in  front  of  his  master.  But  before  he 
came  to  the  gate  of  the  cit}^  the  steed  fell,  and  the  rider  being  thrown  on  his 
face,  broke  his  leg.  Abbot  Hartmot  hearing  of  this  accident,  desired  Notker  to 
visit  the  sick  man,  and  pardon  hitn,  giving  him  his  blessing.  But  the  foolish 
chaplain  protested  that  the  mi.sfortune  had  nothing  to  do  with  Notker's  predic- 
tion, and  continued  to  speak  of  liim  with  the  greatest  contempt.  His  leg,  how- 
ever, remained  in  a miserable  state,  until  one  night  his  friends  besought  Notker 
to  come  to  him  and  aid  him  with  his  prayers.  He  complied  willingly  enough, 
and  touching  the  leg,  it  was  immediately  restored;  and  by  this  lesson  the 
chaplain  learnt  to  be  more  humble  for  the  future. 

Notker  was  the  author  of  various  works,  amongst  others  of  a German 
translation  of  the  Psalter,  which  Vadianus  speaks  of  in  his  treatise  on  the  ‘An- 
cient Colleges  of  Germany,’  and  which  he  says  is  scarcely  intelligible  by  reason 
of  the  excessive  harshness  of  the  old  Tudesque  dialect.  He  gives  a translation 
of  the  ‘Creed,’  and  the  ‘Our  Father,’  from  Notker’s  version,  in  which  it  is  not 
difficult  to  trace  the  German  idiom.  Notker’s  German  studies  were  yet  more 
extensively  carried  on  by  his  namesake,  Notker  Labeo,  or  the  Thick-Lipped, 
who  wrote  many  learned  works  in  the  vernacular,  and  was  also  a great  classic- 
al scholar.  He  translated  into  German  the  works  of  Aristotle,  BoAhius,  and 
Martian  Capella,  and  some  musical  treatises,  all  which  are  still  pre.served.  His 
translation  of  St.  Gregory’s  ‘Morals’  is  lost.  He  is  commemmorated  in  the 
chronicles  of  his  House  as  ‘the  kind  and  learned  master,’  and  whilst  he  pre- 
sided over  the  claustral  school,  he  educated  a great  many  profound  scholars, 
among  whom  was’Ekkehard  junior,  the  author  of  the  chronicle  ‘De  Casibus 
S.  Galli,’  and  of  the  celebrated  ‘ Liber  Benedictionum.’  This  Ekkehard,  at  the 
request  of  the  empress,  transcribed  Notker’s  ‘ Paraphrase  of  the  Psalms  ’ for 
her  use  with  his  own  hand,  and  corrected  a certain  poem  which  his  predecessor 
Ekkehard  1.  had  written  when  a school-boy,  atid  which  was  full  of  Tudesque 
barbarisms,  such  as  the  delicate  ear  of  Ekkehard  junior  might  not  abide.  He 
held  that  the  barbarous  idioms  could  not  be  translated  into  Latin  without  a 
great  deal  of  painstaking.  'Think  in  German,’ . he  would  say  to  his  scholars, 
‘and  then  be  careful  to  render  your  thought  into  correct  Latin.’  There  was 
yet  a third  Ekkehard  whose  memory  is  preserved  in  the  annals  of  St.  Gall  un- 
der the  surname  of  PaXalinus.  He  was  nephew  to  Ekkehard  I.,  and  presided 
over  both  the  exterior  and  interior  schools,  and  that  with  great  success.  He 
made  no  distinction  between  noble  and  plebeian  scholars,  but  employed  those 
who  had  less  talent  for  learning,  in  writing,  painting,  and  other  like  arts.  He 
was  able  to  take  down  in  short-hand  the  substance  of  any  thing  he  heard,  and 
two  discourses  are  still  preserved  thus  noted  by  his  hand.  He  was  afterwards 
most  unwillingly  summoned  to  the  Court  of  Otho  I.,  who  appointed  him  his 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOI.S,  TCACIIERS,  AND  SCHOLARS. 


543 


chai)lain  and  secretarj',  and  tutor  to  liis  son  Otlio  IT.  So  venerated  was  this 
groat  iiKiii  throughout  Germany,  that  when  he  attended  the  council  of  Meutz 
in  97G,  six  bishops  rose  up  to  salute  iheir  old  master,  all  of  them  having  been 
educated  in  the  scliool  of  St.  Gall.  To  this  list  of  masters  I must  add  the 
name  of  another  Notker,  who,  from  his  strict  observance  of  discipline,  received 
the  surname  of  ‘ Piperis-granurn,’  or  the  Peppercorn,  though  his  pungency  of 
temper  did  not  prevent  his  brethren  from  commemrnorating  him  in  their  obit- 
uary as  the  ‘Doctor  benignissimus.’  lie  was  renowned  as  a physician,  a 
painter,  and  a poet,  and  was  also  well  skilled  in  music. 

ABBEY  OF  REICIIENAU.  MEINRAD.* 

At  the  western  extremity  of  the  lake  of  Constance,  just  where  it  narrows  to- 
wards the  outlet  of  the  Rhine,  lies  a green  island  sparkling  like  an  emerald 
gem  on  the  unruffled  surfaee  of  the  waters.  There,  halt  hidden  amid  the  lux- 
uriant foliage,  you  may  still  see  the  minster  of  that  famous  abbej’-  called  Angia 
by  its  Latin  historians,  but  better  known  by  its  German  name  of  Reichenau. 

Reichenau  had  its  own  line  of  great  masters,  among  whom  Errnenric,  who 
could  do  such  generous  justice  to  the  excellence  of  others,  was  himself  worthy 
to  be  reckoned.  The  most  illustrious  was,  perhaps,  the  cripple  Hermann  Con- 
tractus, originally  a pupil  of  St.  Gall's,  who  is  said  to  have  prayed  that  he 
might  not  regain  the  use  of  his  limbs,  but  that  he  might  receive  instead  a 
knowledge  of  the  Scriptures.  He  was  master  of  Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew,  and 
Arabic;  he  wrote  treatises  on  history,  poetry,  ethics,  astronomy,  and  math- 
ematics; he  calculated  eclipses,  and  explained  Aristotle,  and,  in  spite  of  an  im- 
pediment in  his  speech,  his  lectures  were  so  learned  that  he  had  pupils  from  the 
most  distant  provinces  of  Italy.  He  set  his  own  poems  to  music,  made  clocks 
and  organs,  and  was  as  much  revered  for  his  sanctity  as  his  universal  genius. 
Many  hymns  and  antiphons  used  by  the  Church  are  attributed  to  his  pen, 
among  others  the  Alma  R^dmnptoris.  But  if  Hermann  was  the  most  famous 
scholar  of  Reichenau,  a yet  greater  celebrity,  though  of  a different  kind,  at- 
taches to  the  name  of  Meiurad.  The  story  of  his  vocation  to  the  eremitical  life 
affords  an  apt  illustration  of  the’ contemplative  character  already  noticed  as  so 
frequently  belonging  to  the  early  pedagogues;  and  as  it  presents  us  with  an 
agreeable  picture  of  a ‘whole  play-day’  in  the  Dark  Ages,  we  will  give  it  as 
it  stands  in  the  pages  of  the  monk  Berno.  Meinrad  was  the  son  of  a Swabian 
nobleman  of  the  house  of  Hollenzollern,  and  had  studied  in  the  monastic  school 
under  abbot  Hatto  and  his  own  uncle  Erlebald.  When  the  latter  became  abbot 
he  appointed  Meinrad  to  tlie  care  of  the  sc-hool  which  was  attached  to  a smaller 
house  depetident  on  Reichenau,  and  situated  at  a spot  called  Bollingen,  on  the 
lake  of  Zurich.  He  accordingly  removed  thither,  and  had  singular  success 
with  his  scholars,  whom  he  inspired  with  groat  affection  by  reason  of  his  gentle 
discipline.  He  used  to  take  them  out  for  walking  parties  and  fishing  parties, 
into  what  Berno,  his  biographer,  calls  ‘the  wilderness,’  a wilderness,  however, 
which  was  adorned  with  a majestic  beauty  to  which  Meinrad  was  not  insensi- 
ble. One  day  he  and  his  boys  crossed  the  lake  in  a small  boat,  and  landing  on 
the  o[)posite  shore,  sought  for  some  quiet  spot  where  they  might  cast  their 
fishing-lines.  Finding  a little  stream  which  flowed  into  the  lake  and  gave 


Christian  Schools  and  Scholars.  Vol.  I.,  p.  240. 


544 


CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS,  TEACHERS,  AND  SCHOLARS. 


good  promise  of  trout,  Meinrad  left  them  to  pursue  their  sport,  and  strolled 
about,  meditating  on  the  joys  of  that  solitary  life  after  which  he  secretly  pined. 
After  a while,  returning  to  his  scholars,  he  found  that  tlieir  fishing  had  V)een 
unusually  successful,  and  taking  up  their  baskets,  they  retraced  their  steps  to 
the  village  of  Altendorf,  where  they  entered  the  house  of  a certain  matron  to 
rest  and  refresh  themselves  with  food.  Whilst  the  boys  ate  and  drank,  and  en- 
joyed themselves  in  their  own  way,  Meinrad  and  their  hostess  engaged  in  con- 
versation, and  Meinrad,  who  was  full  of  the  thoughts  to  which  his  mountain 
walk  had  given  rise,  opened  his  whole  heart  to  her.  ‘Beyond  all  riches,’  he 
said,  ‘I  desire  to  dwell  alone  in  this  solitude,  that  so  I might  wholly  give  my- 
self to  prayer,  could  I but  find  some  one  who  would  minister  to  me  in  temporal 
things.’  The  good  lady  immediately  ofl'ered  to  provide  him  with  whatever  he 
wanted,  in  order  to  carry  out  his  design;  and  the  result  of  that  day’s  fishing- 
party  was  the  establishment  of  the  former  scholasticus  of  Bollingen  in  a little 
hermitage  which  he  constructed  for  himself  out  of  the  wattled  boughs  of  trees. 
But  he  found  himself  in  one  way  disappointed ; he  had  sought  the  desert  to  fly 
from  the  world,  and  the  world  followed  him  thither  in  greater  throngs  than  he 
had  ever  encountered  at  Reichenau.  The  saints  possess  a strange  power  of  at- 
traction, and  neither  mountains  nor  forests  are  able  to  hide  them.  In  his  own 
day  men  compared  St.  Meinrad  to  the  Baptist,  because  the  multitudes  went  out 
into  the  wilderness  to  hear  him  preach  penance  and  remission  of  sins.  For 
seven  years  he  continued  to  dispense  the  Word  of  Life  to  the  pilgrims  who 
gathered  about  him  from  all  parts  of  Europe.  But  one  day  unable  to  resist  his 
longing  for  retreat,  he  took  his  image  of  Our  Lady,  a missal,  a copy  of  St.  Bene- 
dict’s rule,  and  the  works  of  Cassian,  and  laden  with  these,  his  only  treasures, 
he  plunged  into  the  forest,  and  choosing  a remote  and  secluded  spot,  erected  a 
rude  chapel  which  he  dedicated  to  Our  Lady,  and  a yet  ruder  dwelling  for  him- 
self. There  he  lived  for  thirty  years,  and  at  the  end  of  th..t  time  he  was  assas- 
sinated in  his  hermitage  by  some  ruffians  who  hoped  to  find  some  hidden 
treasure  in  his  cell.  His  body  was  carried  back  to  Reichenau,  and  in  after 
years  (about,  988)  the  great  sanctuary  of  Einsiedeln  rose  over  the  site  of  his 
hermitage,  where  is  still  venerated  the  image  of  Our  Lady  wdiich  he  had 
formerly  carried  thither  with  his  own  hands. 

EINSIEDELN.  ^ 

The  Abby  of  Einsiedeln,  after  encountering  many  disasters  by  fire  and  spoli- 
ation, has  outlived  the  sanctity  and  present  usefulness  of  both  St.  Gall  and 
Reichenau,  and  is  still  the  resort  annually  of  thousands  of  pilgrims  from  all  parts 
of  Europe.  In  1861,  on  the  celebration  of  the  1000th  anniversary  of  its 
foundation,  an  almost  incredible  concourse  of  people  assembled  to  make  their 
offerings  to  ‘Our  Lady  of  the  Hermits.’  On  this  occasion,  the  King  of  Prussia 
and  Prince  of  Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen  presented  the  Abby  with  two  valuable 
historical  paintings  by  Miicke,  of  Dusseldorf,  one  representing  St.  Meinrad 
preaching  on  the  Etzel,  and  the  other  the  presentation  of  the  Sacred  Image 
by  Hildegarde,  first  Abbess  of  the  convent  of  Zurich.  The  Abbey  now  num- 
bers sixty  priests,  and  twenty  brothers  of  the  Benedictine  order,  with  a number 
of  lay  brethren  for  the  management  of  the  property. 


HISTORY  OP  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


(Translated,  for  the  American  Journal  of  Education,  from  the  German  of  Karl  von  Raumer.] 


I,  THE  MIDDI.E  AGES. 

The  14th  century  ushered  in  a new  era,  the  era  of  the  restoration 
of  the  Greek  and  Roman  classics.  Classical  learning  became  the 
goal  of  every  desire ; and  this  new  ideal,  pursued  as  it  was  with  un- 
remitting ardor,  gave  birth  to  new  modes  of  teaching  and  of  training. 

Far  different  had  been  the  ideal  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and  their 
character  had  been  marked  with  striking  peculiarities.  But  the  Mid- 
dle Ages  had  now  passed  away.  Nevertheless  their  influence  contin- 
ued to  be  felt,  even  down  to  the  time  of  the  Reformation  ; for  not 
until  then  did  the  new  ideal  obtain  full  and  undisputed  sway  over  the 
human  mind. 

Meanwhile  the  defenders  of  classical  learning  rejected  with  contempt 
every  thing  that  savored  of  the  past,  and  with  them  originated  the  so 
long  received  opinion  of  the  darkness  and  barbarism  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  For  it  is  only  within  our  own  times  that  champions  have 
arisen  to  assert  the  claims  of  mediaeval  learning  also.  The  first 
question  that  here  suggests  itself  is  : what  standard  ought  we  to 
adopt  in  judging  of  a period  in  which  human  efforts  and  achievements 
presented  so  many  remarkable  contrasts — grandeur  and  littleness, 
strength  and  weakness,  depth  and  insipidit}’’,  beauty  and  repulsive- 
ness, being  mutually  opposed  to  each  other  on  every  hand  ? But  when 
we  have  fixed  upon  a correct  standard,  we  are  to  apply  it  correctly  and 
conscientiously  ; nor  regard  with  a partial  eye  the  bright  side  alone 
of  our  favorite  epoch,  and  refuse  to  see  any  but  the  dark  side  of  the 
period  to  which  we  are  adverse. 

Now  Latinity  constituted  the  chief  standaixi  by  which  the  earlier 
moderns  measured  all  attainments  in  learning.  By  as  much  as  the 
Middle  Ages  were  removed  from  the  style  of  Ciceroy  by  so  much  were 
they  destitute  (so  thought  these  . moderns)  of  all  true  learning,  and 
given  over  to  barbarism.  Baronins  applied  to  the  periodTrom  the 
10th  to  the  12th  century,  the  epithets,  iron,  leaden^  and  dark.  Com- 
pilations were  made  of  the  wretched  Latin*  of  those-  centuries : es- 


* Take,  for  instance,  the  etymology  of  Presbyter : “ homo  qui  praiboret  suis  iter ; ” or  such 
a blunder  as  the  following;  “ Baptizo  te  in  nomine  patna,  filia  et  spiritus  sanctus.!^  In  the 
‘'Epistles  of  Obscure  Men,"  this  sort  of  Latinity  is, held up.lo< ridicule. 


546 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


pecially  was  ridicule  aimed  at  the  anti-classical  terminology  of  the 
schoolmen,  and  boys  even  who  had  been  moderately  drilled  in  Latin 
writing  were  thought  far  superior  to  those  mediaeval  barbarians. 

But  this  narrow-minded  pedantry  early  met  with  a severe  rebuke 
from  Erasmus,  in  his  spirited  treatise  against  the  imitation  of  Cicero. 
“ It  is  astonishing,”  he  says,  “ with  what  arrogance  they  look  down 
upon  what  they  style  the  barbarism  of  Thomas  Aquinas,  Scotus, 
Durandus,  and  the  like ; and  yet,  if  we  scan  the  merits  of  these 
authors  critically,  although  they  laid  claim  neither  to  eloquence  nor  to 
Ciceronianism,  we  shall  nevertheless  see  that  in  both  they  far  outstrip 
their  detractors,  this  blustering  crew,  who  all  the  while  deem  them- 
selves not  Ciceronians  alone  but  veritable  Ciceros.”  The  unbiased 
intellect  of  Erasmus  perceived  that  Ciceronianism  consisted  not  in  the 
imitation  of  words  and  periods  alone,  but  chiefly  in  thoughts  ad- 
equately expressed.  Without  defending  the  style  of  the  scholastics 
in  other  respects,  he  yet  ranked  their  awkward,  and  uncouth,  but 
pointed,  expressions  far  before  all  the  smooth  but  meaningless  phrases 
of  the  Ciceronians. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  last  century,  Leyser  defended  the 
Middle  Ages  against  this  charge  of  barbarism,  adducing  as  his  chief 
argument  the  old  Latin  lyrics  of  the  church.  From  him  too  we 
learn  that  the  stigma  of  barbarism  was  attached  to  all  that  was  not 
graceful.  But  it  was  reserved  for  our  own  day  to  accord  full  and 
complete  justice  to  the  Middle  Ages,  since  they  are  now  no  longer 
measured  by  the  pedantic  standard  of  the  schools,  but  all  their  aims 
and  achievements  have  been  explored  and  appropriately  rated 
by  men  of  superior  intellect — by  Goethe,  Tieck,  A.  W.  and  F. 
Schlegel,  J.  and  W.  Grimm,  the  brothers  Boisseree,  Schlosser,  and 
others. 

Says  Schlosser,  “ We  have  been  too  apt  to  conceive  of  the  intellect- 
ual life  of  the  Middle  Ages  as  sluggish  and  well-nigh  dead,  because 
the  scholars  of  that  period  were  not  chiefly  busied  with  the  writers 
of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome.”  But  this  fact  is  sufficiently  accounted 
for  by  the  scarcity  of' manuscripts  at  that  period.  Even  the  far-famed 
Paris  Library  contained,  at  the  beginning  of  the  14th  century,  but  four 
old  authors — Cicero,  Ovid,  Lucan,  and  Boethius. 

If  others  were  cited  in  the  writings  of  the  Middle  Ages,  it  was  not 
often  from  first  sources,  but  chiefly  from  Augustin’s  “ City  of  Godf 
and  from  Isidore  of  Spain.  In  this  dearth  of  Latin  classics,  it  was 
no  wonder  if  men  gradually  lost  the  pure  style  of  the  Gold  and  Silver 
Ages,  and  framed  their  Latin  for  themselves.  And  yet  in  such  Latin 
were  composed  those  immortal  lyrics  of  the  church,  the  “ Dies  irceC^ 
and  the  '■'‘Media  vita."  A single  hymn  such  as  these  outweighs  all  the 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY.  547 

servile  imitations  of  Horace  and  other  poets,  that  the  later  philologists 
expended  so  much  pains  upon. 

In  the  epoch  under  consideration  no  one  had  yet  ventured  to  dis- 
sent from  the  doctrines  of  the  church.  There  were  two  men,  whose 
dicta  formed  the  highest  human  authority  ; and  as  they  differed  wide- 
ly from  each  other,  so  different  wastheirinfluence.  These  men  were 
Aristotle  and  Augustin ; the  first  however  was  not  read  in  the  orig- 
inal. Nevertheless  in  one  respect  they  occupied  common  ground, 
viz.,  that  both  of  them  furthered  the  scholastics  in  their  speculations 
upon  church  doctrines.  In  these,  Anselm  of  Canterbury,  Albertus 
Magnus,  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  other  dogmatics,  proceeded  from  knowl- 
edge and  understanding ; mystics,  like  Bernard  and  Bonaventura, 
from  emotion  and  faith  ; while  in  Hugo  and  Richard  St.  Victor,  both 
elements,  the  dogmatical,  and  the  mystical,  were  united.  And  lastly, 
sceptics,  like  Abelard  and  Duns  Scotus,  started  with  doubt  and  denial. 
But  all  these  aimed  to  leave  the  authority  of  the  church  intact,  for  they 
directed  their  speculations  into  lines  parallel  with  the  teachings  of  the 
church  and  never  ventured  to  touch  or  run  athwart  those  teachings.* 

The  later  philologists  were  never  weary  in  their  attacks  upon  the 
scholastics.  “ But  the  philosophical  queries  of  scholasticism  appeared 
ridiculous  and  absurd,”  says  Schlosser,  “ only  because  none  of  them 
were  cited  except  the  most  trivial  and  childish.” 

In  any  case  it  was  unfair  to  overlook  the  great  difference  which 
subsisted  between  the  men  who  bore  the  general  name  of  scholastics, 
and  to  pass  the  same  condemnation  upon  deep  thinkers  like  Anselm, 
Hugo  St.  Victor,  and  Bonaventura  as  upon  the  later  sophistical 
word-mongers.  Yet  the  repulsive,  odious,  and  even  boorish  air  of 
these  latter  formed  a species  of  justification  for  the  hostility  that  the 
philologists  manifested  toward  them.f  But  the  holy  ire  of  the  re- 
formers, as  they  saw  the  word  of  God  in  manifold  ways  utterly  set 
aside  by  the  arrogant  human  traditions  of  the  scholastics — this 
needs  no  justification.  In  the  schools  of  the  Middle  Ages  the  seven 

’ We  find  in  Cicero  a similar  distinction,  when,  in  the  “ Natura  Deorum,"  he  speaks  of  the 
different  modes  in  which  the  same  person,  now  in  the  cliaracter  of  an  augur,  and  now  in 
that  of  a philosopher,  views  and  pronounces  judgment  upon  the  same  fact. 

t The  following  extract  from  Walter  St.  Victor,  cited  by  Schlosser,  will  serve  to  show  that  the 
sophists  of  the  Middle  Ages  bore  a striking  resemblance  to  the  same  class  in  modern  times. 
“ The  logicians,”  he  says,  " spin  nets  of  all  manner  of  ratiocinations,  and  surround  themselves 
with  the  thorn-hedge  of  syllogisms.  Propositions  and  facts  are  alike  forever  indeterminate 
with  them,  one  and  the  same  thing  being  now  true  and  now  false  and  again  neither  true  nor 
false.  For  a thousand  refined  distinctions  lead  them  at  one  time  to  deny,  at  another  to  assert, 
the  same  thing.  If  you  allow  yourself  to  be  guided  by  them,  you  are  speedily  involved  in  a 
whirl  of  questions  and  counter-questions,  so  that  you  will  no  longer  know  whether  God  is 
God  or  not  God,  whether  Christ  is  man  or  not  man,  or  whether  there  be  in  existence  any 
thing  or  nothing,  nothing  or  not  nothing,  a Christ  or  no  Christ  j and  so  it  is  to  the  end  of 
the  chapter. 


548 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


liberal  arts  were  taught.  The  trivium  comprehended  grammar, 
rhetoric,  and  logic ; the  quadrivium^  which  came  subsequent  in  the 
course,  arithmetic,  geometry,  music,  and  astronomy.  Logic  was  fore- 
most, while  grammar  stood  in  the  background.  Further  on,  we  shall 
see  how  after  the  lapse  of  time  this  order  was  inverted,  when  the 
philologists  gained  the  upper  hand.  In  the  13th  century,  Henry 
d’Andely  wrote  a satirical  poem,  the  subject  of  which  was  ^"The  bat- 
tle of  the  seven  arts^  Grammar  had  its  camp  in  Orleans,  while  logic 
intrenched  itself  at  Paris  ; grammar,  in  whose  ranks  were  enrolled 
the  ancient  poets,  was  nevertheless  finally  defeated  by  the  other  arts. 

The  chief  seat  of  the  mathematics  in  the  Middle  Ages  was  among 
the  Arabians.  Gerbert,  afterward  Pope  Sylvester  II.,  who  became 
distinguished  as  a mathematician  above  all  his  cotemporaries,  learned 
of  them ; Campanus  Novara,  with  the  English  Benedictine  monk, 
Athelard,  translated  in  the  I2th  century  Euclid  from  the  Arabic  ; and 
Jordanus  Nemoratius  wrote  an  arithmetic  in  ten  books. 

In  the  13th  century,  Alphonso  X.  employed  Arabians  to  construct 
astronomical  tables  [the  tahulce  Alphonsinw^)  and  the  Emperor  Fred- 
erick II.  set  on  foot  a version  of  the  x\lmagest.  John  de  Sacrobusto 
wrote  a little  astronomical  text-book,  which  continued  to  be  used  in 
schools  down  to  the  16th  century,  and  was  thought  worthy  to  be 
republished  in  1531,  under  the  auspices  of  Melancthon,  who  wrote  a 
preface  to  it.* 

Natural  history  in  the  Middle  Ages  was  exceedingly  barren.  With 
extraordinary  credulity,  the  most  incredible  things  were  received  as 
true ; and  mankind,  led  astray  by  accounts  of  unreal  monsters  and 
marvels,  had  no  eye  for  the  unfeigned  marvels  of  God  in  the  creation. 
One  man  there  was,  however,  who  stood  apart,  and,  as  a natural  phil- 
osopher and  mathematician,  was  greatly  in  advance  of  his  age.  This 
was  the  gifted  Franciscan  monk,  Roger  Bacon  of  Ilchester,  in  Som- 
ersetshire, England,  (1214 — 1294.)  Among  other  inventions,  that  of 
tlie  telescope,  if  not  in  its  perfection,  lay  in  the  clearest  outlines  in 
his  mind  ;f  and  he  appears  also  to  have  known  of  gunpowder.  His 

* He  was  commonly  called  Holywood,  from  the  place  of  his  birth  in  the  county  of  York, 
England  He  died  in  Paris  in  1256.  Ilis  text-book  above  referred  to  is  entitled  Libellus  de 
Sphcera.”  Melancthon  says  of  it : “ This  little  book  has  received  the  approbation  of  all  the 
learned  now  for  many  generations.”  It  is  simple  and  clear,  and  as  a text-book,  aside  from 
its  advocacy  of  the  Ptolemaic  system,  it  surpasses  many  astronomical  compendinms  of 
modern  times.  He  wrote  also  an  '•‘•Ecclesiastical  CMlendar,”  “•  De  Computo  Ecclesiastico,'’ 
and  an  Algorithm  " 

tin  his  “ Opus  Majlis  ” he  .says,  “ There  are  still  greater  results  dependent  on  “ broken 
vision  ” or  refrangibility  ; for  the  canons  above  laid  down  clearly  prove  that  large  objects 
may  be  made  to  appear  small,  and  distant  objects  near,  and  the  reverse.  We  can  so  shape 
transparent  substances,  and  so  arrange  them  with  respect  to  our  sight  and  objects,  that  rays 
can  be  broken  and  bent  as  we  please,  so  that  objects  may  be  seen  tar  off  or  near,  under  what- 
ever angle  we  please,  and  thus  from  an  incredible  distance  we  may  read  the  smallest  letter.” 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


549 


just  views  of  nature,  and  of  the  true  method  of  investigating  nature, 
entitled  him  to  the  praise  of  being  a forerunner  of  his  great  fellow- 
countryman  and  namesake,  Lord  Bacon. 

Had  no  other  production  of  the  Middle  Ages  come  down  to  us 
than  that  great  poem,  the  Lay  of  the  Nibelungen,  it  alone  would 
have  sufficed  us  in  proof  of  the  superior  character  of  our  early  Ger- 
man poesy ; and  no  one,  who  has  seen  either  the  Cologne  cathedral, 
or  the  minsters  of  Strasburg  or  Freiburg,  can  hesitate  for  a moment 
to  admit  the  sublimity  of  mediaeval  architecture.  Yet  time  was,  and 
that  not  very  long  ago,  when  these  greatest  works  of  art  that  the 
world  has  ever  seen  passed  for  unsightly  monstrosities.  After  all 
that  he  had  read  and  heard,  Goethe  feared,  he  tells  us,  lest  he  should 
find  the  Strasburg  cathedral  a “ shapeless  excresence,  bristling  with 
deformity.”  “ But,”  he  goes  on  to  say,  “ what  an  unexpected  feeling 
overpowered  me,  as  I stood  before  it ! My  soul  was  filled  with  one 
entire  and  grand  impression,  which,  because  it  was  made  up  of  a 
thousand  harmonizing  unities,  I could  indeed  feel  and  enjoy,  but  by  no 
means  understand  and  explain.  And  how  often  did  I come  back,  to 
taste  again  the  celestial  joy,  and  again  to  commune  with  the  mighty 
spirits  of  our  elder  brothers,  manifested  to  me  in  their  works.” 

The  Germanic  and  Roman  races  were  distinguished  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  notwithstanding  all  national  diversities,  for  their  common  Eu- 
ropean character  ; “ they  formed  as  it  were  one  general  politico-ec- 
clesiastical state.”  The  authority  of  the  church  was  the  main  bond 
which  united  them,  nor  should  we  overlook  in  this  connection  the 
important  fact  that  pope,  emperor,  and  kings  invariably  made  use  of 
the  Latin  language  in  all  their  communications,  whether  religious  or 
secular.  ' Moreover  all  the  clergy  spoke  and  wrote  in  Latin,  and 
Latin  was  every  where  employed  in  divine  service.  German  priests 
could  minister  to  churches  in  England,  France,  etc.,  and  English 
priests  to  German  churches.  Alcuin  was  Bishop  of  Tours,  Boniface 
Archbishop  of  Mentz,  and  Albertus  Magnus  taught  at  Paris. 

But  in  succeeding  centuries  the  distinctive  features  of  these  various 
nations  became  more  prominent,  while  their  common  European 
character  was  proportionably  eflfaced,  as  the  bonds  which  united  them 
were  gradually  rent  asunder. 

With  these  brief  outlines  of  the  learning  of  the  Middle  Ages,  we 
shall  now  be  prepared  to  trace  the  steps  by  which,  from  the  14th 
century  onward,  this  learning  was  supplanted  by  another  type,  viz., 
the  classical.  For  the  introduction  of  this,  the  Italians  were  the  first 
to  pave  the  way,  and  they  gave  themselves  with  ardor  to  the  study 
and  imitation  of  the  ancients.  Their  enthusiasm  afterward  infected 

No.  18.— [Vol.  VI.,  No.  3.]— 27. 


550 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


the  Germans,  and  these  also,  like  the  Italians,  though  with  other  mo- 
tives and  under  other  conditions,  adopted  classical  culture  as  their 
ideal.  But  the  ideal  of  attainment  of  any  people  shapes  and  controls 
the  whole  course  of  education  among  them.  To  this  principle  is  to 
be  ascribed  the  great  influence  which  the  Italians  directly  exerted 
upon  German  education,  and  the  history  of  this  education  would  be 
accordingly  incomplete  did  it  not  recognize  this  influence.  Hence  it 
becomes  necessary  for  us  to  take  a survey  of  the  intellectual  devel- 
opment of  Italy  during  the  period  from  the  14th  to  the  16th  century. 
There  were  three  Italians  who  were  foremost  in  striking  out  new 
paths;  Dante,  Boccaccio,  and  Petrarch — of  whom  we  will  now  speak. 

• II.  DANTE  AND  BOCCACCIO. 

Dante  Allighieri,  who  sprang  from  an  illustrious  line  of  ances- 
tors, was  born  at  Florence,  on  the  27th  of  May,  1265,  became  fath- 
erless at  the  early  age  of  five  years.  His  teacher  was  Brunetto  Latini, 
secretary  of  the  Republic  of  Florence,  and  author  of  an  encyclopedia, 
which  treated  not  only  of  the  philosophical  sciences,  but  of  geogra- 
phy, astronomy,  history,  and  natural  history  : it  contained  also  re- 
markable traditions,  and  stories  of  ghosts  and  demons,  and  accounts 
of  strange  freaks  of  nature.  With  such  a teacher,  Dante  might  well 
have  laid  the  foundation  of  that  universal  learning  for  which  he  after- 
ward became  so  distinguished. 

It  was  in  his  ninth  year  (1274,)  that  he  saw  for  the  first  time 
Beatrice  Portinari,  a little  girl  of  the  same  age  as  himself,  and  daugh- 
ter of  an  influential  citizen  of  Florence.  That  passing  glance,  he  tells 
us,  enkindled  within  him  the  power  of  love ; though  he  rarely  met 
her  again.  She  died  in  early  womanhood,  in  the  year  1290.  Dante’s 
love  for  Beatrice  was  no  earthly  passion,  but  a love  which  one  might 
cherish  for  a saint  in  glory  : this  his  poems  abundantly  show. 

The  contest  between  the  Ghibellines,  the  partisans  of  the  emperor, 
and  the  Guelphs,  who  sided  with  the  pope,  in  Dante’s  time  was  rag- 
ing at  its  hight.  Florence  was  under  the  dominion  of  the  Guelphs, 
but  they  were  here  divided  into  two  opposing  factions,  the  Blacks 
and  the  Whites  ; to  the  latter  of  these  Dante  belonged.  He  played 
an  important  part  in  the  city  of  his  birth  ; was  present  in  many  cam- 
paigns, and  was  often  chosen  to  fill  the  post  of  ambassador;  in  his 
35th  year  he  was  elected  to  one  of  the  twelve  influential  j)riorships. 
When  the  faction  of  the  Whites  incurred  the  suspicion  of  having 
made  overtures  to  the  Ghibellines,  Dante  was  dispatched  to  Rome, 
to  ingratiate  them  into  favor  with  Pope  Boniface  VHI.*  While  there, 
he  probably  heard  that  Charles  Valois,  w'ith  the  aid  of  the  Blacks, 


’ He  accepted  this  embassy  reluctantly,  yet  proudly,  saying,  “ If  I go,  who  will  be  left  be* 
O'nd,  and  if  I stay,  who  is  there  to  go  1 ” 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


551 


had  seized  upon  the  government  of  Florence,  and  that  he  himself  to- 
gether with  his  party  had  been  banished  from  the  city.  He  continued 
in  exile  for  nineteen  years,  until  his  death,  “ and  felt  the  bitterness  of 
eating  the  bread  and  salt  of  strangers,  and  crossing  a threshold  not 
his  own.” 

Once  only  did  he  entertain  the  hope  of  re-entering  his  native  city  ; 
it  was  in  the  year  1310,  when  the  Emperor  Henry  VH.  came  into 
Italy.  In  a letter,  bearing  date  April  16,  1311,  Dante  implored  the 
emperor  to  take  possession  of  Florence.  He  accordingly  directed  his 
march  thither,  and  on  the  12th  of  September,  1312,  pitched  his 
camp  before  the  city,  but  was  forced,  on  the  3 1st  of  October,  to  depart 
without  success;  and  in  August,  1313,  he  died,  not  without  suspicion 
of  poison.  But  Dante  had  in  this  step  taken  decided  ground  in  favor 
of  the  emperor  and  the  Ghibellines  and  against  Florence,  and  there 
now  remained  for  him  no  further  Jiopes  either  of  reconciliation  or  of 
return. 

In  the  closing  years  of  his  life,  1319 — 1321,  and  after  his  long  and 
weary  wanderings,  he  at  length  found  with  Guido  di  Polenta,  at 
Ravenna,  a friendly  reception  and  patronage.  Here  he  died,  on  the 
14th  of  September,  1321,  at  the  age  of  56.  His  corpse,  decorated 
with  the  insignia  of  a poet,  was  borne  to  the  Church  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans and  there  interred.  The  following  epitaph  was  afterward 
carved  upon  the  tablet  that  marks  his  resting-place : — 

“ Jura  monarchiae,  superos,  phlegetonta,  lacusque 
Lustrando  cecini  voluerunt  fata  quousque ; 

Sed  quia  pars  cessit  melioribus  hospita  castris 
Auctoremque  suum  petiit  felicior  astris, 

Hie  claudor  Dantes  patriis  extorris  ab  oris, 

Quern  genuit  parvi  Florentia  rnater  amoris.”* 

Of  all  the  works  of  Dante  the  “ Divina  Commedia  ” is  by  far  the 
greatest.  As  the  mighty  Strasburg  cathedral  looks  out  upon  us  in 
its  enduring  majesty  from  the  far  period  of  the  Middle  Ages,  so  like- 
wise does  this  powerful  poem.  In  it  are  embodied  all  the  elements 
of  that  period  ; its  Paganism  and  Christianity,  its  imperiality  and 
hierarchy,  its  sciences  and  its  arts,  all  are  mirrored  in  the  “ Divina 
Commedia."  From  the  blackness  of  hell,  where  God’s  justice  is  terri- 

* The  above  may  be  versified  thus : — 

The  rights  of  kings— the  Paradise  of  God, 

Dim  chaos,  and  that  awful  stygian  flood, 

I’ve  seen  and  sung,  while  so  the  Fates  decreed: 

But  when  injustice  forced  my  soul  to  bleed, 

She  spurned  the  earth,  and  starward  sped  her  flight, 

To  seek  her  Author  ’mid  unchanging  light. 

So  Dante’s  exiled  form  lies  moldering  here  in  foreign  earth, 

But  time  will  ne’er  remove  the  stain  from  Florence,  city  of  his  birth. 

( Translator.} 


652 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


bly  displayed,  the  poet  comes  up  again  into  the  light  of  the  sun  and 
ascends  the  mount  of  purgatory,  which  is  fabled  to  lie  at  the  anti- 
podes of  Jerusalem  ; and  from  the  summit  of  this  mount,  he  soars  up 
amid  the  heavenly  spheres  of  Paradise.  This  poem  combines  a rare 
speculative  philosophy  with  the  most  exquisite  sense  of  beauty. 
With  a wondrous  range  and  power  of  fancy,  it  portrays  the  torments 
of  hell,  the  joys  of  Paradise,  spirits  of  darkness,  angels  of  liglit,  the 
holy  anger  and  implacable  wrath  of  the  Judge,  and  a love  full  of 
tenderness  and  irradiated  by  celestial  glory. 

But  not  only  does  this  work  of  Dante’s  reflect  the  elements  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  we  detect  here  and  there  foreshadowings  also  of  the 
coming  centuries. 

He  commenced  the  Commedia’''’  in  Latin;  soon  however  he 
turned  to  the  Italian  in  preference.  He  loved  his  Italy,  and  he  longed 
to  see  her  dismembered  territories,  kept  apart  as  they  had  been  by 
their  fourteen  different  dialects,  united  once  more  by  a common  lan- 
guage in  one  common  nationality.  Already  had  the  first  steps  to 
this  consummation  been  taken,  especially  by  the  polished  court  of 
Frederick  II.  of  Sicily,  of  the  family  of  the  Hohenstaufen.  But  it 
it  was  none  other  than  Dante  who  first  created  the  “ Vulgare  illus- 
tre,”  or  pure  vernacular,  and  who  presented  a living  exemplar  in  his 
great  poem  of  a loftier  dialect  that  was  to  supersede  all  others  and 
yet  to  be  common  to  the  whole  of  Italy.  It  was  at  a subsequent 
period  that  he  composed  his  admirable  little  work  entitled  “ Be  vul- 
gari  eloquio,''  in  which  we  have  his  views  upon  language.  He  here 
distinguishes  between  the  ‘’^vulgaris  and  the  grammatica 

elocutio,^^  or  the  language  of  the  people  and  that  of  the  grammarians. 
The  one  is  that  vernacular  which  we  learn  from  the  mouths  of  our 
nurses  by  imitation  alone,  not  by  rule  ; the  other  is  a language  at 
second  hand  {elocutio  secundaria,)  not  found  in  every  nation,  and, 
where  found,  thoroughly  mastered  only  by  a very  few  individuals,  and 
after  long  years  of  study.  “ The  vernacular,”  Dante  continues,  “ has 
the  decided  advantage  over  the  grammatical  that  it  was  the  earliest 
language  of  men,  is  coextensive  with  the  various  tribes  that  people  the 
earth,  and  comes,  as  we  say,  by  nature,  while  the  grammatical  is  based 
wholly  upon  art.” 

Having  laid  down  this  general  distinction  between  the  two  forms 
of  language,  he  pronounces  the  Italian  of  his  own  day  in  all  its 
dialects  a vernacular,  vulgaris  locutio^  and  the  Latin,  an  educated 
tongue,  grammatica  elocutio.  These  various  dialects  now  come  under 
his  consideration : some  he  rejects  altogether,  for  their  utter  coarse- 
ness and  rusticity ; in  each  of  the  remainder  he  finds  beauties  pecul- 
iarly its  own.  The  higher  or  pure  vernacular  was  to  be  eclectic,  at- 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


553 


trading  to  itself  all  these  diverse  and  separate  graces,  but  carefully 
repelling  every  thing  of  a harsh  and  discordant  nature.  It  was  sheer 
arrogance  in  the  Tuscans  to  impose  their  dialect  upon  Italy  as  in  itself 
such  a pure  vernacular. 

Thus  did  Dante  draw  a sharp  dividing  line  between  the  Latin  and 
the  Italian ; placing  the  Latin  among  those  learned  and  dead  lan- 
guages that  were  no  longer  capable  either  of  life  or  of  growth. 

Nor  did  he  merely  enunciate,  as  a philological  ideal,  this  plan 
of  a language  to  be  common  to  the  whole  of  Italy,  a fair  and  noble 
blossom  to  unfold  from  the  union  of  her  separate  dialects,  but  he 
• embodied  this  ideal  in  its  full  splendor  in  the  “ Divina  CommediaP 
Thus  he  bequeathed  to  the  great  intellects  of  coming  time  the  rich 
legacy  of  a perfected  native  tongue. 

As  this  distinction  between  Latin  and  Italian  became  generally 
received,  there  appears  to  have  arisen  a new  mode  of  reading  and 
of  enjoying  the  classics,  and  their  value  as  works  of  art,  which  had 
been  wholly  lost  sight  of  in  the  Middle  Ages,  was  again  felt  and  ac- 
knowledged. Dante  placed  the  highest  estimate  upon  Virgil ; this 
poet  is  his  guide  through  hell  and  purgatory.  That  he  was  thor- 
oughly acquainted  with  the  ^neid,  numerous  passages  conclusively 
show.  lie  had  also  read  Horace  and  Statius,  but  Greek  he  never 
learned. 

And  as  he  longed  to  see  Italy  one  and  undivided,  so  he  advocated 
for  her  a purely  temporal  government,  a Roman  imperialty.  In  his 
three  books  on  monarchy,  he  defended  the  claims  of  the  emperor 
against  the  popes  in  so  plain-spoken  a manner,  that  at  Rome  his 
treatise  was  shortly  after  condemned  to  the  flames. 

On  the  contrary  he  attacked  the  temporal  sovereignty  of  the  pope  : 
“ sword  and  crosier  befit  not  the  same  hand  ; for  the  pope  should, 
guide  men  to  the  rewards  of  heaven,  while  the  emperor  is  to  lead 
tliem  toward  earthly  felicity.” 

The  more  earnestly  he  labored  for  the  unity  of  the  church,  the 
more  implacable  was  his  hatred  of  corrupt  popes.  Pope  Anastasius 
he  placed  in  hell  among  the  heretics,  Nicholas  III.  and  Boniface  VIII. 
with  the  Simonists.  He  was  unsparing  in  his  denunciations  of  the 
avarice  of  these  popes.  And  it  was  only  his  reverential  regard  for 
the  keys  of  St.  Peter  that  withheld  him  from  applying  to  them  severer 
language  than  this  : — 

“ Trampling  the  good,  and  raising  up  the  bad — 

Your  avarice  o’erwhelms  the  world  in  woe. 

To  you  St.  John  referred,  ye  shepherds  vile. 

When  she,  who  sits  on  many  waters,  had 
Been  seen  with  kings  her  person  to  defile.” 


554 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


And  in  the  2'7th  canto  of  the  Paradise^'  St.  Peter  is  represented 
as  saying  of  Boniface  : — 

“ He  who  on  earth,  my  place, 

My  place  usurps,  my  place,  which  in  the  eyes 
Of  God’s  own  Son  is  vacant,  hath  long  space 
Rendered  my  burial-ground  a sink  abhorred 
Of  blood  and  filth,  which  to  the  inveterate  foe. 

Who  fell  from  heaven,  doth  high  delight  afford.”* 

And  in  a third  passage  a lost  spirit  is  made  to  curse  Boniface  VIII., 
because  this  pope  had  lulled  him  into  security  by  an  indulgence, 
which  he  found  when  too  late  was  powerless  to  rescue  him  from  the 
clutches  of  the  devil.  But  despite  this  sweeping  denunciation  of  god-  . 
less  popes,  he  was  not  wanting  in  a due  regard  for  the  dignity  of  the 
vicegerent  of  Christ,  for  we  find  him  hurling  anathemas  without  stint 
against  Philip  the  Fair,  for  injuries  done  to  this  same  Boniface  VIII. 

BOCCACCIO. 

Hardly  was  Dante  in  his  grave,  when  the  Florentines  entreated  for 
permission  to  remove  his  remains,  but  Guido  di  Polenta  turned  a deaf 
ear  to  their  suit,  and  to  this  day  the  bones  of  Dante  rest  in  Ravenna, 
where  in  life  the  tired  wanderer  found  his  last  refuge  and  repose. 

V^ithin  a little  more  than  fifty  years  after  his  death,  or  in  1373, 
Florence  founded  a speciahchair  for  the  interpretation  of  the  “ Divina 
Commedia^''  and  called  Boccaccio  to  occupy  it. 

Giovanni  Boccaccio  was  born  at  Florence,  in  the  year  1313, 
eight  years  prior  to  the  death  of  Dante.  Destined  by  his  father  for 
the  mercantile  profession,  he  was  placed  with  a merchant,  with  whom 
he  remained  from  his  10th  to  his  16th  year.  After  the  conviction 
had  been  forced  upon  the  father  that  he  had  mistaken  the  bent  of 
his  son’s  genius,  he  altered  his  plan,  and  put  him  to  the  study  of  the 
canon  law,  “ with  which,”  the  son  informs  us,  “ I wearied  myself  for 
six  long  years,  but  all  to  no  purpose.”  In  his  25th  year,  Boccaccio 
visited  the  tomb  of  Virgil,  near  Naples,  and  there  he  conceived  the 
resolution  to  devote  himself  to  the  pursuit  of  knowledge  and  the 
arts.  In  Naples  too  it  was,  “ on  the  anniversary  of  that  day,”  we 
quote  his  own  words,  “ on  which  men  celebrate  the  glorious  return  of 
the  son  of  Jupiter  from  the  despoiled  realms  of  Pluto,”  that  is  on  the 
Saturday  before  Easter,  in  the  year  1341,  and  in  the  Church  of  St. 
Lorenzo,  that  he  first  saw  his  beloved. 

But  how  different  the  love  of  Boccaccio  from  the  pure  and  lofty 
idolatry  of  Dante  ! 

The  energies  of  Boccaccio  were  directed  both  to  the  study  of  the 


• The  two  quotations  from  the  ‘‘  Divina  Commedia  ” made  above,  are  from  Wright’s  trans- 
lation, published  in  Bohn’s  Standard  Library. 


HISTORY  OF’  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


555 


ancient  classics  and  to  the  elevation  of  Italian  prose.  He  collected  orig- 
inal manuscripts  of  the  classics,  had  copies  made,  and  wrote  a Genealogy 
of  the  Gods.  In  one  respect  he  surpassed  Dante,  and,  as  we  shall  see 
hereafter,  even  Petrarch  ; namely,  in  the  acquisition  of  Greek.  This 
he  learned  from  Leontius  Pilatus,  whom  in  the  year  1360  he  brought 
to  Florence.  This  Leontius  professed  to  be  a Thessalian,  but  was  in 
reality  a native  of  Calabria.  Boccaccio  read  Homer  with  him,  and 
was  afterward  the  means  of  his  giving  public  lectures  upon  this  poet. 

The  Latin  poems  of  Boccaccio  were  held  in  very  high  esteem  by 
his  cotemporaries,  his  eclogues  being  ranked  higher  even  than  those 
of  Virgil. 

But  these  Latin  poems  are  forgotten,  while  on  the  contrary  one  of 
his  Italian  works,  the  “ Decameron^''  after  passing  through  ninety- 
seven  editions,  is  yet  at  the  present  day  being  continually  reprinted. 
This  work  has  exercised  and  still  is  exercising  a vast  influence  for  the 
elevation  and  purity  of,  Italian  prose.  Of  its  origin  we  have  the  fol- 
lowing account.  In  the  year  1348  Florence  was  visited  by  that 
frightful  pestilence  the  plague.  After  describing  its  ravages,  Boccac- 
cio goes  on  to  relate  how,  to  escape  from  it,  seven  ladies  and  three 
young  men  withdrew  to  a country  seat,  and  there  during  the  space 
of  ten  days  improvised  or  recited  stories,  to  the  number  of  ten  each 
day. 

Preceding  novels  had  been  extremely  simple.  They  were  sketched 
with  a few  bold  and  prominent  touches  ; but  these  of  Boccaccio,  on 
the  contrary,  are  rich  in  musical  words  and  graceful  in  incident,  and 
reproduce  the  refined  conversational  style  of  a highly  polished  society. 
Many  of  these  novels  are  familiar  under  different  forms  to  many  per- 
sons who  perhaps  are  not  aware  that  they  originated  with  Boccaccio. 
Of  this  class  is  the  story,  in  Lessing’s  “ Nathan  the  Wise^^^  of  the 
“ Three  Rings.” 

We  find  here  the  most  unsparing  attacks  upon  the  hierarchy  and 
the  monks.  Instance  the  story  of  Abraham,  the  Paris  Jew.  A 
Christian  urges  him  to  be  baptized  ; but  first,  to  assure  himself,  he 
takes  a journey  to  Rome,  the  center  of  Christendom.  There  he  finds 
all  the  clergy,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  wallowing  in  the  most 
abandoned  impiety,  avarice,  sensuality,  gluttony,  and  unnatural  lusts, 
and  carrying  on  a most  shameless  traffic  in  spiritual  things,  etc.  On 
his  return  to  Paris  he  tells  his  Christian  friend  how  he  found  at  Rome 
neither  holiness  nor  devotion,  but  rather  the  very  opposite  of  these. 
“In  short,”  said  he  to  the  Christian,  “your  shepherd  and  all  his  flock 
appear  to  think  of  nothing  else  than  how  they  may  annihilate  the 
Christian  religion,  and  drive  it  from  the  world  ; since  however  their 
efforts  do  not  succeed,  but  this  religion  emerges  all  the  more  radiant 


556 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


and  glorious,  it  is  doubtless  upheld  and  directed  by  the  Holy  Spirit. 
And  for  this  reason  I will  permit  myself  to  be  baptized.” 

Many  among  these  novels  are  prurient  and  obscene,  and  in  their 
composition  the  inventor  did  not  trouble  himself  even  for  a fig-leaf  to 
hide  their  shame.  It  indicates  an  extreme  corruption  of  morals  that 
he  put  such  words  in  the  mouths  of  Florentine  ladies,  and  we  should 
judge  his  fiction  a slander,  if  we  had  not  Dante’s  express  assurance, 
that  at  that  period  even  sermons  were  preached  from  the  pulpit 
against  the  immodesty  of  the  Florentine  women. 

About  the  year  1360,  Boccaccio  was  warned  by  a dying  monk  to 
give  up  his  studies  and  to  prepare  himself  for  death.  Seized  with 
terror,  he  wrote  to  Petrarch  for  direction.  Petrarch  consoled  him  by 
casting  suspicion  upon  the  prophecy,  and  continued  with  a defense  of 
legitimate  studies.  “ I well  know,’’  he  wrote,  “ that  one  can  be  a holy 
man  without  learning,  but  I also  know  that  learning  is  no  hindrance 
to  holiness,  as  many  would  have  us  believe.  We  should  be  cautious 
how  we  compare  an  ignorant  devotion  with  an  enlightened  piety.” 

That  Boccaccio  did  not  give  up  his  studies,  we  have  unmistakable 
testimony  ; for  it  was  in  the  year  1373,  or  13  years  after  this  proph- 
ecy, that  his  work  on  the  Genealogy  of  the  Gods  first  made  its  ap- 
pearance. He  died  in  the  year  1375,  aged  62  years. 

His  writings  he  bequeathed  to  the  pious  care  of  Martin,  an  Augus- 
tan monk  in  Florence,  with  the  injunction  to  him  to  pray  for  his  soul. 
To  a monastery  of  another  fraternity  he  left  a collection  of  relics  that 
he  had  been  at  great  pains  to  bring  together.  All  this  proves  that  in 
his  later  years  he  underwent  deep  contrition  for  the  unblushing  friv- 
olity of  his  youth.  In  a letter  he  laments  that  “ no  one  will  urge  his 
youth  as  an  apology  for  the  transgressions  of  his  pen.”  And  he  adjures 
fathers  not  to  place  the  “Tlcmmeron”  in  the  hands  of  their  children. 

What  an  important  part  this  book  played  two  hundred  years  later, 
in  Italian  literature,  we  shall  see  in  the  course  of  this  history. 

PETRARCH. 

Petrarch  was  born  at  Arezzo,  Aug.  1,  1304.  He  says  of  himself: 
“ In  exile  was  I conceived  and  in  exile  born.”  His  father,  a notary 
at  Florence,  adhered,  as  did  Dante,  to  the  faction  of  the  Whites,  and 
was  likewise  driven  from  the  city  in  the  year  1302,  not  long  after 
Dante’s  banishment.  He  went  thence  to  Arezzo,  where  Petrarch  first 
saw  the  light  on  the  first  of  x\ugust,  1304.  The  child  was  not  yet  a year 
old  when  his  mother  removed  with  him  to  Ancisa,  and  in  his  seventh 
year  his  parents  located  themselves  in  Pisa.  Well  wrapped  up  and 
intrusted  to  the  care  of  a sturdy  horseman,  the  lad  narrowly  escaped 
drowning  as  the  horse  made  a false  step  in  the  ford  of  the  Arno.  In  Pisa 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


557 


he  was  placed  under  the  instruction  of  Barlaam.  In  his  eighth  year  he 
journeyed  with  his  parents  to  Avignon,  where  the  pope  had  tempo- 
rarily fixed  his  See.  At  Carpentras,  not  far  from  Avignon,  he  studied, 
for  four  years,  grammar,  rhetoric,  and  logic.  In  his  1 5th  year  his 
father  sent  him  to  Montpelier,  and  four  years  after  to  Bologna,  to  pros- 
ecute the  study  of  the  law.  It  was  with  great  reluctance  that  he  ac- 
ceded to  his  father’s  wishes  in  this  respect,  and  we  find  him  reading 
Cicero  and  Virgil  in  preference  to  Justinian.  When  his  father  heard 
of  his  course,  he  went  forthwith  to  Bologna,  upbraided  his  son  for 
thus  misspending  his  time,  and  threw  his  manuscripts  into  the  fire. 
He  was  only  induced,  by  his  son’s  promise  of  reformation,  made  on 
bended  knees,  to  spare  Cicero  and  Virgil.  Nevertheless,  on  the  death 
of  his  father  ia  1826,  Petrarch  bade  adieu  both  to  Bologna  and  to  his 
studies,  returned  to  Avignon,  and  entered  the  service  of  the  church. 

In  his  27th  year,  on  Good  Friday,  1327,  and  at  church,  he  caught 
.his  first  glimpse  of  Laura  de  Noves,  who  was  espoused  to  Hugo  di 
Sade.  From  that  moment  to  her  death  she  was  the  object  of  his 
pure,  idealized  love ; and  this  love  he  has  embalmed  forever  in  can- 
zonets and  sonnets  written  in  his  native  Italian.  Then  it  was  that  he 
retired  to  the  shades  of  Vaucluse,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Avignon,  a 
spot  which  his  poems  have  rendered  sacred  to  this  day.  Here  he 
began,  in  1339,  the  composition  of  a great  Latin  epic,  that  he  called 
“^yrira.”  His  hero  was  the  hero  of  Livy,  Scipio  Africanus  the  elder. 
This  poem,  he  fondly  dreamed,  was  to  bear  his  name  down  to  poster- 
ity. But  five  hundred  3^ears  have  come  and  gone,  and  his  Italian 
poems  have  lost  none  of  their  original  freshness;  but  who  ever  reads, 
nay,  we  may  ask  who  ever  hears  of^  that  Latin  epic  ? Time,  the 
unerring  judge,  has  glorified  those,  and  drawn  an  impenetrable  veil 
over  this. 

But  Petrarch’s  cotemporaries  thought  differently  : their  opinion 
agreed  with  his  own.  On  one  and  the  same  day  he  received  two  in- 
vitations, one  from  the  chancellor  of  the  University  of  Paris,  the  other 
from  the  senate  of  Rome ; each  offering  him  the  honor  of  a public 
coronation.  He  decided  in  favor  of  Rome,  but  went  beforehand  to 
the  court  of  that  “great  philosopher  and  king,”  Robert  of  Naples. 
Having  presented  to  Robert  a copy  of  his  epic,  the  monarch  urgently 
solicited  him  to  accept  the  laurel  then  ; but  his  love  for  Rome  did  not 
permit  him  to  embrace  the  proffer.  Robert  accordingly  dismissed 
him  with  a retinue  of  envoys,  and  with  letters  to  the  Roman  senate. 
It  was  on  Easter  Sunday,  the  8th  of  April,  1341,  that  the  poet  was 
crowned  at  the  capitol.  Early  in  the  morning  the  shrill  sound  of 
trumpets  gave  notice  of  the  approaching  festivities,  and  the  streets 
were  soon  full  of  thronging  multitudes,  eager  to  witness  the  unwonted 


658 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


spectacle.  And  first  a high  mass  was  performed  at  the  altar  of  St. 
Peters  by  the  vice-legate,  the  Bishop  of  Terracina.  Then  twelve 
young  men  in  scarlet  robes  escorted  the  poet  to  the  capitol,  chanting 
verses  before  him.  After  them  came  Petrarch  himself,  sumptuously 
arrayed  in  violet-colored  vestments,  the  gift  of  the  king  of  Naples, 
and  attended  by  six  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  Rome,  clad 
in  green,  and  having  their  brows  wreathed  with  chaplets  of  flowers. 
After  proceeding  thus  for  a short  distance,  he  mounted  a lofty  chariot, 
upon  which  were  represented  symbols  of  the  art  of  poetry,  and  whose 
throne  was  supported  by  a lion,  an  elephant,  a griffin,  and  a panther. 
Around  the  throne  stood  a group  of  personages  in  the  character  of  Gre- 
cian deities,  and  upon  it  on  either  hand  of  Petrarch  were  statues  of  the 
Graces,  of  Bacchus,  and  of  Patience.  It  w'as  drawn  by  four  horses, 
and  preceded  by  a maiden,  singing.  After  it  came  Envy,  attended 
by  satyrs,  fauns,  and  nymphs,  dancing.  When  Petrarch  had  thus 
arrived  at  the  capitol,  he  solicited  the  laurel  in  a Latin  speech,  whose, 
theme  he  had  selected  from  Virgil.  Then,  amid  the  threefold  accla- 
mation, “ Long  live  the  Roman  people  ! ” “ Long  live  the  senate  ! ” 
“ God  guard  our  liberties ! ” he  kneeled  before  the  Senator  Orlo,  Count 
of  Anguillara,  who  placed  a laurel  crown  upon  his  brows,  with  these 
words  pronounced  in  a loud  voice : “ This  crown  is  the  reward  of 
merit.”  The  count  then  declared  Petrarch  to  be  a great  poet  and 
historian,  and,  by  virtue  of  the  authority  of  Robert,  king  of  Naples, 
of  the  senate,  and  of  the  people  of  Rome,  he  accorded  to  him  full 
privilege,  “as  well  in  this  all -consecrated  city  as  in  every  land  in 
Christendom,  to  teach  in  public,  to  hold  disputations,  to  comment 
upon  old  books,  to  compose  new,  and  to  produce  poems,  wdiich  by 
the.  grace  of  God  might  endure  to  the  end  of  time ; ” and  thi^  per- 
mission was  confirmed  to  him  by  a written  decree.  Petrarch  then 
recited  a sonnet  in*honor  of  the  heroes  of  Rome,  and  all  the  people 
clapped  their  hands,  and  shouted  with  a voice  of  thunder,  “ The  cap- 
itol forever  ! long  live  the  poet ! ” His  friends  wept  tears  of  joy,  and 
Stephen  Colonna  spoke  publicly  in  his  praise. 

The  same  escort  then  conducted  him  to  the  Church  of  St.  Peter; 
here  he  scattered  amongst  the  people  four  hundred  gulden,  furnished 
him  for  this  purpose  by  the  family  of  Colonna.  Count  Anguillara 
presented  him  with  a ruby  valued  at  five  hundred  ducats,  the  Roman 
people  five  hundred  ducats  more,  together  with  all  the  paraphernalia 
used  in  the  coronation.  He  then  bowed  in  prayer  before  the  altar, 
and  dedicated  to  the  apostle  his  threefold  crown  (of  ivy,  laurel,  and 
myrtle,)  to  be  suspended  from  the  dome.  At  last  the  procession 
returned  to  the  palace  of  the  Colonnas,  where  the  festival  was  closed 
with  a sumptuous  supper  and  ball. 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


559 


An  honor  such  as  this  coronation  had  been  conceded  to  no  one 
within  the  memory  of  man.  Nor  could  it  well  be  said  of  any  one, 
in  any  former  age,  that  during  his  lifetime  he  had  enjoyed  so  much 
reputation  in  such  a wide  circle,  and  had  been  so  highly  honored  both 
by  kings,  emperors,  and  people,  as  had  Petrarch.  Hence  in  his  old 
age  he  became  surfeited  with  renown. 

Petrarch,  in  common  with  many  of  his  countrymen,  cherished  the 
memory  of  the  ancient  glories  of  Rome,  and  longed  to  see  those 
glories  revStored.  For  the  power  of  the  hierarchy,  that,  under  Gregory 
VII.,  Innocent  III.,  and  others,  had  made  the  nations  of  Christian 
Europe  mere  dependencies  of  Rome,  had  since  the  division  of  the 
church  greatly  declined. 

Every  movement  that  tended  to  the  restoration  of  Rome,  was  hailed 
by  Petrarch  with  delight.  Hence,  when  Rienzi,  in  the  year  1346, 
during  the  Pontificate  of  Clement  VI.,  attempted  the  sublime  scheme 
of  reinaugurating  the  Roman  Republic,  Petrarch  wrote  enthusiastic 
letters  to  the  Romans,  in  which  he  compared  Rienzi  to  the  elder 
Brutus.  But  this  man,  who,  in  the  delirium  of  his  pride,  had  sum- 
moned emperors  and  kings  before  his  throne,  and  who  had  arrogated 
to  himself  the  possession  of  the  seven  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  was 
in  the  following  year  driven  from  the  city. 

Petrarch  then  turned  his  eyes  upon  Charles  IV.,  and  invited  him 
as  the  descendant  of  Charles  the  Great  to  come  to  Italy  and  recon- 
struct the  Roman  Empire.  He  came  finally  in  1354,  but  played  a 
cowardly  part  at  Milan  and  at  Rome,  and  made  all  haste  back  again 
to  Germany.  At  this  Petrarch  was  incensed,  and  wrote  him  a letter 
full  of  bitter  reproaches.  “ Thou,”  he  said,  “ thou,  lord  of  the  Ro- 
man Empire  ! Thou  hast  no  aspirations  which  reach  beyond  Bo- 
hemia. When  had  thy  grandfather  or  thy  father  acted  thus  ignobly  ? 
But  virtue,  I perceive,  is  no  inheritance.”  The  retreat  of  Charles  he 
stigmatized  as  “ inglorious,  not  to  say  infamous.” 

But  he  used  still  stronger  language  of  the  hierarchy.  The  Papal 
See,  at  Avignon,  he  called  the  second  Babylon ; and  he  laid  bare  its 
corruptions  both  in  prose  and  in  verse.  “ Here  thou  mayest  behold 
a people,”  thus  he  wrote  to  a friend,  “ that  is  not  only  at  variance ' 
with  Christ,  but  that  arrays  itself  against  his  cause  while  marching 
under  his  banner;  a people  that  serv^es  Satan,  and  thirsting  for  the 
blood  of  Christ,  taunts  him  with  the  words,  ‘Our  lips  are  our  own: 
who  is  Lord  )ver  us  ? ’ They  are  a froward,  godless,  smooth-tongued, 
and  avaricious  generation,  and,  like  Judas,  they  betray  their  master. 
They  have  the  name  of  Christ  in  their  mouths  by  day  and  by  night, 
but  yet  they  are  ever  ready  to  sell  him  for  silver.”  In  another  let- 
ter he  says,  “ In  this  stronghold  of  avarice,  nothing  is  deemed  iniqui- 


560 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


tous,  provided  only  that  the  pay  is  secure.  The  hope  of  life  everlast- 
ing,  and  all  the  terrors  of  the  second  death,  have  become  to  them  as 
a fable ; the  resurrection  of  the  flesh,  the  end  of  the  world,  and  the 
coming  of  Christ  in  judgment,  they  look  upon  as  the  devices  of  a 
juggler.  Truth  they  call  folly,  moderation  weakness,  and  modesty 
a disgrace.  In  fine,  a life  of  open  sin  they  make  their  highest  wisdom 
and  their  truest  liberty  ; the  more  scandalous  the  conduct  the  more 
worthy  they  think  it,  and  the  greater  the  crime  the  greater  the 
glory.”  In  still  another  place  he  says,  “ Shall  I choose  Babylon 
(Avignon)  for  my  residence,  where  I shall  be  compelled  to  see  the 
good  abused  and  the  vile  exalted,  eagles  creep  and  asses  soar  aloft, 
where  wolves  roam  at  large  but  lambs  are  led  to  the  slaughter,  where 
Christ  is  persecuted  and  Anti-Christ  is  Lord,  while  Beelzebub  sits  in 
the  seat  of  judgment  ? ” 

Such  is  the  picture  which  he  gives  of  the  pope  and  the  clergy,  not 
upon  hearsay  evidence,  but  as  he  himself  had  seen  them  ; and  of  the 
cardinals  he  relates  deeds  that  are  absolutely  too  shameless  to  repeat. 

Petrarch’s  attainments  belonged  wholly  to  a subsequent  age  ; he 
was  the  precursor  of  the  philological  poets.  Hence  it  was  that  he 
apparently  bad  no  sympathy  with  Dante,  that  gigantic  spirit  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  prophetic  not  of  one  age  alone  but  of  all  coming  time. 

Cicero  was  his  delight,  even  from  boyhood.  “ At  an  age,”  he 
writes,  “ when  I could  not  understand  him  in  any  degree,  I was  at- 
tracted to  him  purely  by  the  sweetness  and  the  rhythmic  flow  of  his 
words.”  So  likewise  was  he  enthusiastic  in  his  love  for  Virgil.  And 
the  study  of  the  law  tended  in  his  opinion  to  diminish  this  enthusi- 
asm. “ Nothing,”  he  writes  to  Thomas  of  Messina,  “nothing  suc- 
ceeds that  is  undertaken  against  nature.  She  has  formed  me  for 
solitude  and  not  for  the  forum,  I do  not  venture  to  say  that  I acted 
with  a wise  forecast,  but  only  that  I happened  upon  the  right  course, 
when  I threw  off  the  fetters  of  Bologna.” 

Petrarch  had  a most  ardent  desire  to  learn  the  Greek.  His  earlier 
teacher,  Barlaam,  a Calabrian  of  the  Order  of  St.  Basil,  first  met  him 
at  Avignon,  in  1342.  “With  glowing  hopes  and  eager  desire,”  he 
writes,  “ did  I apply  myself  to  the  Greek ; but  the  complete  foreign- 
ness of  the  language,  and  the  sudden  decease  of  my  teacher,  put  an 
end  to  my  project.”  Nicholas  Sigeros  subsequently  sent  him  a Homer 
from  Constantinople.  He  acknowledged  the  gift  in  these  terms  : 
“You  have  sent  me  a great,  a priceless  treasure;  I only  wish  that 
you  yourself  had  come  with  it ; then  could  I learn  this  difficult  lan- 
guage under  your  direction,  and  so  enjoy  your  gift.  But,  alas  ! what 
shall  I do  ? For  you  live  in  a distant  land,  and  Barlaam  has  been 
snatched  from  me  by  death.  To  me  Homer  is  dumb,  or,  much  more, 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY.  5(31 

I am  deaf  for  him.  Yet  I delight  myself  in  gazing  on  him,  and 
often  do  I embrace  him,  and  exclaim  with  a sigh,  ‘ O thou  great  man, 
how  joyfully  would  I listen  to  thy  numbers,  but  my  ears  are  sealed, 
the  one  by  death,  the  other  by  long  distance.’  ” Petrarch  added, 
notwithstanding,  the  request  to  Sigeros  to  send  him  a Hesiod  and  a 
Euripides.  His  enthusiasm  for  the  Koman  classics  was  that  of  an 
Italian  who  honored  in  them  the  genius  of  his  ancestors,  and  who 
longed  for  the  restoration  of  the  olden  power  and  glory  of  Rome. 
He  must  have  had,  moreover,  as  his  poems  show,  a most  delicate  ear 
for  the  sweetness  of  the  language.  The  charming  periods  of  Cicero, 
and  the  stately  hexameters  of  Virgil,  exercised  a magical  influence 
upon  him.  His  absorbing  devotion  to  the  ancient  classics,  his  dai!}^ 
and  constant  communion  with  them,  and  withal  his  endeavors  to  im- 
itate them,  are  every  where  evidenced  ; in  his  letters  especially.  So 
much  the  more  must  we  honor  him,  in  that  he  was  not  warped  from 
Christianity  by  his  attachment  to  the  ancients.  “It  is  permitted  to 
us,”  he  writes  to  John  Colonna,  “ to  admire  and  to  esteem  the  philos- 
ophers, provided  that  they  do  not  turn  us  aside  from  truth,  nor  blind  our 
eyes  to  the  chief  end  of  our  existence.  Should  any  of  them  tempt 
us  to  this,  even  were  it  Plato,  Aristotle,  Varro,  or  Cicero,  then  must 
he  with  an  unyielding  steadfastness  be  despised  and  trodden  under 
foot.  No  acuteness  of  argumentation,  no  seducing  array  of  words, 
no  authority  of  great  names,  should  be  allowed  to  have  any  weight 
with  us.  For  they  were  but  men,  their  learning  was  no  deeper  than 
human  penetration  and  experience  could  go ; and,  though  their  elo- 
quence was  surpassing,  and  their  intellectual  gifts  of  the  highest  order, 
yet  we  should  compassionate  them,  because  they  lacked  that  good 
which  is  unspeakable  and  above  all  price.  Inasmuch  as  they  trusted 
to  their  own  strength,  and  turned  away  from  the  true  light,  they  have 
stumbled  and  fallen,  after  the  manner  of  the  blind.  We  may  admire 
their  talents,  but  at  the  same  time  we  should  not  forget  to  give  the 
glory  to  Him  who  bestowed  those  talents  upon  them.  We  may  feel 
compassion  for  the  errors  of  these  men,  but  we  should  not  forget  to 
be  grateful  for  our  lot,  and  to  acknowledge  that  we  have  been  more 
highly  favored  than  our  ancestors,  and  that,  without  any  merit  of  our 
own,  but  purely  through  the  grace  of  Him  who  conceals  his  myster- 
ies from  the  wise  but  reveals  them  unto  babes.  Let  us  so  philosophize 
as  to  abide  by  the  true  wisdom.  But  the  true  wisdom  of  God  is  in 
Christ.  To  philosophize  then  in  the  true  spirit,  we  must  love  and 
honor  Christ  first  of  all.  Let  us  be  Christians,  first  and  foremost. 
Let  us  so  read  philosophy,  poetry,  and  history,  that  Christ’s  gospel 
shall  ever  sound  in  the  ears  of  our  heart,  that  gospel  through  which 

alone  we  can  become  sufficiently  learned  and  blessed,  but  without 

36 


562 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


which  our  highest  accomplishments  will  but  render  us  more  ignorant 
and  wretched.  Upon  the  gospel  alone,  as  upon  the  only  immovable 
basis  of  all  true  knowledge,  can  human  diligence  build  with  safety.” 

But  clearly  as  Petrarch  beheld  the  relation  which  the  classics  sus- 
tained to  the  gospel,  and  just  as  was  the  opinion  which  he  pronounced 
upon  them,  yet  he  was  equally  free  from  the  narrow-mindedness  of 
those  who  foolishly  deem  themselves  the  more  acceptable  to  God  the 
more  they  clip  the  wings  of  their  own  spirits.  “You  tell  me,”  Pe- 
trarch wrote  to  James  Colonna,  “ that  I only  feign  a love  for  Augus- 
tin and  his  works,  while  in  truth  I can  not  divorce  myself  from  the 
poets  and  philosophers.  But  why  should  I tear  myself  away  from 
those  studies  in  which  Augustin  himself  took  so  much  delight? 
Had  it  not  been  so  with  him,  he  had  never  put  together  those  sub- 
lime books  ‘of  the  City  of  God"' — to  say  nothing  of  his  other  works 
— with  so  much  cement  borrowed  from  the  poets  and  philosophers, 
nor  adorned  them  with  so  many  colors  drawn  from  the  orators  and  his- 
torians. x\nd  he  himself  moreover  freely  testifies  that  he  found  much 
of  the  Christian  element  in  the  works  of  the  Platonists,  and  that  the 
Hortensiiis  of  Cicero  made  a wonderful  change  in  his  views,  so  that 
he  was  diverted  thereby  from  vain  expectations,  and  the  profitless 
controversies  of  sects,  and  attracted  to  the  unmingled  study  of  truth. 
Thus  was  this  great  teacher  of  the  church  not  ashamed  to  put  him- 
self under  the  guidance  of  Cicero,  although  Cicero’s  ideal  was  in  the 
main  so  widely  different  from  his.  And  why  should  he  have  been 
ashamed  ? We  ought  not  to  refuse  the  aid  of  any  leader,  who  points 
to  us  the  way  of  the 'soul’s  safety.  I do  not  deny  that  much  is  to  be 
found  in  the  classics  that  we  ought  to  avoid  ; so  too  in  Christian 
writers  there  are  often  many  things  which  will  mislead  an  incautious 
reader.  Yea,  Augustin  himself  has  given  us  a laborious  work,  in 
which,  with  his  own  hand,  he  has  rooted  out  the  tares  from  the  rich 
wheat-field  of  his  writings.  In  short,  the  books  are  very  few  that  we 
can  read  without  danger,  unless  the  light  of  divine  truth  shall  shine 
into  our  minds,  and  discover  to  us  what  to  choose  and  what  to  shun. 
And  if  we  have  this  light  to  guide  us,  we  shall  walk  every  where  in  a 
sure  place.” 

But  the  men  of  that  day  did  not  all  share  Petrarch’s  opinions.  He 
lamented,  as  Augustin  had  done  before  him,  “ that  so  many,  in  their 
enthusiasm  for  study,  neglected  to  strive  after  holiness,  and  thought 
more  highly  of  eloquence  and  renown  than  of  a blameless  life  and  of 
virtue.  Poets  were  more  willing  to  be  faulty  in  their  conduct  than 
in  their  verse ; historians  cared  more  to  trace  the  annals  of  the  world 
than  to  render  an  account  of  their  own  short  lives ; and  orators 
shrank  with  far  more  disgust  from  deformity  in  style  than  from 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


563 


crooked  dealings  with  their  fellow-men.  Theologians  had  degenerated 
into  logicians,  nay,  into  sophists  ; they  did  not  seek  to  love^  only  to 
know  God,  nor  this  except  for  appearance’  sake  and  to  deceive  others, 
while  in  secret  they  cherished  their  unholy  passions.” 

The  preceding  paragraph  discloses  Petrarch’s  aversion  to  the  logi- 
cians, that  is,  the  scholastics.  In  two  letters  to  Thomas  of  Messina  he 
holdl  up  to  ridicule  an  old,  contentious  logician,  depicts  his  bloodless, 
lanthorn-jawed  visage,  his  sunken  eyes,  his  ragged  attire,  and  his  rough, 
austere  manner.  Accusations  and  slanders  form  the  staple  of  his  dis- 
course. With  hoarse  yelping  he  has  given  utterance  to  the  dictum 
that  Petrarch’s  art,  ^.  c.,  the  art  of  poetry,  was  the  least  useful  of  all 
the  arts.  Petrarch  admits,  in  passing,  that  it  ministers  to  the  desire 
for  delight  and  for  beauty,  not  to  mere  utility.  But  the  logician 
argues,  that,  if  the  poetic  art  is  the  least  useful,  it  is  therefore  the  least 
elevated.  According  to  such  an  irrational  conclusion,  the  barest  hand- 
icraft is  to  be  held  in  the  highest  honor.  “ Out  upon  this  new  and 
barbarous  doctrine,”  Petrarch  continues,  “ a doctrine  unknown  even 
to  Aristotle,  whose  name  they  sully  by  the  imputation.” 

The  hatred  of  the  scholastics  toward  Petrarch  was  subsequently 
displayed  in  the  most  violent  manner.  At  Venice  they  sat  in  judg- 
ment upon  him,  and  decreed  that  he  was  devoid  of  learning ; upon 
which  he  wrote  the  treatise  “0/z  his  own  ignorance  and  that  of  others’'^ 
In  another  quarter  he  was  cried  down  as  a disciple  of  the  “ black 
art,”  because  he  read  Virgil  so  constantly,  a poet  regarded  in  the  Mid- 
dle Ages  as  a sorcerer,  and  also  because  he  wrote  poems  himself. 
The  chief  and  most  rancorous  enemy  of  the  poets  at  that  period  was 
Solipodio,  a Dominican  and  a Grand  Inquisitor. 

In  his  youth,  Petrarch  was  accounted  beautiful : in  a letter  to  his 
brother  he  alludes  jocosely  to  their  mutual  pride  of  personal  appear- 
ance. “Yet  would  that  I could  say  with  truth,”  he  writes,  “that  I 
had  ever  remained  entirely  free  from  the  dominion  of  pleasure  ! But 
I thank  God  that,  while  I was  yet  in  the  dower  of  youth.  He  rescued 
me  from  this  debasing  and  detested  yoke.”  He  owed  his  safety 
to  his  pure,  poetical  love  for  Laura,  who  remained  to  the  end  true 
to  her  marriage-vow. 

In  the  year  1348,  that  terrible  pestilence,  the  Black  Plague,  raged 
throughout  Asia  and  Europe,  from  China  to  Iceland.  During  that 
period,  Petrarch  wrote  to  his  brother  as  follows : — “ My  brother,  ah ! my 
dearest  brother,  what  shall  I tell  you  ? Where  shall  I begin,  or  what 
shall  I speak  of  first  ? All  is  anguish  and  terror.  Oh  ! my  brother, 
would  that  I had  never  been  born,  or  at  least  that  I had  not  lived 
to  witness  these  horrors  ! ” “ Was  it  ever  heard,  does  history  any 

where  show  the  record,  of  houses  emptied,  and  cities  depopulated,  of 


564 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY 


fields  piled  with  the  dead,  in  short,  of  the  whole  globe  being  changed 
into  a waste,  howling  wilderness  ? Ask  the  historians,  they  are 
dumb  ; ask  the  physicians,  they  are  struck  with  amazement ; ask  the 
philosophers,  they  shrug  their  shoulders,  draw  down  their  eyebrov/s, 
and,  with  their  finger  on  their  mouth,  they  bid  you  be  silent.  Will 
posterity  credit  this,  when  we  ourselves,  who  are  eye-witnesses,  can 
scarce  believe  it  ? ” In  a tone  of  despairing  sadness  he  mourns  dver 
the  loss  of  numbers  of  his  friends.  In  these  dark  days  his  thoughts 
were  continually  with  his  absent  Laura.  On  the  6th  of  April,  he  tells 
us,  she  appeared  to  him  in  a morning-dream,  fiiir  as  an  angel.  “ Dost 
thou  not  know  me  ? ” she  said,  “ I am  she  who  led  thee  aside  from  the 
beaten  paths  of  worldliness,  when  first  thy  young  heart  inclined  itself 
to  me.”  To  his  question  whether  she  yet  lived,  she  replied  : ‘‘  I am 
living,  but  thou  art  dead,  and  so  thou  wilt  remain,  until  thou  hast 
left  the  earth  behind  thee.  Thou  wilt  never  find  true  happiness,  so 
long  as  thou  courtest  the  favor,  or  art  awed  by  the  displeasure,  of  the 
populace.  Thou  wouldst  rejoice  at  my  death  rather  than  mourn  over 
it,  couldst  thou  realize  but  a tithe  of  the  bliss  which  is  now  my 
portion.” 

On  the  19th  of  May,  next  following,  Petrarch  received  the  news 
that  Laura  had  died  upon  that  dream-night,  the  6th  of  April ; it  was 
on  the  6 th  of  April,  twenty -one  years  before,  that  he  had  first  seen 
her.  At  such  a trying  period,  and  with  such  experiences,  it  is  not  to 
be  wondered  at  that  Petrarch,  as  he  advanced  in  years,  became  mel- 
ancholy and  austere,  withdrawing  himself  more  and  more  from  the 
vanities  of  the  world.  lie  had  from  the  first,  however,  cherished  an 
especial  reverence  and  love  for  the  austere  Augustin  above  all  the 
church  fathers;  the  “ chiefly  had  exercised  a marked 

influence  upon  him.  This  book  he  had  with  him  as  he  once  ascended  to 
the  summit  of  the  lofty  Veutoux,  and  from  thence  enjoyed  the  glorious 
prospect  over  the  Alps  of  Dauphiny,  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and  the 
Cevennes — while  the  Rhone  flowed  at  his  feet.  He  there  opened  the 
book,  and  the  first  passage  upon  which  his  eye  alighted  was  the  fol- 
lowing : “ Men  go  on  long  journeys  to  admire  lofty  mountains  and 
mighty  oceans,  but  meanwhile  they  forget  themselves.”  This  thought 
made  a profound  impression  upon  him,  and  was  the  occasion  of  his 
afterward  writing  the  “ Convermtions  with  Augustin^  In  his  last 
years  he  resided  at  Arqua,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Padua.  On  the 
18th  of  July,  1374,  he  was  found  dead,  his  head  resting  upon  a book. 
Sixteen  doctors  bore  his  coffin  to  the  grave  ; nobles,  clergy,  and 
multitudes  of  the  common  people  joined  in  the  funeral-procession. 
The  following  epitaph,  which  he  had  himself  composed,  is  upon  his 
tombstone  : — 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


505 


“ Friglda  Francisci  tegit  hie  lapis  ossa  Petrarchae  ; — 

Suscipe  Virgo  parens  animam  ; Sate  Virgine  parce, 

Fessaque  jam  terris  Coeli  requiescat  in  arce.”* 

In  his  will  he  bequeathed,  amongst  other  things,  money  to  Boccaccio 
to  buy  himself  a winter-robe  to  wear  whilst  studying  at  night.  His 
choice  library  he  had  before  his  death  given  to  the  Venetians,  and  it 
formed  the  nucleus  of  the  afterward  so  celebrated  Library  of  St. 
Mark.  He  had  spent  an  extraordinary  amount  of  labor  in  collecting 
manuscripts,  and  many  he  had  copied  with  his  own  hand,  while 
others  he  had  employed  his  scholar,  John  of  Ravenna,  subsequently 
renowned  as  a teacher,  to  copy. 

III.  RETROSPECT.  DANTE,  BOCCACCIO,  AND  PETRARCH. 

Looking  back  for  a moment  at  these  three  men,  let  us  ask  ourselves 
what  they  had  in  common,  and  wherein  they  differed  from  one  an- 
other. All  three,  sons  of  Florentine  citizens,  they  first  fashioned  a 
common  national  and  written  language  for  the  whole  of  Italy.  This 
they  did,  not  so  much  by  means  of  convincing  philological  demon- 
strations, based  upon  established  principles,  as  by  recognizing  and 
authenticating  the  language,  in  the  works  of  their  genius.  “ Poets  and 
authors,  in  the  lofty  moods  of  their  inspiration,  feel  the  invisible  sway 
of  the  untiringly  creative  spirit  of  language.”f 

All  three  of  them  moreover  paved  the  way  for  the  study  of  the 
classics,  and  in  them  first  we  behold  an  awakening  feeling  of  classical 
beauty,  and  an  enthusiastic  love  for  the  ancients ; nevertheless  Dante 
and  Petrarch  were  familiar  with  Roman  writers  only,  though  Boccac- 
cio read  the  Greek  also.  This  enthusiastic  love  for  the  classics  was 
destined  sooner  or  later  to  come  into  conflict  with  the  Christian 
faith.  In  Dante  however  this  faith  ruled  in  a sublime  and  undisputed 
tranquillity.  Petrarch’s  passion  for  the  classics  was  likewise  uncon- 
ditionally subordinate  to  the  doctrines  of  the  church.  And  it  is  only 
later,  and  chiefly  among  the  Italians,  that  we  find  the  Pagan  element 
frequently  victorious  over  the  Christian. 

Side  by  side  with  this  conflict  we  behold  an  extremely  singular 
intermingling  of  Pagan  and  Christian  words,  metaphors,  and  senti- 
ments. Thus  we  find  in  Dante  the  following : — 

“ Forgive,  O highest  Jove,  enthroned  in  light. 

Thou  who  on  earth  wast  crucified  for  mortals.” 

* The  above  epitaph,  a compact  rhyming  triplet,  in  dactylic  hexameter,  1 have  reproduced 
in  trochaic  heptameter,  as  follows,  viz 

“ Cold  the  bones  of  Francis  Petrarch  here  beneath  this  marble  lie : 

Take  his  soul,  O Virgin  parent ; Virgin’s  son  in  grace  draw  nigh' 

From  the  weary  earth  to  bear  it  to  thy  peaceful  courts  on  high.” 


t Jacob  Grimm,  in  the  preface  to  his  German  Grammar. 

Ro.  18.— [VoL.  VI.,  No.  3.]— 28. 


[Translator.] 


566 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


We  have  seen  that  Boccaccio  calls  Christ  “the  son  of  Jupiter,  who 
ravished  the  realms  of  Pluto.”  It  was  of  a piece  too  with  this  mode 
ot  representation  that,  at  the  coronation  of  Petrarch,  satyrs,  fauns, 
and  nymphs  were  made  to  dance  before  the  poet,  when  he  was  about 
to  offer  his  prayers  at  the  altar  of  St.  Peter,  and  to  devote  his  crown 
as  a sacrifice  to  tlie  apostle. 

This  Christian-Pagan  intermixture  was  carried  by  the  later  Italians 
into  the  grossest  caricature. 

The  mediaeval  method  of  writing  Latin,  and  heedlessly  corrupting 
it  without  any  knowledge  of  the  Roman  writers  of  the  golden  age, 
now  began  to  die  out ; the  classics  were  sought  for  and  read,  and  all 
possible  efforts  were  made  to  imitate  them. 

Although  these  three  men  thus  prepared  the  way  for  the  Italian 
writer  whether  of  prose  or  verse  to  express  his  thoughts  in  his  own 
living  vernacular,  yet  more  than  a century  passed  before  any  new 
works  meriting  attention  were  composed  in  the  Italian  language.  On 
the  contrary,  so  absorbing  was  the  enthusiasm  for  the  classics  during 
the  1 5th  century,  that  tlie  Italian  scholars  of  that  period  treated  their 
native  tongue  with  contempt.  In  the  Latin  Dialogues  of  Leonardo 
Aretino  we  find  that  well-known  statesman  and  scholar,  Nicolo  Nicoli, 
speaking  in  the  following  manner  of  Dante: — “I  can  not  conceive 
how  any  one  can  place  this  man,  who  wi'ote  such  poor  Latin,  among 
poets  and  scholars,  or,  as  some  do,  prefer  him  even  to  Virgil : he 
ought  rather,  I think,  to  be  classed  with  belt-makers  and  bakers,  and 
people  of  that  kidney.” 

Even  up  to  the  time  of  Lorenzo  di  Medici,  Florentine  fathers  and 
teachers  forbade  their  boys  to  read  books  written  in  Italian,  which 
language  they  contemptuously  styled  a vulgar  tongue. 

But  when,  toward  the  close  of  the  15th  and  in  the  16th  centuries, 
the  vernacular  was  again  brought  into  repute  through  the  efforts  of 
master  writers  both  of  prose  and  poetry,  then  the  Academy  della 
Crusca  constituted  itself  a supreme  tribunal  to  decide  between  good 
and  bad  Italian.  By  it,  Petrarch’s  poems,  and  of  Boccaccio’s  prose 
the  were  pronounced  the  highest  authority  in  Italian,  in 

the  same  manner  as  Cicero  was  in  Latin.  Men  had  indeed  been  so 
long  accustomed  to  imitation,  that  they  did  not  even  deem  it  pos.sible 
to  be  original.  That  Dante,  the  inimitable^  must  necessarily  have 
been  neglected  by  the  Academy,  is  hence  quite  natural.  It  is  worthy 
of  remark  that  both  Dante,  Petrarch,  and  Boccaccio,  were  unanimous 
in  condemning  the  gross  corruption  of  the  clergy.  They  did  not 
even  spare'the  pope;  Dante’s  sharp  rebuke  of  indulgences  was  em- 
inently a prelude  to  the  contests  of  the  Reformation.  In  the  succeed- 
ing centuries,  the  advancement  and  upbuilding  of  classical  culture — 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


56Y 


in  Germany  especially — was  most  closely  leagued  with  the  cause  of 
reformation  in  the  church  ; so  closely  in  fact,  that  Erasmus,  for  exam- 
ple, was  often  unable  to  determine  precisely  what  he  was  advocating, 
whether  the  claims  of  sound  learning  or  of  ecclesiastical  purity. 

Dante’s  powerful  imagination  and  most  delicate  appreciation  of 
beauty  were  made  tributary  to  an  intellect  flashing  with  the  keenest 
subtleties  of  scholasticism.  Petrarch,  on  the  other  hand,  belonged 
rather  to  the  coming  time,  as  his  antipathy  to  the  repulsive  and  de- 
generate logic  of  most  of  the  schoolmen  indicates.  They  too  on 
their  part  regarded  his  poetry  as  altogether  useless,  and  solemnly 
stigmatized  the  poet  as  an  unenlightened  dunce.  It  was  a Grand 
Inquisitor,  and  a Dominican,  who  in  that  age  testified  the  greatest 
degree  of  hatred  toward  all  the  poets.  What  an  apt  introduction  is 
this  to  the  battles  which,  in  the  15th  and  the  16th  centuries,  raged 
between  the  well-meaning,  though  often  superficial,  champions  of  an- 
tiquity and  the  last  representatives  of  an  unlearned  and  misshapen 
scholasticism,  with  the  Dominicans  at  their  head  ! 

With  these  preliminary  hints,  we  resume  our  history,  in  the  course 
of  which  it  will  become  more  and  more  apparent  that  the  influence 
of  Dante,  Petrarch,  and  Boccaccio  upon  the  learning  of  Germany, 
if  not  direct,  was  nevertheless  immense. 

IV.  GROWTH  OF  CLASSICAL  LEARNING  IN  ITALY,  FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  PETRARCH 
AND  BOCCACCIO  TO  THE  AGE  OF  LEO  X. 

1.  John  of  Ravenna  and  Emanuel  Chrysoloras 

Three  sons  of  Florentine  citizens,  Dante,  Petrarch,  and  Boccac- 
cio, had  thus  laid  the  foundation  of  a new  style  of  culture.  Within 
a century  and  a half  after  the  death  of  the  latter,  the  passion  for  clas- 
sical studies  ran  high.  Florence  fostered  these  studies  above  all  other 
cities,  and  chiefly  through  the  influence  of  Cosmo  and  Lorenzo  di 
Medici.  Next  to  Florence,  Rome,  Venice,  Milan,  and  Ferrara  were 
conspicuous ; in  fact  no  city  of  note  in  Italy  remained  entirely  aloof ; 
all  desired  to  see  one  or  another  philologist,  if  only  for  a time,  as  a 
teacher  within  their  walls.  Hence  the  most  distinguished  men  were 
(instantly  called  from  one  city  to  another.  Among  the  earliest 
teachers  there  were  two  who  formed  many  illustrious  scholars.  One 
of  these  was  John  Malpaghino,  commonly  called,  after  the  place  of  his 
birth,  John  of  Ravenna.  He  was  born  in  1352.  He  spent  several 
years  with  Petrarch,  who  treated  him  with  the  fondness  of  a father, 
and  gave  him  instruction.  Having  superior  talents,  and  a wonderful 
memory,  he  made  rapid  progress.  Nevertheless  he  left  Petrarch  sud- 
denly, from  a disgust  for  tri^scribing,  joined  to  a desire  to  see  the 
world.  Some  time  after,  he  taught  at  Padua,  and  was  there  distin- 
guished as  well  for  bis  blameless  life  as  for  his  learning.  In  the  year 


568 


HISTORY  OP  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


1397  he  was  appointed  by  the  city  of  Florence  to  a professorship  of 
the  Roman  language  and  eloquence.  In  the  year  1412  he  obtained 
the  further  honor  of  lecturing  upon  and  explaining  the  ^^Divina  Corn- 
media  ” of  Dante,  upon  feast-days  in  the  cathedral.  He  died  some- 
where between  1412  and  1420. 

As  John  promoted  the  study  of  the  Roman  classics,  so  did  Eman- 
uel Chrysoloras  the  like  for  the  Greek.  At  first  a teacher  in  Constan- 
tinople, he  was,  after  the  year  1391,  sent  by  the  Emperor  John 
Palaeologus  repeatedly  into  the  West,  to  secure  help  against  the  in- 
roads of  the  Turks.  In  the  year  1396  he  was  invited,  upon  a salary 
of  100  gulden,  to  Florence  to  teach  Greek  literature.  He  was  the 
first  native  Greek  who  taught  in  Italy.  “For  700  years,”  thus  wrote 
his  scholar,  Leonardo  Aretino,  “ no  Italian  has  known  any  thing  of 
Greek  literature,  and  yet  we  acknowledge  that  all  our  learning  is 
derived  from  the  Greeks.’’  Afterward  Chrysoloras  taught  in  Pavia, 
Venice,  etc.  He  was  sent  in  1415,  by  Pope  John  XXIII.,  to  the 
Council  of  Constance,  in  which  city  he  died. 

John  of  Ravenna  and  Chrysoloras  were  succeeded  by  a host  of 
teacliers,  both  of  Latin  and  Greek;  for  the  new  style  of  culture  de- 
manded a knowledge  of  both  these  languages.  Latin  was  the  chief 
language  in  vogue  among  the  higher  orders  in  Italy ; for  it  had  been 
the  language  of  their  great  Roman  forefathers,  and  they  were  there- 
fore too  proud  of  it  to  regard  it  as  dead.  Greek  too  had  been  taught 
by  Chrysoloras  as  his  own  living,  native  tongue,  not  as  a dead  book- 
language  ; and  as  he  had  done,  so  did  other  Greeks,  who  afterward 
came  to  Italy. 

2.  The  Teachers  Guarino  and  Vittorino  di  Fellre. 

Of  the  many  philologists  who  now  came  into  notice,  I will,  agreeably 
to  the  plan  that  I have  marked  out  for  myself,  give  a sketch  of  two 
who  became  eminent  both  as  public  instructors  and  as  private  tutors, 
viz.,  Guarino  and  Vittorino  di  Feltre. 

Guarino  was  born  in  1370,  at  Ferrara,  and  as  early  as  1388  he 
betook  himself  to  Constantinople  to  Chrysoloras.  On  his  return  home, 
he  taught  in  Verona,  Padua,  and  Bologna,  in  Ferrara  superintended 
the  education  of  Prince  Lionello,  translated  Strabo  and  other  classics, 
gave  comments  on  Cicero,  Persius,  Juvenal,  Martial,  Aristotle,  &c., 
and  wrote  a Latin  grammar. 

He  became  distinguished  for  his  sincere  piety,  and  he  used  great 
caution  lest  his  scholars,  by  a constant  perusal  of  the  ancients,  the 
grosser  portions  of  their  writings  especially,  should  become  heathenish 
in  their  sentiments  or  loose  in  their  morals.  Hence  he  insisted  upon 
a diligent  study  of  the  Bible  and  an  attendance  upon  divine  service. 
His  mode  of  teaching  was  highly  applauded,  and  above  all  the  way 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


569 


in  which  he  trained  his  scholars  to  eloquence.  He  placed  before 
them  classical  models,  and  censured  with  indignation  the  scholastics, 
who  looked  no  further  than  their  bigoted  pedantr}-  could  carry  them. 
“They  waste,”  he  says,  “an  unspeakable  amount  of  pains,  to  make 
their  scholars  twice  as  silly  and  ignorant  as  they  were  before.”  In 
the  year  1438,  Guarino  was  appointed  interpreter  between  the  Latin 
and  Greek  fathers  at  the  Council  of  Ferrara,  where,  as  is  well  known, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  unite  the  Greek  and  Roman  churches. 
He  died  in  the  year  1460,  at  the  age  of  90. 

Though  Guarino  showed  by  his  noble  pupil.  Prince  Lionello  of  Fer- 
rara, what  were  his  talents  as  a teacher,  yet  he  was  surpassed  by 
ViTTORiNO  DE  Feltre,  wlio  was  the  most  widely-famed  master  in  that 
age  in  Italy.  Born  in  1378,  of  poor  parentage,  he  not  merely  studied 
philology  under  John  of  Ravenna,  but'  directed  his  attention  to  the- 
ology and  philosophy  also.  In  the  space  of  six  months  he  attained 
to  a perfect  understanding  of  the  first  ten  books  of  Euclid ; “ a feat 
without  a parallel  in  our  days,”  said  Francesco  da  Castiglione.  His 
Greek  he  learned  from  Guarino. 

After  Vittorino  had  taught  at  Padua  and  at  Venice,  he  was  invited  in 
1424  by  the  Marquis  Gonzaga  to  Mantua,  to  take  charge  of  the  education 
of  his  two  sons.  As  a teacher,  he  avoided  all  pedantic  one-sidedness. 
His  pupils  were  trained  to  practise  themselves  in  riding,  wrestling, 
fencing,  archery,  swimming,  &c.,  in  short,  to  harden  their  bodies  in 
every  way,  and  to  shun  all  Epicureanism.  When  in  the  course  of 
time  there  began  to  flock  to  him,  not  only  from  Italy,  but  from 
Germany,  France,  and  Greece,  pupils  in  great  numbers,  and  he  could 
only  give  a limited  attention  to  them  with  his  two  princely  pupils,  he 
found  it  necessary  to  establish  a separate  school  for  their  instruction. 
In  addition  to  gymnastics,  they  were  taught  the  languages,  logic,  met- 
aphysics, mathematics,  music,  painting,  and  dancing. 

“ In  his  instructions  in  logic  he  steered  clear  of  the  subtleties  of  the 
scholastics,  and  their  writings  were  not  admitted  into  his  school : ‘ For,’ 
he  said,  ‘ I intend  that  my  pupils  shall  learn  the  art  of  thinking^  not 
that  of  splitting  hairs.’  ” 

“ Like  other  classical  scholars  of  that  age,  Vittorino  probably  neg- 
lected the  Italian  language,  for  he  nowhere  appeared  to  regard  the 
works  of  Dante,  Pfetrarch,  and  Boccaccio  as  safe  guides  in  the  culti- 
vation of  taste.”  He  directed  his  scholars  to  the  ancients  exclusively, 
and  to  imitation  of  them  ; and  of  Carraro,  a scholar  of  his,  who  was  well 
versed  in  Virgil,  he  said,  “he  will  become  a second  Maro.”*  Traver- 


* The  enthusiasm  of  the  Mantuans  for  the  Mantuan  bard,  Virgil,  was  unbounded.  And  this 
enthusiasm  was  shared  by  Vittorino.  The  poet  was  even  mentioned  in  a hymn  sung  at  the 
Mass  of  St.  Paul,  Paul  has  landed  at  Posilippo,  near  Virgil’s  grave. 


570 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


sari,  who  visited  Vittorino  in  the  year  1435,  relates  with  rapture  how 
beautifully  the  young  Prince  Gonzaga,  only  14  years  old,  declaimed 
two  hundred  original  lines,  and  how  moreover  he  had  discovered  two 
new  propositions  additional  to  those  of  Euclid.  The  Princess  Cecilia 
Gonzaga,  who  was  only  ten  years  of  age,  he  says,  wrote  Greek  as  ele- 
gantly as  any  of  Vittorino’s  scholars.* * 

Vittorino  exercised  the  utmost  care  over  the  deportment  and  the 
morals  of  his  pupils  ; the  looser  order  of  classics  were  not  read  at  all, 
and  single  impure  passages,  wherever  occurring,  were  omitted  or 
altered.  A bad  man,  he  thought,  can  never  be  a finished  scholar, 
much  less  a good  orator.  A faultless  style  is  of  far  less  importance 
than  a blameless  life. 

He  imparted  religious  instruction  in  person,  exhorted  his  pupils  to 
the  duty  of  prayer,  and  accompanied  them  to  mass  daily.  With 
ascetic  inflexibility  he  locked  himself  in  his  room  every  morning,  and 
there  prayed  kneeling,  and  scourged  himself.  He  also  went  often  to 
the  confessional.  The  poor  and  the  sick  he  assisted  by  every  means 
in  his  power,  and  he  was  utterly  heedless  of  wealth.  It  is  no  wonder 
that  he  was  held  in  the  highest  esteem,  not  only  as  an  educator  but 
also  as  a man.  When  Pope  Eugene  IV.  was  entreated  by  a monk 
for  permission  to  enter  Vittorino’s  school,  he  replied,  “ Go,  my  son, 
with  good  will  do  we  put  you  under  the  charge  of  the  godliest  and 
holiest  of  all  living  men.”  His  great  temperance,  joined  to  the  reg- 
ular bodily  exercise  which  lie  took  among  his  pupils,  secured  him 
vigorous  health  even  to  his  closing  days.  He  died  without  a sigh, 
and  with  a serene  smile  upon  his  lips,  in  the  68th  year  of  his  life, 
in  1446. 

3.  Manuscript-Collecting.  Cosmo  di  Medici.  Nicholas  V.  The  First 
• Printed  Books. 

While  teachers  and  educators,  like  Guarino  and  Vittorino,  were 
displaying  the  highest  intellectual  animation  and  energy  in  the  pro- 
motion of  classical  learning,  there  arose  at  the  same  time  a necessity 
for  much  labor  that  was  chiefly  mechanical.  We  have  seen  that,  in 
Petrarch’s  day,  copies  of  the  ancient  classics  were  exceedingly  scarce. 
But  in  the  15th  century  a most  eager  rivalry  was  manifested  to  collect 

At  this  point  in  the  narration  occurs  the  verse  which  we  quote,  as  follows : — 

“ Atl  Maronis  mausoleum 
Ductus  fudit  super  eum 
P\se  rorem  lacrymae : 

Quern  te,  inquit,  reddidissem 
Si  te  vivum  invenissem, 

Poetarum  maxime ! ” 

• Italy  was  celebrated  in  the  15th  and  16th  centuries  for  many  such  accomplished  and 
learned  ladies.  Witness  Hippolyta  Vittoria  Colonna.  In  this  we  are  reminded  of  Goethe’s 
Princess  Eleonore,  the  student  of  Plato. 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


571 


manuscripts,  and  neither  pains  nor  expense  were  spared  in  the  pursuit. 
Says  Fabronius,  “ Scholars  vvere  like  hounds,  snuffing  at,  and  prying 
into,  every  nook  and  corner.” 

Cosmo  and  Lorenzo  di  Medici  ranked  foremost  among  the  collect- 
ors ; next  after  them  came  Pope  Nicholas  V.  The  Medici  expended 
large  sums  for  this  purpose,  and  availed  themselves  therein  of  their 
extensive  mercantile  relations.  Aurispa  brought  back  to  Cosmo,  as 
the  fruits  of  one  journey,  238  manuscripts.  And  when  Cosmo’s 
friend,  Nicoli,  bequeathed  400  manuscripts  to  the  city  of  Florence, 
Cosmo  built,  at  an  outlay  of  76,000  ducats,  a library-edifice,  in  which 
in  the  year  1444  those  manuscripts  were  deposited.  This  was  the 
origin  of  the  Medicean  Library.  Subsequently . Lorenzo  di  Medici 
dispatched  John  Lascaris  at  two  separate  periods  to  Greece,  to  pur- 
chase manuscripts;  during  the  second  journey  he  collected  200, 
mostly  from  Mount  Athos. 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  library,  Cosmo  was  assisted  by  Thomas 
Sarzano,  the  same  person  who  afterward,  in  1447,  under  the  name 
of  Nicholas  V.,  filled  the  papal  chair.  Nicholas  bore  sway  but  eight 
years,  until  1455;  yet  within  this  period  occurred  the  conquest  of 
Constantinople  by  the  Turks,  in  consequence  of  which  event  Greek 
scholars  and  Greek  manuscripts  poured  in  great  numbers  into  Italy. 
Nicholas  appears  to  have  collected  5,000  manuscripts,  thus  laying  the 
foundation  of  the  famed  Vatican  Library. 

About  this  period  also  Cardinal  Bessarion,  whom  we  shall  have  occa- 
sion to  know  more  particularly  hereafter,  sent  a number  of  manuscripts 
to  Venice,  and  with  these  commenced  the  formation  of  the  Library  of 
St.  Mark. 

Multitudes  of  scribes  too  were  actively  employed  in  neatly  tran- 
scribing manuscripts,  thus  increasing  their  number,  and  in  this  w’ork 
the  most  learned  men  did  not  hesitate  to  engage.  The  youthful 
John  of  Ravenna,  when  he  formed  the  sudden  resolution  to  leave 
Petrarch,  and  was  asked  by  the  latter  what  impelled  him  to  go,  re- 
plied with  tears,  “ Nothing  but  my  unwillingness  to  write  any  more ; 
I can  never  again  be  persuaded  to  copy  manuscripts.”  And  Ambrose 
Traversari  lamented  that  the  constant  use  of  the  pen  had  brought  on 
spasms  in  his  fingers  and  pains  in  his  arms.  ^ 

We  have  here  an  intimation  of  the  delight  with  which  the  inven- 
tion of  printing  must  have  been  welcomed  by  the  scholars  of  Italy. 
They  had  made  large  collections  of  manuscripts.  And  when  these 
came  to  be  printed,  they  collected  them  with  care,  and  selected  only 
the  most  approved  texts  for  publication.  At  Florence,  Virgil  was  the 
first  book  printed.  This  was  in  the  year  1472.  The  Juntas  ac- 
quired a high  reputation  there  as  printers.  At  Rome,  German 


572 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


printers  established  themselves,  and  the  earliest  work  printed  by  them 
was  Lactantius.  The  Greek  grammar  of  Lascaris,  printed  at  Milan  in 
1476,  was  the  first  Greek  book  which  was  issued  in  Italy.  But 
among  all  the  printers  of  that  age  the  learned  Aldus  Manutius  of 
Venice  stands  foremost.  And  Venice  far  excelled  all  the  cities  of 
Italy  in  the  number  of  works  published  there  during  the  16th  cen- 
tury. For  it  amounted  to  2835,  while  all  the  other  cities  together 
could  show  but  2000. 

4.  The  Platonic  Academy.  Greek  Philologists. 

After  the  digression  which  we  have  now  made,  we  will  cast  our 
glance  again  at  the  most  eminent  philologists  of  that  epoch.  There 
were  however  so  many  of  them,  that  I shall  only  notice  some  of  the 
most  distinguished  and  most  active.  I have  already  stated  that,  after 
Emanuel  Chrysoloras,  many  other  Greeks  migrated  to  Italy.  The 
Council  of  Ferrara  of  the  year  1438,  and  that  in  the  following  year 
changed  its  sittings  to  Florence,  had  in  view  a union  between  the 
Greek  and  the  Western  churches.  The  Greek  emperor,  John  Palaeo- 
logus  VII.,  came  to  Ferrara  in  person,  bringing  with  him  Greek  schol- 
ars of  note.  Among  these  was  Gemistus  Pletho,  a profound  student 
of  Plato.  Cosmo  di  Medici  induced  Gemistus  to  deliver  lectures  at 
Florence  upon  the  Platonic  philosophy.  Hitherto  in  Italy,  as  in  the 
rest  of  learned  Europe,  the  Aristotelian  scholastic  philosophy  had 
reigned  supreme,  and  Plato  was  known  only  by  name.  But  now 
Cosmo  was  completely  won  over  to  Plato,  and  with  him  many  Flor- 
entine scholars,  and  he  founded  a Platonic  academy.  The  youthful  Mar- 
silius  Ficinus,  son  of  a surgeon,  he  set  apart  wholly  to  the  study  of 
Plato  ; and  Ficinus  applied  himself  to  his  task  with  such  efifect  that 
his  Latin  translation  of  Plato’s  writings  are  held  to  this  day  in  high 
esteem.  He  translated  moreover  the  new  Platonists.  Bessarion  of 
Trebizond,  a scholar  of  Gemistus  and  like  him  a Platonist,  was  also 
a member  of  the  Council  of  Ferrara.  Originally  Archbishop  of  Nice, 
he  went  over  to  the  Western  Church,  was  made  a cardinal,  and  lived 
mostly  in  Venice. 

Still  earlier  than  Bessarion,  George  of  Trebizond  came  to  Italy. 
He  was  a most  devoted  adherent  of  Aristotle,  and  he  wrote  an  essay 
in  disparagement  of  Plato.*  To  this  Bessarion  replied. f There  now 
commenced  a hot  contest  between  the  enthusiastic  Platonists,  the 
Florentines  especially,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  defenders  of  Aristo- 
telian scholasticism  on  the  other.  More  closely  regarded,  it  appears 
to  have  been  the  old  battle  commenced  by  Petrarch,  though  in  an- 
other guise.  The  beauty  of  Plato’s  sentiments,  and  the  poetic  ele- 


' “ Coniparatio  inter  Aristotelem  et  Platonem.” 


t “ In  calumniatorem  Platonis.' 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATON  IN  ITALY.  573 

ment  recognized  in  him,  were  his  chief  attractions  in  tbo  eyes  of  the 
philologists.* 

5.  Italians — Philelpkus^  Poggius^  Lavrentius  Valla. 

The  reader  has  already  been  introduced  to  four  native-born  Italians, 
John  of  Ravenna,  Guarino,  Vittorino,  and  Marsilius  Ficinus.  To 
these  we  will  now  add  others  of  eminence. 

Francis  Philelphus,  who  was  born  in  1398,  at  Tolentino,  became 
so  early  mature  that  he  was  invited  when  in  his  twentieth  year  to 
give  public  instruction  at  Venice.  In  the  year  1420  he  went  to 
Greece  and  to  Constantinople,  there  learned  Greek  under  John,  the  son 
of  Emanuel  Chrysoloras,  was  promoted  to  great  honor  by  the  Em- 
perors Manuel  and  John  Palaeologus,  and  sent  on  embassies  to  Sultan. 
Amurath  and  the  Emperor  Sigismund.  lie  did  not  return  to  Venice 
until  1427  ; and  in  1428,  through  the  influence  of  Cosmo  di  Medici, 
he  went  to  Florence.  From  that  place  he  wrote  thus  to  Aurispa  : — 
“ Florence  is  a delightful  city,  and  all  its  inhabitants  pay  me  atten- 
tion ; my  name  is  in  every  mouth  ; and  when  I pass  through  the 
streets,  not  only  the  first  citizens,  but  even  the  most  noble  ladies,  make 
way  for  me  in  reverence.  I have  daily  toward  four  hundred  auditors, 
and  these  mostly  the  elder  men  and  members  of  the  senate.  Cosmo 
has  visited  me,  not  once  alone  but  repeatedly.”  A short  time  after 
this  he  became  most  bitterly  hostile  toward  Cosmo,  especially  after 
the  latter  had  been  banished  from  the  city.  On  this  account  it  was 
that  he  left  Florence  in  1434,  when  Cosmo  returned.  He  next  lived 
for  a long  period  at  Milan;  and,  in  1474,  Sixtus  IV.  induced  him, 
by  the  offer  of  500  ducats  yearly,  to  come  to  Rome.  From  thence, 
having  become  many  years  previous  reconciled  to  Cosmo,  he  returned, 
at  the  instance  of  Lorenzo  di  Medici,  to  Florence,  where  he  died  in 
1481,  in  his  83d  year. 

Philelphus  was  actively  employed  even  to  his  extreme  old  age  in 
communicating  the  choicest  instruction;  even  in  his  77th  year  he 
lectured  at  Rome  with  the  highest  eclat  upon  Cicero’s  ^^Tusculan  Ques- 
tions.’"' At  the  same  time  he  carried  on  an  extensive  correspondence,^ 
and  translated  many  of  the  writings  of  Aristotle,  Xenophon,  Plutarch, 
and  other  Greek  authors  into  Latin.  Ilis  “ Corivivia  are  conver- 
sations upon  subjects  drawn  from  the  literature  of  the  ancients  ; in 

* Besides  the  Greeks  already  named,  the  following  attained  to  eminence Theodore  Gaza, 
who  was  born  at  Thessalonica  in  1398,  and  died  in  1478.  He  composed  a Greek  grammar, 
and  translated  Aristotle’s  History  of  Animals  and  Theophrastus’  History  of  Plants.  Of 
John  Argyropulus,  of  Constantinople,  we  shall  speak  further  on.  His  successor  in  teaching 
at  Florence  was  Demetrius  Chalcondyles,  who  how'ever  was  supplanted  by  Politian,  and 
died  at  Milan,  in  1511,  at  the  age  of  87.  He  edited  the  Florentine  edition  of  Homer  of  the 
year  1488. 

1 Epistolarum,  libri  XXXVII.  Paris,  1503. 

2 Conviviorum,  libri  II.,  de  multarum  ortu  et  incremento  disciplinarum. 


574 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


his  satires'  he  sought  retaliation  for  insults  to  his  vanity;  he  also 
wrote  fables**  in  elegiac  verse. 

The  character  of  Philelphus  appears  to  have  been  despicable.  His 
vanity  was  excessive,  and  his  disposition  was  bitter  and  revengeful. 
He  was  profligate  too,  if  we  are  to  admit  as  true  a tithe  of  what  we 
are  told  of  him  by  another  profligate  character,  viz., 

PoGGius  Bracciolini.  Poggius  was  born  in  1380,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Arezzo,  and  was  a scholar  of  John  of  Pavenna  and  of 
Emanuel  Chrysoloras.  From  1402  to  1453  he  was  a member  of  the 
papal  chancery,  then  government-secretary  of  the  city  of  Florence 
till  his  decease  in  1459.  He  was  never  a teacher,  and  his  chief  merit 
consisted  in  discoveries  of  ancient  classics.  Among  other  manuscripts 
brought  to  light  by  him  was  Quintilian.  This  he  found  at  St.  Gall. 
In  1415  he  was  present  at  the  Council  of  Constance.  In  a letter  to 
Leonard  Aretinus  he  gives  a graphic  description,  as  an  eye-witness, 
of  the  last  days  of  Jerome  of  Prague.  On  leaving  Constance,  he 
visited  the  baths  of  Baden,  in  Switzerland.  In  the  same  letter  in 
which  the  pleasure-seeking  man  describes  the  innocent  gambols  of  the 
Swiss  women — and  at  reading  which  one  might  imagine  himself 
transported  amid  the  early  scenes  of  Tahiti — he  mentions  the  instruc- 
tions in  Hebrew,  which  he  was  privileged  to  receive  from  a Jewish 
proselyte.  “ If  this  study ,”  he  writes,  “is  not  from  my  point  of  view 
useful  to  increase  my  knowledge  of  philosophy,  it  nevertheless  enlarges 
the  field  of  my  scholarship  in  this  respect,  viz.,  that  by  means  of  it 
I am  able  to  lay  bare  the  method  of  interpretation  employed  by  St. 
Jerome.”  The  Germans  passed  with  Poggius,  as  with  most  of  the 
Italians  of  that  day,  for  barbarians. 

The  clergy  and  the  monks  he  could  not  speak  of  but  with  indigna- 
tion. “Of  the  cardinals,”  he  writes,  “I  scarcely  dare  express  my 
opinion.  It  were  to  be  desired  that  those  who  wear  such  exalted 
honors  would  spend  less  of  their  energy  in  amassing  wealth,  and  in 
the  perversion  of  justice  and  judgment.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
the  bishops.” 

“ There  is  a class  of  monks  called  the  ‘ begging  friars,’  although 
they  would  seem  to  bring  others  to  poverty,  while  they  themselves 
are  idle,  living  upon  the  hard  earnings  of  their  fellow-men.  They 
are  a conceited  and  useless  generation,  that  only  take  up  their  sacred 
calling  as  a cloak  for  their  vices.” 

Besides  letters,  we  have  from  the  hand  of  Poggius  speeches,  con- 
versations, [historicc  convivo.les^)  and  treatises  U[)on  various  topics. 
His  defamatorv  attacks  upon  Philelphus  and  Laurentius  Valla  made 
no  small  stir ; there  was  no  baseness  of  which  he  did  not  accuse 


1 Siityrurum  liecatostichoii  decades  decern. 


SFrancisci  Philelphi  Fabulce,  1480. 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


575 


them,  and  many  of  the  allegations  are  too  foul-mouthed  to  translate. 
Philelphus  indeed  had  laid  himself  open  to  a large  share  of  the 
charges  ; Valla,  on^the  contrary,  in  his  rejoinders,  triumphantly  con- 
victed his  antagonist  of  falsehood.  He  had  grievously  offended  the 
vain  Poggius  by  some  criticisms  which  he  had  made  upon  the  Latin- 
ity  of  the  latter.  The  invectives  which  were  thus  called  out  611  six- 
ty-three folio  pages  ; we  are  amazed  at  the  torrent  of  words  which 
pour  from  the  blackguard’s  mouth. 

Aside  from  the  consideration  of  the  truth  or  the  falsity  of  these 
polemical  essays,  they  certainly  do  not  support  the  often  quoted  sen- 
timent contained  in  the  following  lines  : — 

“ Didicisse  fideliter  artes 
Emollit  mores  ; nec  sinit  esse  feros^ 

“ A thorough  intellectual  discipline  softens  the  manners ; nor  does  it 
consist  with  rudeness.” 

On  the  contrary  they  prove  but  too  clearly  the  lamentable  state 
into  which  religion  had  fallen  in  Italy,  when  the  most  hnished  scholars 
of  that  day — men  whom  not  only  princes  and  kings  but  even  popes 
deigned  to  honor — when  such  men  as  these  could  write  in  such  a 
coarse,  despicable,  and  61thy  manner. 

And  the  same  Poggius,  who  reproached  his  antagonist  with  sins 
against  chastity,  was  himself  the  author  of  the  “ Facetice^’’  a collection 
of  extremely  low  and  sensual  jokes.  With  justice  did  Valla  affirm 
that  he  would  not  dehle  his  mouth  and  his  pages  with  citations  from 
the  obscenities  of  Poggius,  but  would  choose  rather  to  pass  them  over 
in  silence,  even  at  the  risk  of  being  branded  as  a traducer.  And 
what  reply  did  Poggius  make  to  him  on  this  point  ? No  other,  ex- 
cept to  scoff  in  the  grossest  terms  at  his  austerity,  and  to  boast  that 
his  own  elegant  production  had  been  circulated  not  merely  through 
the  whole  of  Italy,  but  also  in  France,  Germany,  Spain,  and  England. 
And  this,  alas!  was  no  empty  boast;  for  within  the  short  space 
between  the  years  1470  and  1500  there  appeared  no  fewer  than 
twenty  editions  of  this  work. 

Laurentius  Valla  was  born  at  Rome,  in  1415.  His  most  im- 
portant philological  work  was  the  “ Eleganlice  Latini  Sermonis^'  in 
six  books.  In  the  preface  to  the  6rst  book  he  praises  the  ancestors 
of  the  Romans,  {majores  nostros^)  in  that  they  were  not  merely  con- 
querors, but  that  they  extended  the  empire  of  the  Latin  language 
over  vast  realms.  “Great  is  the  divinity  of  the  Latin  tongue,”  he 
thus  expresses  himself,  “ for  it  has  been  enshrined  through  all  these 
many  centuries,  by  foreigners,  by  barbarians,  by  enemies  even  ; hence 
ought  we  Romans  rather  to  rejoice  that  to  mourn.  True  indeed  we 


576 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


have  lost  Rome,  and  we  have  lost  empire,  though  (it  should  be  said,) 
not  from  any  fault  of  ours,  but  in  obedience  to  the  behest  of  time  ; 
nevertheless,  by  the  might  of  this  more  glorious  dominion,  we  yet  rule 
over  a great  portion  of  the  globe.  Italy  is  ours,  Spain  is  ours,  and  so 
are  Germany,  Pannonia,  Dalmatia,  Illyricum,  and  many  other  lands. 
For  where  the  Roman  tongue  has  left  its  impress^  there  is  the  Roman 
Empire  y 

“ But  grief  and  shame  overwhelm  me  when  I consider  that  for 
many  centuries  none  have  spoken,  nor  have  any  understood,  Latin.” 
“ Yet,”  he  continues,  “ the  time  is  at  hand  when  the  Latin  shall  again 
flourish.  And,  out  of  regard  for  my  country,  I will  labor  for  this 
consummation,  and  will  strive  beyond  others  to  become  a reformer  of 
her  languages.” 

His  work  contains  most  excellent  grammatical  notes,  especially 
upon  synonyms.  It  met  with  such  general  applause  as  to  reach  its 
59th  edition  between  the  years  1471  and  1536.  Valla  also  translated 
Herodotus  and  Thucydides. 

He  was  the  first  to  apply  the  newly  revived  classical  philology  to 
the  interpretation  of  the  New  Testament,  an*d  he  likewise  wrote  crit- 
ical notes  upon  the  Vulgate,  and  emended  many  passages  of  the 
same. 

His  controversy  with  Poggius  we  have  mentioned  already;  he 
moreover  defended  Quintilian  against  George  of  Trebizond,  who  in  his 
ardor  for  Cicero  had  decried  the  former. 

Valla’s  treatise  Defalso  credita  et  ementita  Constantini  donatione’'' 
made  great  commotion,  as  it  contained  most  severe  censures  of  the 
popes,  especially  of  their  grasping  after  temporal  dominion.  “ To  the 
power  of  the  keys,  which  was  bestowed  by  the  Lord,”  he  said,  “noth- 
ing can  be  added.  Who  is  not  content  with  this,  must  seek  what  he 
desires  from  the  devil,  who  once  made  bold  to  offer  to  our  Lord  all 
the  kingdoms  of  this  world,  if  he  would  but  fall  down  and  worship 
him.  The  pope  resorts  to  war  for  temporal  aggrandizement.  All 
piety  disappears,  and  wicked  men  appeal  in  their  own  justification  to 
the  example  of  the  pope.  Simony  prevails.  The  scribes  and  phar- 
isees sit  in  Moses’  seat.  Does  this  pomp  and  glitter  befit  the  humil- 
ity that  should  characterize  the  vicegerent  of  Christ?” 

He  defended  Epicurus,*  and  thereby  drew  upon  himself  the  con- 
demnation of  the  theologians  of  Rome,  and  was  obliged  to  flee  to  King 
Alphonso  of  Naples.  Here  again  he  narrowly  escaped  being  burned 
at  the  stake  by  the  Inquisition.  But  when  Nicholas  V.  became  pope 


* In  his  essay  “ Z)e  vero  bono,”  The  treatise De  l/bero  arbitrio  " was  likewise  assailed. 
In  reply  he  wrote  the  “ Vallce  pro  se  et  contra  calumniatorcs  ad  Eugenhim  IV.  apologia.^’ 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY.  577 

he  returned  to  Rome,  where  he  died  in  1465,  in  his  50th  year.  In 
his  epitaph  he  is  styled  canon  and  papal  secretary. 

G.  Lorenzo  di  Medici^  Ficinus,  Argyropulus^  Sandinus,  Poliiian,  Picas  di 

Mirandola. 

Cosmo  di  Medici’ died  in  1564,  in  the  Y5th  year  of  his  age. 
Machiavelli  says  of  him,  “ Cosmo’s  enemies  mourned  for  him  as 
well  as  his  friends,”  and  Machiavelli  was  himself  an  enemy  of  the 
Medici.  Here  is  not  the  place  to  speak  of  Cosmo’s  merits  as  a states- 
man ; but  how  he  founded  expensive  and  choice  libraries,  collected 
works  of  art,  patronized  scholars  and  artists,  and  built  churches  and 
palaces,  we  have  already  narrated. 

Cosmo  was  succeeded  in  the  government  by  his  son  Peter  di  Medici. 
Peter  died  in  1469;  his  son  and  successor,  the  grandson  of  Cosmo, 
was  the  famous  Lorenzo. 

Lorenzo  di  Medici  was  favored  with  the  best  of  teachers.  One 
of  these,  Marsilius  Ficinus,  we  have  already  met  with  ; he  was  the 
same  whom  Cosmo  caused  to  be  educated  for  the  study  of  Plato. 
He  communicated  his  own  love  for  Plato  to  Lorenzo,  under  whom  the 
Platonic  academy  founded  by  Cosmo  continued  to  flourish.  And  we 
find  among  the  Italian  poems  of  Lorenzo  some  of  the  Platonic  cast. 

Besides  Marsilius,  the  Platonist,  John  Argyropulus,  an  Aristotelian, 
was  one  of  Lorenzo’s  teachers.  So  too  was 

Christopher  Landinus,  who  was  born  at  Florence,  in  1420,  and 
studied  under  Carl  Aretino.  In  the  year  1457,  Landinus  became  a 
professor  of  rhetoj-ic  and  poetics,  and  had  many  pupils.  His  Latin 
poems  are  less  widely  known  than  his  commentaries  on  Horace,  Vir- 
gil, and  Dante.  Pliny’s  Natural  History  he  translated  into  Italian. 
His  “ Camaldunensian  Questions"''  are  in  imitation  of  the  “ Tuscu- 
lan'"’  of  Cicero.  He  died  in  1504,  in  the  80th  year  of  his  age. 

In  addition  to  these  three  teachers,  Lorenzo  enjoyed  the  society  of 
two  younger  friends,  who  were  men  of  high  distinction,  namely,  An- 
gelins Politianus  and  Picus  di  Mirandola. 

Angelius  Politianus  (or  Ambrogini)  was  the  son  of  a poor 
jurist,  and  was  born  at  Monte  Pulciano,  in  1434.  When  a boy  of 
only  thirteen,  being  six  years  younger  than  Lorenzo,  he  inscribed  to 
him  a Latin  epigram,  in  which  he  lamented  his  own  poverty.  In 
consequence  of  this,  he  was  received  into  Lorenzo’s  family,  and,  in 
company  with  him,  was  instructed  by  Ficinus  and  Landinus.  But 
he  came  into  much  higher  favor  through  an  Italian  poem  upon  the 
knightly  victory  of  Julian,  the  brother  of  Lorenzo. 

In  later  years  Lorenzo  intrusted  to  Polltian  the  education  of  his 
sons  Peter  and  John  ; the  latter  of  whom  is  better  known  aa  Leo  X. 

In  1480  Politian  became  a teacher  of  Greek  and  Roman,  literature 

37 


578 


fflSTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


at  Florence.  He  read  comments  upon  many  of  the  classics,  Aristotle 
among  the  number.  This  was  objected  to  ; it  was  said  of  him,  that 
he  had  never  devoted  himself  to  philosophy,  and  yet  offered  to  teach 
what  he  had  not  learned.  To  this  he  replied  as  follows  : — “ I profess 
to  be  an  expositor  of  Aristotle,  not  a philosopher.  Were  I interpret- 
er to  a king,  I would  not  therefore  imagine  myself  a king.  Servius 
and  Aristarchus  did  not  claim  to  be  poets.  The  office  of  a gram- 
marian is  to  comment  upon  writings  generally,  whatever  may  be  their 
subject.”  That  in  his  capacity  as  grammarian  he  made  himself  troub- 
lesome to  the  scholastics,  “ who,”  as  he  said,  “ were  naturally  enough 
inimical  to  writers  whose  elegant  diction  was  the  very  reverse  of  their 
own,”  this  we  see  clearly  by  his  own  testimony.  “ I once  waded 
.through,”  he  writes,  “ some  of  the  commentaries  on  Aristotle,  which 
those  philosophers  extol  so  highly  ; and  truly  what  monstrosities  did 
'I  find  them  to  be  ! I also  compared  the  Greek  Aristotle  with  the 
Teutonic,  (cu?n  Teutonico,)  that  is  to  say,  the  most  finished  with  the 
most  unformed  and  expressionless,  and  ah ! how  altered  did  he  ap- 
pear ! I saw  him,  and  it  pained  me  so  to  see  him,  not  in  a masterly 
manner  transferred  from  the  Greek,  but  barbarously  distorted,"^  so  that 
no  trace  of  the  real  Aristotle  could  be  gleaned  from  the  translation. 
And  yet  these  blockheads  do  not  blush  to  assume  the  name  of  phil- 
osophers.” 

Here  again  we  behold  the  warfare  between  scholastic  and  classical 
learning.  The  grammarian  convicted  the  philosopher  of  not  under- 
standing Aristotle  in  the  least,  and  thus,  by  removing  the  corner-stone 
of  the  philosophical  edifice,  caused  it  to  tumble  into  ruins. 

At  that  time  there  subsisted  a great  jealousy  between  the  Greek 
and  the  Italian  scholars.  “ It  is  incredible  ” says  Politian,  “ how  re- 
luctant are  the  Greeks  to  share  with  us  Latins  [Latinos  homines,) 
their  language  and  erudition.  They  imagine  they  have  the  kernel, 
and  they  say  that  we  have  the  shell.”  On  the  contrary  he  said,  in  a 
speech  delivered  at  Florence,  “ Florentines,  in  your  city  has  Greek 
learning,  which  long  ago  has  gone  to  decay  in  Greece  herself,  again  so 
revived  and  bloomed  that  some  of  your  fellow-citizens  publicly  teach 
Greek  literature,  and  boys  of  the  noblest  families — a thing  unheard 
of  within  a thousand  years  in  Italy — speak  the  Attic  dialect  with 
such  purity  and  grace  that  xYthens  appears  to  be  transported  to 
Florence.” 

Politian  was  exceedingly  indignant  when  Argyropulus  asserted- that 
Cicero  neither  understood  philosophy  nor  yet  Greek.  , lie  held  it,  he 

* '■'■Non  conversum  e Gratco  sed  plane perversum  ” are  the  words  of  Politian.  By  Teutonic 
he  floubtless  meant  not  German,  but  scholastic  Latin.  Ilermolaus  called  the  scholastics 
*•  Teutones  et  Germani.”  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  Politian  understood  the  language  of 
the  Germans,  who  were  then  despised  as  barbarians. 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


579 


said,  to  be  liis  duty  and  the  duty  of  every  “ Latin  professor  to  defend 
the  reputation  of  Cicero.  Yet  he  was  by  no  means  a Ciceronian  in 
the  restricted  sense  of  that  term.”  This  is  evident  from  a letter  of 
his  to  Paul  Cortesius.  Cortesius  had  sent  him  a collection  of  letters, 
which  the  former  proposed  to  edit.  “ I return  you,”  writes  Politian, 
“ the  letters,  and  to  speak  frankly  I have  wasted  in  their  perusal  many 
golden  hours.  I do  not  wholly  agree  with  your  sentiments  upon 
style.  For,  as  I hear,  that  style  alone  meets  with  your  approval  which 
bears  the  features  of  Cicero.  But  I prefer  the  face  of  a bull  or  a lion 
before  that  of  an  ape,  notwithstanding  the  latter  more  nearly  resem- 
bles that  of  a man.  According  to  Seneca,  the  early  orators  were  by 
no  means  like  to  one  another,  and  Quintilian  made  sport  of  such  as 
imagined  themselves  cousins  to  Cicero,  when  they  had  closed  their 
periods  with  ^esse  videatur'  Horace  too  satirized  those  imitators 
who  were  imitators  merely,  and  who  composed  upon  a model,  speaking, 
like  parrots  and  magpies,  words  that  they  did  not  understand.  What 
such  persons  wrote  had  neither  force  nor  life;  it  was  false  to  nature, 
unconnected,  and  pointless.”  He  then  proceeds  to  advise  Coi-tesius, 
to  the  effect  that,  after  he  has  spent  much  time  in  the  perusal  of  Cic- 
ero and  other  good  books,  has  digested  them,  and  so  become  pos- 
sessed of  a rich  store  of  knowledge,  then  he  may  cut  himself  loose 
from  his  painful  dependence  on  Cicero,  and  boldly  venture  to  be- 
come original.  “ He  who  in  running  strives  to  tread  in  the  footsteps 
of  the  man  before  him  can  not  run  well,  neither  can  he  write  well 
who  has  not  the  courage  to  deviate  from  a given  model.  In  short,  it  is 
an  indication  of  a barren  intellect  in  any  writer,  when  he  never  creates, 
but  only  imitates.”  Cortesius  was  naturally  enough  somewhat  dis- 
pleased at  the  tenor  of  this  reply.  In  the  year  1484  Politian  accom- 
panied a Florentine  embassy,  sent  to  congratulate  Innocent  VHI.  on 
his  accession  to  the  throne : in  1492  he  composed  for  Sienna  a con- 
gratulatory address  to  Alexander  VI. 

Politian  was  honored  and  applauded  by  his  cotemporaries  in  a 
remarkable  degree,  and  his  Italian  productions  received  as  much  favor 
as  did  his  Latin.  The  collection  of  essays  which  he  entitled  '‘'‘Mis- 
cellanea ” won  him  especial  notice.  It  is  chiefly  occupied  with  expo- 
sitions of  different  passages  from  the  classics.  “ When  I hear  or  read 
you,”  Acciarius  wrote  to  him,  “ I no  longer  envy  the  ancient  Romans. 
Let  them  delight  themselves  in  their  Cicero,  we  will  glory  in  ours.” 
The  following  expressions  of  a certain  Pulcius,  in  respect  to  the  '‘'‘Mis- 
cellanea^"' are  quite  of  a serio-comic  cast.  “ That  you  may  be  con- 
vinced,” he  writes  to  Politian,  “ that  I regard  the  immortality  of  your 
work  as  a thing  established,  I confess  to  you  that  I envy  Ugolinus 
and  many  of  my  cotemporaries  and  friends  not  a little,  because  their 


580- 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


names  have  been  introduced  into  the  excellent  preface  to  your  book, 
thereby  to  be  handed  down  to  posterity,  and  with  yourself  to  become 
immortal  and  renowned.  Had  I thought  of  it  earlier,  I would,  by 
request,  or  by  bribe,  {aut  pretio  etiam^)  in  short,  by  all  manner  of 
solicitation,  have  endeavored  to  secure  a mention  among  this  hon- 
ored century.”  We  can  scarcely  trust  our  eyes  when  we  read  this 
sentence. 

Yet  Politian  found  some  opponents.  George  Merula,  of  Milan, 
was  about  to  commence  an  acrimonious  controversy  with  him  on  the 
subject  of  the  Miscellanies,  but  was  interrupted  by  death  ; and  Scala 
reproved  him  for  straining  after  obscure  terms. 

In  short  he  was  attacked  by  some,  and  by  some  defended.  Was  it 
to  be  wondered  at,  that  a man  like  him,  who  was  conscious  of  his  supe- 
riority, and  who  was  beyond  measure  applauded  by  his  cotemporai  ies, 
should  become  giddy  and  vainglorious?  How  vainglorious,  his  let- 
ter to  Matthias  Corvinus,  king  of  Hungary,  will  amply  show.  “ I 
have  taught,”  he  says,  “ Latin  literature  for  many  years,  as  all  do 
know,  with  universal  satisfaction,  and  even  the  Greek  I have  publicly 
commented  on  with  at  least  as  much  approbation  as  any  native 
Grecian ; a thing,  so  far  as  I know,  and  I say  it  boldly,  unprecedented 
with  any  of  us  Latins  for  a thousand  years.  I have  moreover  suc- 
cessfully employed  my  pen  upon  all  conceivable  subjects ; so  that  I 
deserve — I blush  to  say  it,  although  it  is  an  admitted  truth — I deserve, 
I say,  the  praises  of  all  the  eminent  scholars  of  the  age.”  Next  he 
specifies  all  the  various  things  that  he  deems  himself  competent  to  do  ; 
as  “ to  translate  Greek  classics,  to  immortalize  the  paintings  and  statues 
of  the  king  in  poems,  to  write  histories  of  wars  or  annals  of  peaceful 
times  in  Latin  or  in  Greek,  in  prose  or  in  undying  verse,  and  more- 
over to  enliven  earnest  philosophy  with  a sprinkling  of  jest.”  Pol- 
itian was  addicted  to  the  worst  species  of  licentiousness.  Nor  did  he 
attempt  to  conceal  his  shame  in  the  least.  Some  of  his  poems  in 
fact  far  outgo  in  prurience  and  filth  the  worst  productions  of  Horace. 
Witness  his  mocking  verses  addressed  to  an  old  woman.  And  is  not 
it  something  more  than  accident  that  has  assigned  to  this  abominable 
lyric  a place  directly  before  two  hymns  to  the  Virgin  Mary  ? It  was 
characteristic  of  Politian,  the  teacher  of  Leo  X.,  yea,  it  was  charac- 
teristic moreover  of  many  of  the  most  gifted  Italians  of  that  period,  to 
join  piety  and  devotion  by  an  almost  incomprehensible  chain  of  associa- 
tion to  pure  and  unmixed  profligacy.  Can  there  be  “ no  sublimation 
without  its  precipitate  ? ” 

That  Politian  possessed  distinguished  talents,  no  one  has  ever  dis- 
puted. He  was  a philologist  in  the  most  comprehensive  sense  of  the 
term  ; in  his  epitaph  it  is  recorded  of  him  that  he  had  three  tongues 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


581 


in  one  head.*  Ilis  delicate  sense  for  the  niceties  of  language  and 
his  extensive  learning  were  not  the  only  qualifications  that  rendered 
him  such  an  ardent  and  appreciative  commentator  upon  the  classics, 
for  he  likewise  possessed  the  faculty  of  composing,  in  an  easy  and 
graceful  style,  both  prose  and  poetry  in  Italian  as  well  as  in  Latin. 
The  stanzas  already  alluded  to  upon  the  Tournay  of  Julian  di  Medici, 
in  the  opinion  of  Bouterwek,  “ surpass  in  purity,  elegance,  and  grace 
of  expression  all  the  productions  in  verse  that  had  appeared  since  the 
poems  of  Petrarch.” 

Politian’s  literary  controversies  were  marked  by  a greater  degree 
of  decorum  than  those  of  the  preceding  age  ; the  era  of  coarse 
brutality  had  gone  by.  The  petty  and  disgusting  vanities  and 
jealousies  of  a Poggius  and  a Philelphus  were  exchanged,  under  the 
influence  of  Lorenzo  di  Medici,  for  warm  and  sincere  friendships. 
Politian  loved  and  revered  both  Lorenzo  and  Ficinus,  but  above 
all  that  man  whom  in  his  admiration  he  styled  the  phoenix  of  the 
age,  viz., 

John  Picus,  Count  of  Mirandola,  who  was  born  in  1463.  While 
yet  in  his  14th  year,  he  repaired  to  Bologna,  and  there  studied  ca- 
nonical law  ; from  his  16th  to  his  23d  year  he  traveled.  When  but 
22  years  old,  (in  1485,)  the  learned  Hermolaus  Barbarus  wrote  to 
him  as  follows  : — “ I behold  in  thee  a poet  of  distinction  and  a most 
excellent  orator.  Once  an  Aristotelian,  thou  hast  now  become  a 
Platonist.  Greek  thou  hast  thoroughly  mastered.  Thou  knowest 
that,  within  the  many  centuries  in  which  the  study  of  the  Greek  has 
been  neglected,  not  a single  Latin  work  of  merit  has  appeared ; for 
I do  not  count  among  Latin  authors  those  Germans  and  Teutons,  who 
have  not  lived  even  in  their  lifetime,  to  say  nothing  of  their  contin- 
uing to  live  after  their  death ; though  haply,  if  any  do  survive,  it  is 
only  for  their  greater  punishment  and  disgrace.f  They  pass  for  a low, 
uncouth,  uncultivated,  and  barbarous  horde;  and  who  would  accept 
existence  at  such  a price  ? I will  not  deny,  although  I might  well 
do  so,  that  they  have  brought  some  useful  things  to  pass,  and  have 

* Politianus  in  hoc  tumulo  jacet  Angelas,  unum 
Qui  caput  et  linguas,  res  nova,  tres  habuit. 

t That  by  these  epithets,  “ Germans  and  Teutons,”  the  scholastics  only  were  designated  is 
manifest  from  the  laudatory  epitaph  which  Hermolaus  composed  upon  Rudolph  Agricola, 
who  died  in  1485,  the  very  year  that  this  letter  was  written.  This  is  the  epitaph 
“Invida  clauserunt  hoc  marinore  fata  Rudolphum 
Agricolam,  Frisii  spemque  decusque  soli, 

Scilicet  hoc  vivo  meruit  Germania  laudis, 

Quidquid  habet  Latium,  Grsecia  quidquid  habet.” 

“The  envious  fates  have  inclosed  within  this  marble  tomb  Rudolf  Agricola,  the  hope 
and  the  glory  of  Friesland.  While  he  lived,  Germany,  without  doubt,  deserved  all  the  re- 
nown that  either  Latium  or  Greece  ever  obtained.”  The  Italians  appear  to  have  used 
“ Teutons  ” in  a sense  kindred  to  that  afterward  so  erroneously  applied  to  the  term  “ Goths.’> 

No.  18.— [VoL.  VL,  No.  3.]— 29. 


582 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


moreover  displayed  some  intelligence,  learning,  and  research  ; but  it  is 
only  a graceful  and  elegant,  or  at  least  a pure  and  chaste  style,  that 
can  insure  lasting  renown  to  the  writer.  But  perhaps  I have  spoken 
of  these  hears  too  much  already.” 

To  this  letter  Picus  replied  substantially  as  follows  : — 

“ That  which  Hermolaus  had  said  impressed  him  forcibly.  He 
had  spent  six  years  with  Thomas,  Scotus,  and  their  fellows,  but 
had  felt  that  his  time  and  labor  were  all  lost.  But  perhaps,”  he 
continues,  “these  scholastics  might  justify  themselves  somewhat  in 
this  manner ; we  have  achieved  fame  before  the  days  of  Hermolaus, 
and  our  name  will  continue  to  exist  after  he  is  no  more — not 
however  in  the  schools  of  grammarians  and  of  boys,  but  in  the  cir- 
cles of  philosophers,  and  amid  the  fraternities  of  the  wise,  where 
their  time  is  not  thrown  away  in  tracing  the  pedigree  of  Andromache, 
or  the  history  of  the  sons  of  Niobe,  but  is  employed  rather  upon  the 
great  fundamental  truths  which  govern  both  human  and  divine  affairs. 

“And  these,  our  contemplations,  inquiries,  and  analyses,  have  been 
characterized  by  so  much  minuteness,  subtlety,  and  acumen  as  to 
give  us  at  times  an  anxious  and  toil-worn  look,  if  indeed  one  can  be  too  ‘ 
anxious  and  careful  in  the  search  after  truth.  Should  our  accusers 
put  us  to  the  proof,  they  would  learn  that  we  are  not  de6cient  in  wis- 
dom, however  it  may  be  in  regard  to  eloquence  ; to  disjoin  these,  the 
one  from  the  other,  is  perhaps  not  merely  excusable,  but  possibly  we 
should  be  inexcusable  if  we  united  them.  Pbr  rouge  and  false  curls 
are  not  seemly  in  an  honorable  maiden,  but  in  a vestal  they  are  a 
mockery.  In  fact  there  is  a heaven-wide  difierence  between  the  ends 
that  the  orator  and  the  philosopher  respectively  propose  to  them- 
selves.”" He  accuses  the  rhetorician’s  art  of  putting  black  for  white, 
and  white  for  black,  and  of  so  ensnaring  the  hearer  in  a magical 
network  of  brilliant  periods  as  that  he  shall  see  things  not  in  their 
reality  but  only  in  the  light  in  which  the  orator  places  them.  Can 
such  an  orator  possibly  have  any  thing  in  common  with  the  philoso- 
phers, whose  sole  desire  is  to  know  the  truth  and  to  place  it  clear 
before  others  ? For  this  purpose  a dazzling  array  of  words  is  need- 
less and  unsuitable,  and  only  excites  mistrust.  The  harsh-toned,  bar- 
barous terms  of  the  philosophers  ought  not  to  be  condemned ; the 
ear  is  a good  guide  in  music,  but  not  in  philosophy — nothing  more 
powerfully  moves  and  convinces  us  than  the  reading  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  and  yet  these  words  which  so  overcome  us  are  simple  and 
without  any  admixture  of  art.  They  live,  and  breathe,  and  full  of 
fire  they  penetrate  the  soul,  and  change  the  whole  man.  We  will 
grant  that  the  philosophers  have  wisdom  without  eloquence ; but,  on 
the  other  hand,  have  not  there  been  historians,  orators,  and  poets  who 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


583 


Lave  possessed  eloquence  without  wisdom,  being  all  tongue  and  no 
heart  ? The  true  philosophizing  of  a Scotus,  though  it  may  have  been 
in  bad  taste,  is  far  more  noble  than  the  elegant  untruthfulness  of  a 
Lucretius.  “ Thus,’'  says  Picus,  “ might  these  barbarian  philosophers 
exculpate  themselves.”  As  for  his  unsparing  attack  upon  eloquence, 
it  w^as  only  made  to  call  out  a defense  from  Ilermolaus,  for  his  own 
feelings  and  his  very  nature  itself  were  repugnant  to  such  an  attack. 
“ Yet,”  he  concludes,  “ to  say  the  truth,  I am  provoked  with  the  airs 
assumed  by  certain  grammatists,  who,  if  they  light  upon  two  or  three- 
new  derivations,  take  occasion  to  boast  of  their  own  greatness,  and  to 
undervalue  the  philosophers.  ‘ Your  philosophers,’  they  say,  ‘ are 
beneath  our  notice.’  ‘ Dogs  are  no  judges  of  Falernian.’  ” 

But  Ilermolaus  regarded  this  letter  of  Picus  as  a jocose  and  highly 
eloquent  attack  upon  eloquence,  and  moreover  as  an  equally  eloquent 
apology  for  rough  and  uncultivated  philosophers  ; yet  these  latter,  he 
said,  would  not  thank  Picus  at  all  for  pressing  the  art  of  rhetoric  into 
the  defense  of  their  cause,  while  they  were  themselves  striving  to 
overthrow  this  art  by  every  means  in  their  pow'er.  It  is  nevertheless 
evident  that  this  attack  upon  eloquence  and  defense  of  the  scholastics 
was  no  mere  jest  with  Picus,  although,  as  he  informs  us,  he  wrote  thus 
somewhat  against  the  promptings  of  his  own  nature.  This  appears 
unmistakably  from  the  nine  hundred  Theses  which  in  the  ensuing  year, 
1486,  he  posted  up  at  Rome  for  the  purpose  of  public  disputation. 
It  was  to  be  a disputation  “ de  quolibet,”  as  the  phrase  ran,  or  on 
every  branch  of  knowledge.  Many  of  the  propositions  were  borrowed 
from  the  scholastics,  as  from  Albertus  Magnus,  Thomas  Aquinas,  and 
Scotus ; and  Picus  expressly  remarked  that  he  had  couched  these 
propositions,  not  in  classical  but  in  scholastic,  or  as  it  was  also  called 
Parisian  Latin. 

Five  hundred  of  them  owe  their  authorship  to  Picus  himself ; upon 
the  question  of  their  harmony  or  disagreement  with  the  doctrines  of 
the  church,  he  submitted  himself  entirely  to  the  decision  of  Pope 
Innocent  VIII.  Many  were  branded  by  his  opponents  as  heretical, 
and  these  he  defended  in  an  Apology ^ 

On  a careful  reading  of  these  Theses  we  are  astonished  at  the 
universality  of  Picus.  Especially  surprising  are  his  Oriental  attain- 
ments ; he  had  learned  Hebrew,  Chaldee,  and  Arabic.  In  the  Cab- 
bala he  hoped  to  find  the  solution  of  many  difficulties.  To  unite  the 
Bible,  Zoroaster,  Orpheus,  Pythagoras,  Plato,  and  Aristotle — all  in 
one  vast  harmony — this  was  the  leading  purpose  of  his  studies  ; for 
proof  of  this,  we  need  look  no  further  than  to  his  “ Heptaplus^' 
or  commentary  upon  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  this  man,  whose  field  of  research  was  so 


584 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


wide  and  comprehensive,  wrote  a treatise  against  astrology,  which 
brought  that  spurious  science  into  much  disrepute.  In  regard  to 
magic,  he  discriminated  carefully  between  a false  and  a true  ; in  the 
latter  he  saw  the  consummation  of  natural  philosophy. 

His  views  upon  mathematics  were  peculiar.  “ The  moderns,’’  he 
said,  “who  employ  mathematical  reasoning  upon  natural  ]»henomena, 
subvert  the  very  foundations  of  natural  philosophy.”  “Notliing  is 
m.ore  injurious  to  a theologian  than  frequent  and  close  attention  to 
Euclid’s  mathematics.” 

Thus  we  perceive  in  Picus  the  universal  philosopher,  the  historian, 
and  the  theologian  ; we  imagine  him  as  a man  in  middle  life,  and 
of  a thoughtful,  introverted  look  ; and  though,  when  he  posted  up  the 
Theses  he  was  but  23  years  of  age,  we  seem  to  hear  in  them  the 
voice  of  some  venerable  sage.  But  according  to  the  concurrent  tes- 
timony of  his  cotemporaries,  he  had  none  of  the  features  of  age,  but 
was  on  the  contrary  an  extraordinarily  beautiful  young  man,  a favorite 
with  the  fair  sex,  and  a poet  of  love.  He  himself  alludes  in  a sportive 
manner  to  his  twofold  nature.  “ While  I endeavor,”  he  wrote  to 
Politian,  “ to  sit  upon  two  benches,  I fall  between  them  ; so  it  comes 
to  pass  that  I am  neither  poet  nor  orator,  nor  yet  philosopher.”  It 
was  as  though  the  scholasticism  of  the  Middle  Ages  coexisted  in 
Picus  with  the  elements  of  the  later  classical  learning,  but  without 
such  organic  union  as  had  been  earlier  exhibited  in  Dante. 

In  his  latter  years  he  committed  his  love-sonnets  to  the  flames,  and 
gave  himself  up  entirely  to  more  serious  studies  and  to  a life  of  sancti- 
fication ; thus  intimating  his  penitence  for  even  the  intellectual  follies 
of  his  earlier  youth.  “ Philosophy,”  he  wrote  to  Aldus  Manutius, 
four  years  before  his  death,  “ philosophy  searches  after  truth,  and 
theology  finds  it,  but  religion  enters  upon  its  possession.” 

At  a later  date  he  wrote  to  Francis  Mirandola  as  follows: — “I 
exhort  you,  from  my  deepest  convictions,  to  turn  away  from  the  fables 
and  the  vain  conceits  of  the  poets,  and  day  and  night  to  read  the 
Holy  Scriptures.  Do  not  forget  that  the  Son  of  God  has  died  for 
you,  and  that  you,  long  as  you  may  live,  must  yet  shortly  die.”  This 
letter  was  written  on  the  15th  of  May,  1492.  But  a little  over  a 
month  previous,  or  on  the  2d  of  April,  Picus  had  stood  with  Politian 
by  the  death-bed  of  their  common  friend,  Lorenzo  di  Medici. 

The  letter  of  Politian  to  James  Antiquarius,  in  which  he  describes 
Lorenzo’s  last  moments,  can  not  fail  to  surprise  the  reader.  The  grace 
and  majesty  of  classical  culture  appears  to  beam  from  the  noble 
features  of  the  dying  monarch,  but  wondrously  blended  with  the 
lowliest  and  most  penitent  spirit  of  a true  Christian  faith.  With  calm 
and  clear  judgment  and  a lofty  wisdom  he  counselled  his  son  how  to 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


585 


comport  himself  in  the  affairs  of  government.  But  when  the  priest 
came  to  administer  to  him  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord’s  Supper,  not- 
withstanding his  feebleness,  he  raised  himself  up  in  his  bed,  kneeled 
down,  and  with  contrite  accents  poured  forth  the  prayer  “ Lord  Jesus 
be  merciful  to  me  a sinner.”  Aftervvard,  perceiving  Politian,  he 
pressed  his  hand  in  affection.  But  Politian,  overcome  with  grief, 
hurried  from  the  chamber  to  give  course  to  his  tears.  On  his  return, 
Lorenzo  inquired  of  him  why  Picus  was  not  there  ? Hearing  that 
it  was  through  fear  of  disturbing  his  repose,  he  at  once  signified  a 
desire  to  see  him.  He  received  him  with  the  most  cordial  expres- 
sions of  friendship,  and  asking  his  forgiveness  for  the  trouble  he 
had  occasioned  him,  added  that  he  should  meet  his  death  with 
more  cheerfulness  after  this  last  interview  with  his  beloved  friend. 
Then  changing  the  subject,  he  expressed  the  wish  to  Picus  and  Pol- 
itian, “ not  without  some  degree  of  jocularity,”  that  he  could  have 
been  spared  until  he  had  completed  the  library  destined  to  their  use. 
Scarcely  had  Picus  withdrawn,  when  Hieronymus  Savonarola  entered 
the  apartment ; “ a man,”  says  Politian,  “ distinguished  both  for 
learning  and  sanctity  ; an  excellent  preacher  of  heavenly  truth.” 
Being  exhorted  by  him  to  remain  steadfast  in  the  faith  and  to  meet 
death  with  equanimity,  Lorenzo  replied,  “ that  his  faith  was  unshaken, 
and  death  w^as  thrice  welcome  to  him,  if  so  God  willed  it.”  He  then 
besought  Savonarola  for  his  blessing,  and  after  giving  suitable 
answers  to  his  questions,  during  which  he  remained  wholly  unmoved 
by  the  lamentations  of  his  fi-iends,  he  received  the  benediction.  Even 
to  the  last  moment  he  retained  his  wonted  serenity  and  greatness  of 
soul,  nor  did  he  betray  the  least  sign  of  pain.  At  last  he  embraced  those 
who  surrounded  his  bed,  implored  forgiveness  of  them  all,  if  during  his 
sickness  he  had  occasioned  them  trouble,  then  received  extreme  unc- 
tion, commended  his  departing  spirit  to  th^  God  who  gave  it,  and 
expired  with  his  lips  pressed  to  a crucifix,  and  amid  the  reading  of 
the  Passion  of  Jesus.”  To  this  narrative  Politian  subjoined  a brief 
sketch  of  Lorenzo’s  character.  “ He  was  born,”  he  said,  “ for  the 
highest  station ; was  untempted  by  prosperity,  and  unshaken  by 
adversity  ; a man  of  a great,  versatile,  penetrating,  and  comprehensive 
mind;  honest,  just,  and  worthy  of  all  confidence;  likewise  so 
friendly  and  affable  that  he  was  beloved  by  all.  Add  to  this  that  he 
was  princely  in  his  bounty,  not  however  for  the  sake  of  glory  and  to 
make  to  himself  a name,  but  out  of  a pure  regard  to  virtue.”  Last- 
ly, Politian  commends  Lorenzo  for  the  protection  which  he  extended 
to  learned  men,  and  for  the  vast  sums  of  money  which  he  spent  in 
the  purchase  of  books. 

Politian  and  Picus  survived  Lorenzo  but  two  years : they  both  died, 


586 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


the  one  shortly  after  the  other,  in  the  year  1494  ; the  same  year  like- 
wise witnessed  the  death  of  their  common  friend,  the  learned  and 
devout  Venetian,  Hermolaus  Barbarus.  Picus  lived  but  thirty-two 
years.  His  cotemporaries  regarded  him  with  admiration  as  a wonder 
of  the  world.  “ Picus  di  Mirandola,”  says  Politian,  “ that  unique 
man,  or  rather  hero,  was  richly  furnished  with  all  the  gifts  of  fortune, 
of  person,  and  of  intellect ; his  form  was  majestic  and  well-nigh 
divine,  his  understanding  was  searching  to  the  last  degree,  his  mem- 
ory unexampled,  his  diligence  untiring,  and  his  eloquence  rich  and 
clear ; nor  do  I know  whether  he  were  more  worthy  to  be  admired 
for  the  depth  of  his  judgment  or  the  splendor  of  his  manners.  In 
the  entire  territory  of  philosophy  he  was  thoroughly  versed,  and  in 
all  the  liberal  arts  likewise  equally  expert.  Early  matured  for  the 
conflict  of  life,  he  was  also  early  ripened  for  death.  Until  his  24th 
year  enamored  alike  of  the  rewards  of  fame  and  of  the  charms  of 
the  fair  sex,  he  turned  his  gaze  during  the  last  eight  years  of  his  life, 
with  an  unbending  asceticism,  away  from  the  transient  glories  of  earth, 
and  upward  to  the  heavenly  and  enduring  inheritance.”  To  his 
nephew  he  confided  his  purpose,  so  soon  as  he  had  completed  some 
works  upon  which  he  was  engaged,  to  distribute  his  goods  among  the 
poor,  and  then  with  his  cross  to  go  on  a pilgrimage  through  every 
land  to  preach  Christ  Jesus. 

LEO  X.,  AND  HIS  AGE. 

The  year  of  the  death  of  Picus,  the  year  1494,  was  fraught  with 
disaster  to  Italy,  through  the  campaign  of  Charles  VIII.  of  France 
against  Naples. 

The  golden  days  of  Florence  had  ended  in  1492  with  the  death  of 
Lorenzo  di  Medici. 

A succession  of  entirely  unspiritual  popes  had  borne  sway  at  Rome. 
Sixtus  IV,  (from  1471  4o  1484,)  who  shrank  neither  from  conspira- 
cies or  murders,  when  these  availed  to  increase  his  power,  was  followed 
by  Innocent  VIII.  (from  1484  to  1492,)  the  father  of  sixteen  natural 
children,  and  the  prime  originator  of  the  trial  for  witchcraft  in  Ger- 
many. After  him  came  Alexander  VI.  (1492 — 1503,)  a man  of 
shamelessly  profligate  life,  the  father  of  the  Duke  of  Candia,  Caesar 
Borgia,  that  “ virtuoso  of  crime,”  and  of  Lucretia.  Next  came  Julius 
II.  (1503 — 1513,)  a choleric,  ambitious  warrior,  and  the  immediate 
predecessor  of  Leo  X.  (1513 — 1521,)  the  son  of  Lorenzo  di  Medici. 
“ Leo  X.,”  says  Fra  Paoli,  “ displayed  a singular  proficiency  in  polite 
literature,  wonderful  humanity,  benevolence,  and  mildness,  the  great- 
est liberality,  and  an  extreme  inclination  to  favor  excellent  and  learned 
men.  He  would,  indeed,  have  been  a perfect  pontiff,  if  to  these  accom- 
plishments he  had  united  some  knowledge  in  matters  of  religion,  and 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


587 


a greater  inclination  to  piety ; to  neither  of  which  he  appeared  to 
pay  any  great  attention.’'* 

He  Avas  not  the  man  to  atone  for  the  sins  of  his  predecessors,  and 
to  reconcile  Christendom  with  the  vicegerents  of  Christ.  The  holier 
and  more  exalted  was  the  office  the  greater  was  the  offense,  and  the 
contrast  between  this  office  and  the  sinful  life  of  many  popes  was  so 
striking  that  earnest  and  reflecting  men,  who  strove  after  a life  of 
sanctity,  were  led  to  the  painful  conviction  that  such  popes  were  not 
vicegerents  but  enemies  of  Christ,  or  rather  the  Anti-Christ  of 
prophecy. 

The  historians  of  the  church.  Catholic  as  well  as  Protestant,  have 
concurred  in  their  condemnation  of  Leo’s  unspiritual  and  worldly 
temper,  of  his  aversion  to  the  solemn  demands  of  Christianity,  and 
his  passion  for  the  outward  serenity  and  sensuous  splendor  of  pagan- 
ism. But  he  was  the  son  of  his  age  and  his  station. 

How  great  the  depth  of  immorality  to  which  the  Italian  clergy  then 
had  sunk,  when  John  Della  Casa,  afterward  created  Archbishop  of 
Benevento,  wrote  a scandalous  and  profligate  poem,  in  which  he  advo- 
cated unnatural  love — when  Folengo,  also  a priest,  composed  poems 
teeming  with  obscenities ; “ a feature,”  says  Roscoe,  “ which  would 
seem  in  general  to  have  distinguished  the  writings  of  the  clergy  of  that 
period  from  those  of  the  laity  ” — when  Bishop  Bandello  gave  to  the 
press  three  volumes  of  novelettes,  the  greater  part  of  which  possessed  not 
even  the  thinnest  veil  of  propriety  to  cover  their  lascivious  sentiments  ! | 

That  most  abandoned  and  most  Mephistophelian  of  charac- 
ters, Pietro  Aretino,  whose  life  “ may  be  denominated  the  triumph 
of  effrontery,”  was  invited  by  Leo  to  his  court,  notwithstanding  his 
expulsion  from  Arezzo  for  an  indecent  satire,  his  discharge,  from 
the  service  of  Chigi  for  theft,  and  the  subsequent  disgrace  and  banish- 
ment which  he  experienced  at  the  hands  of  Julius  11.  The  pen  of  this 
Aretino  was  both  formidable  and  cheap.  He  it  was  who  composed 
those  inexpressibly  indecent  sonnets  for  the  equally  indecent  prints 
designed  by  Giulio  Romano  (happily  all  now  destroyed,)  of  which 
Vasari  said,  “it  was  hard  to  decide  which  were  the  more  disgusting, 
the  sight  of  the  prints,  or  the  hearing  of  the  verses.”  “ Aretino’s 
death,”  says  Roscoe,  “ is  said  to  have  resembled  his  life.  Being  in- 
formed of  some  outrageous  instance  of  obscenity  committed  by  his  sis- 
ters, who  were  courtesans  at  Venice,  he  was  suddenly  affected  with  so  vio- 
lent a fit  of  laughter  that  he  overturned  his  chair,  and  thereby  received 
an  injury  on  his  head  which  terminated  his  days.”  And  yet  Pope 

* Roscoe  IV.,  page  420.  Philadelphia,  1806. 

t Not  to  dwell  longer  on  this  point,  we  need  only  to  refer  to  the  Calandra  of  Cardinal 
Bibiena,  and  the  Mandragora  of  Machiavelli. 


588 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


Julius  HI.  gave  to  this  man  a thousand  crowns,  and  created  him  a 
knight  of  the  Order  of  St.  Peter;  although,  to  his  vexation,  he  fell 
short  of  the  dignity  of  cardinal. 

To  the  period  of  Leo  belonged  also  Pomponazzo,  who  strove  to 
bring  Christianity  into  supreme  contempt,  and  who  wrote  a special 
treatise  against  the  doctrine  of  the  soul’s  immortality.  Leo,  and 
Bernbo  his  secretary,  afterward  cardinal,  took  this  work  under  their 
protection.  Startling  as  this  fact  may  appear,  a concurrent  testimony 
to  its  truth  may  be  found  in  the  two  following  anecdotes.  “ They  say,” 
continues  Luther,  “the  pope  thus  addressed  the  one  who  argued  that 
the  soul  was  immortal : ‘ You  appear  to  have  spoken  with  justice  and 
truth,  but  your  antagonist’s  sentiments  and  his  rhetoric  both  confer 
more  delight  upon  the  hearer.’  So  is  it  with  the  Epicureans  ; what- 
ever is  agreeable  to  the  senses,  and  likewise  consonant  to  the  reason, 
that  they  accept.”  The  second  anecdote  is  substantially  as  follows  : 
“ George  Sabinus,  Mel  an  cth  on’s  son-in-law,  was  asked  by  Cardinal 
Bembo  ‘ how  Melancthon  stood  with  regard  to  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead  and  the  life  everlasting;’  and,  on  his  replying  ‘ that  Melancthon’s 
writings  evinced  his  entire  faith  in  both  these  doctrines,’  the  cardi- 
nal rejoined,  ‘The  man,  in  my  view,  would  appear  far  more  clever,  if 
he  only  would  not  believe  this.’  ” 

Nay,  in  this  same  age  of  Leo,  the  Tenth  Lateran  Council  thought 
it  necessary  to  decree  solemnly,  in  the  name  of  the  Church,  “ that  the 
soul  of  man  is  immortal.”  Thus  it  appears  that  the  tenets  of  the 
Church  in  this  respect  were  independent;  not  resting  upon  the  faith 
of  the  pope  and  the  clergy,  but  a matter  external  and  foreign  to  them  ; 
and  the  story  that  Leo  observed  to  Bembo,  “ It  is  well  known  to  all 
ages  bow  profitable  this  fable  of  Christ  has  been  to  us,”  can  not  certain- 
ly be  refuted  by  a resort  to  internal  evidence.  When  Savonarola 
preached  at  Florence  with  vehemence  against  the  lamentable  decline 
of  Christianity,  and  the  profligate  lives  of  its  professors,  he  succumbed 
to  his  enemies,  at  whose  head  was  the  corrupt  Pope  Alexander  VI.; 
and  in  1498  he  was  put  to  death.  But  in  the  year  1510  the  eyes  of 
another  observer  surveyed  the  abomination  of  desolation  in  the  holy 
place,  in  the  capital  city  of  Christendom.  What  this  observer  saw  he 
stored  up  in  a good  memory ; and  he  became  afterward  the  chosen 
avenging  angel  to  punish  this  godless  generation. 

Such  is  the  repulsive  and  dark  side  of  this  period.  He  who  refuses 
to  look  on  this  dark  side  will  not  understand  the  holy  and  righteous 
wrath  of  Luther ; and  he  who  surveys  this  side  alone  can  not  com- 
prehend how  it  is  that  so  many  extol  the  times  of  Leo  X.  as  one  of 
the  most  brilliant  epochs  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

The  most  eminent  classical  philologists  of  Italy  flourished  in  the 


HISTORV  OF  EDUCATION  IN' ITALY. 


580 


fifteenth  century;  and  we  have  already  given  a sketch  of  them  in  the 
foregoing  pages. 

Through  the  influence  of  Lorenzo  di  Medici  and  Politian  the  Italian 
language  had  again  come  into  the  foreground;  and  in  the  age  of  Leo 
there  were  two  men  of  surpassing  genius,  who  contributed  above  all 
others  to  elevate  it  above  the  Latin  : these  were  Machiavelli  (1469 — 
1527)  and  Ariosto  (1474 — 1523.)  Bembo’s  counsel  to  Ariosto  to 
translate  the  Orlando  Furioso  into  Latin,  the  poet  rejected.  Bembo 
himself  (1471 — 1547)  won,  both  in  his  Italian  and  in  his  Latin  pro- 
ductions, the  praise  of  the  utmost  perfection.  Says  an  Italian  critic  of 
him,  “It  was  he  who  opened  a new  Augustan  age,  who  emulated 
Cicero  and  Virgil  with  equal  success,  and  recalled  in  his  writings  the 
elegance  and  purity  of  Petrarch  and  Boccaccio.’’ 

“ Whilst  these  pieces,”  (Bembo’s  Italian  poems,)  says  Roscoe,  “stand 
approved  to  our  deliberate  judgment,  we  feel  a conviction  that  any 
person  of  good  taste  and  extensive  reading  might,  by  a due  portion 
of  labor,  produce  works  of  equal  merit.  That  this  conviction  is  well 
founded  is  proved  by  the  innumerable  thi-ong  of  writers  wlio  have 
imitated  his  example — the  whole  attention  of  these  writers  was  employ- 
ed, not  in  discovering  what  should  be  said,  but  how  it  should  be  said.” 

As  in  Italian  poetry  and  prose,  so  likewise  in  Latin  prose,  Bembo 
was  a pattern ; that  is,  he  was  regarded  as  the  most  successful  imitator 
of  the  style  of  Cicero.  This  imitation  is  wonderfully  conspicuous  at 
times,  especially  in  the  letters  that  he  wrote  in  the  name  of  Leo,  and 
while  his  secretary,  in  which  he  avoided  every  ecclesiastical  and  un- 
classic expression.  In  a letter  to  the  Empei-or  Maximilian  he  wrote 
thus,  “ Blown  upon  by  the  breath  of  a celestial  zephyr,  they  turn  back  in 
true  penitence.”  To  the  inhabitants  of  Recanati  he  wrote  that  “ they 
must  furnish  better  wood  with  which  to  build  the  church  of  Loretto, 
or  they  would  be  deemed  with  their  poor  wood  to  be  making  a mock 
of  the  pope,  nay  of  the  goddess  herself.”  “The  ” that  is, 

Mary.  In  his  Venetian  history  he  said  of  the  pope:  “He  was  elect- 
ed through  the  favor  of  the  immortal  gods;”  and  he  put  into  the 
mouths  of  the  Venetians  this  address  to  the  pope,  “that  you  would 
put  your  confidence  in  the  immortal  gods,  whose  vicegerent  you  are 
upon  the  earth.” 

This  is  but  one  example  of  that  extended  intermingling  of  the 
Christian  and  the  Pagan  elements  which,  first  originating  with  Dante, 
appeared  now  more  suspicious  in  proportion  as  the  Christian  church 
had  fallen  into  unbelief  and  sinful  practices. 

But  it  was  the  artists,  the  painters  above  all,  mLo  constituted  the 
glory  of  the  age  of  Leo  X.  In  earlier  times  the  “coy  art”  had  been 
wholly  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  church  ; for  observation  of  na- 


590 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


ture,  and  a just  imitation  of  her,  there  was  then  neither  any  faculty 
nor  yet  a fitness  acquired  by  study.  All  necessity  for  such  imitation 
also  was  precluded,  so  long  as  only  traditional  and  stereotype  figures, 
and  these  often  but  symbolical,  were  demanded  of  artists.  But  there 
began  to  appear  already  in  the  fourteenth  century  a new  and  a more 
unshackled  development  of  the  art.  In  the  fifteenth  century  this  as- 
sumed an  unwonted  energy ; especially  since  myriads  of  old  statues, 
which  had  slumbered  in  their  graves  for  so  many  centuries,  now  arose 
and,  side  by  side  with  the  reanimated  classics,  exercised  a magical 
power,  as  of  spirits  of  the  olden  time,  over  the  living.  Those  great 
Italians  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  drew  their  inspiration 
and  their  creative  energy  from  these  spirits  of  the  past.  So  it  was 
with  the  eminent  philologists ; but  these  recede  from  our  view  when 
compared  with  the  wondrous  artists  whom  that  fifteenth  century  pro- 
duced in  Italy,  with  Angelico  da  Fiesole,  John  Beilin,  Leonardo  da 
Vinci,  Francesco  Francia,  Michael  Angelo,  Peter  Perugino,  Raphael, 
and  others.  In  these  artists  two  opposite  elements  were  harmo- 
nized— the  fervor  of  religious  enthusiasm  and  a deep  love  of  nature 
and  of  the  antique — and  both  were  fused  into  one  by  an  almost  super- 
natural power  of  expression.  IIow,  in  one  and  the  same  country,  and 
during  one  and  the  same  age,  were  the  most  glorious  and  the  most 
infamous  of  human  endeavors  allied  to  each  other  I What  an  angelic 
child  must  Raphael  have  been,  and  yet  the  years  of  his  childhood  fall 
within  the  crime-polluted  days  of  Alexander  VI.!  Nay,  how  often 
was  the  most  dazzling  beauty  and  the  most  hideous  deformity,  the 
truest  nobility  and  the  most  contemptible  meanness,  devout  piety  and 
groveling  sensuality,  united  in  one  and  the  same  person  among  these 
heroes  of  art  1 And  into  what  gross  sins  did  they  stumble  and  fall, 
when  their  love  for  nature  and  for  antiquity  had  degenerated  into  lust, 
when  all  the  sacred  restraints  of  Christianity  were  thrown  off  by  them, 
until  at  last  their  art  as  well  as  their  lives  became  thoroughly  pagan  ! 

RETROSPECT  OF  ITALY.  TRANSITION  TO  GERMANY. 

Let  US  now  pause  for  a moment,  and  review  the  growth  of  Italian 
learning  and  art  from  the  fourteenth  to  the  commencement  of  the 
sixteenth  century. 

The  learning  of  the  Middle  Ages,  the  scholastic  especially,  gives 
place  by  degrees  to  the  classical.  The  Italians  become  enthusiastic 
in  their  awakened  love  for  the  old  Roman  authors,  in  whom  they  rec- 
ognize their  ancestors  ; and  their  understanding  of  the  Greek  classics 
is  promoted  by  the  means  of  native  Greek  teachers.  After  they  are 
enabled  to  read  Plato,  a passionate  love  for  the  beautiful  arises  with- 
in them,  and  likewise  a corresponding  abhorrence  for  the  hideousness 
of  the  scholasticism  basing  itself  upon  Aristotle ; but,  when  they 


HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


591 


study  Aristotle  in  the  original,  and  learn  how  entirely  different  he  is 
from  the  Aristotle  of  the  scholastics,  the  authority  of  this  latter  begins 
at  once  to  decline. 

Yet  the  classical  philologists,  with  the  exception  of  Dante  and  Fi- 
cus, overlook  the  depth,  and  the  earnest  love  of  truth,  which  charac- 
terized the  more  eminent  of  the  scholastics.  And  moreover  there  are 
many  among  them  who  become  so  foolishly  enamored  of  the  beauty 
of  the  classical  form,  whether  in  prose  or  in  poetry,  that  they  imagine 
their  own  externally  correct  imitations  of  the  ancients  to  possess  a worth 
intrinsically  equal  to  their  models ; while  such  imitations,  on  a close 
inspection,  often  prove  to  be  but  hollow  and  delusive  phantoms,  with- 
out either  life  or  spirit. 

After  the  elevation  of  the  Italian  language  into  a vernacular,  it 
gradually  comes  to  supplant  the  Latin,  which  in  the  Middle  Ages  had 
been  treated  as  a vernacular,  and  as  such  subjected  to  the  varying 
caprice  of  writers.  And  now  the  ancient  classics,  Cicero  especially, 
become  models  for  imitation,  but  an  imitation  mostly  of  a lifeless  and 
servile  sort. 

Only  a very  few,  Laurentius  Valla,  for  instance,  apply  their  philolog- 
ical attainments  to  New  Testament  exegesis.  Toward  the  Hebrew 
tongue  and  the  exegesis  of  the  Old  Testament  a great  and  decided  re- 
pugnance is  manifested.  The  austere  and  sacred  earnestness  of  the  Old 
Testament  frowns  harshly  upon  every  phase  of  pagan  epicureanism, 
while  the  latter  manifests  no  desire  to  become  acquainted  with  its  own 
depravity. 

Pagan  sentiments,  a pagan  life,  and  writings  imbued  with  paganism, 
are  characteristic  of  Italian  scholars,  and  these  often  united  to  an  ortho- 
dox faith  and  a pious  enthusiasm  ; united  too,  it  may  be,  innocently, 
since  the  example  and  teachings  of  the  clergy  are  such  as  to  drown  and 
deaden  the  voice  of  conscience.  Against  the  lamentable  corruption 
of  the  church,  both  in  its  head  and  in  its  members,  the  greater  part 
array  themselves  ; a few,  like  Dante,  with  holy  zeal,  but  the  greater 
part  only  with  mocking  satire.  Such  in  brief  was  the  character  of 
those  Italian  philologists  to  whom  our  attention  has  been  directed. 
And  these  men  exercised  a vast  influence  upon  the  learning  of  the 
Germans.  Rudolf  Agricola,  Reuchlin,  Regio  Montanus,  Erasmus, 
and  many  other  distinguished  Germans,  w^ent  to  Italy  to  perfect  them- 
selves; the  Italians  became  their  patterns,  upon  these  they  modeled 
themselves,  to  equal  them  or  if  possible  to  surpass  them  was  their 
highest  aim.  “I  indulge  the  most  sanguine  hopes,”  Rudolf  Agricola 
wrote  to  Lange,  “that  we  shall  wrest  from  haughty  Italy  her  ancient 
renown  of  eloquence,  and  shall  deliver  ourselves  from  the  reproach 
which  they  cast  in  our  teeth,  to  wit,  that  we  are  utter  barbarians, 


592 


mSTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  ITALY. 


unlettered  and  boorish  of  speech,  or  even  worse.  I hope  that  our 
Germany  will  arrive  at  that  degree  of  erudition  and  culture  that  her 
Latinity  shall  not  blush  when  compared  even  with  that  of  Latiura.” 

If  we  may  regard  any  one  man  as  the  pioneer  and  champion  of 
German  culture  in  the  fifteenth  century,  that  man  is,  without  doubt, 
Rudolf  Agricola.  But  how  evident  does  it  appear,  from  the  tenor  of 
the  quotation  above  cited,  that  he  adopted  the  Italian  ideal  of  learn- 
ing as  the  only  genuine  and  just  one.  And  in  this  respect  all  his 
writings  agree.  Thoroughly  to  understand  the  ancients — Greeks  as 
well  as  Romans — and  in  Latin  speech  and  writing  to  reproduce  a pure 
classicity,  this  is  Agricola’s  highest  aim  ; and  so  too  was  it  the  highest 
aim  of  the  greater • portion  of  German  scholars,  from  the  fifteenth 
down  to  the  eighteenth  century.  Although  not  descended  from  the 
Romans,  as  were  the  Italians,  the  learned  men  of  Germany,  neverthe- 
less, strove  to  be  accounted  as  “ Latini  homines^ 

Never  can  such  a powerful  influence  be  exerted  by  an  individual 
upon  other  individuals,  or  by  a nation  upon  other  nations,  as  when  such 
individual  and  nation  infuse  into  other  minds  or  other  communities 
their  own  ideal,  especially  if  it  be  their  ideal  of  education.  For  the 
ideal  always  determines  the  practical  direction  of  the  labors  as  well 
of  nations  as  of  individuals,  and  training  and  instruction  ever 
adapt  themselves  to  the  accepted  ideal  of  culture,  and  become  both 
guide  and  path  to  lead  to  the  attainment  of  that  ideal. 

If  then  the  Italians  communicated  their  own  ideal  or  ultimate  end 
of  learning  to  the  Germans,  then  it  is  clear,  from  what  we  have  already 
advanced,  that  they  exercised  a vast  influence  upon  German  educa- 
tion. Hence  it  becomes  necessary — I repeat  the  assertion — in  a his- 
tory of  this  education,  to  have  respect  to  the  Italians. 

Are  we  then,  might  a German  ask,  mere  imitators  of  the  Italians? 
By  no  means.  Because  two  persons  do  the  same  thing,  they  do  not 
necessarily  arrive  at  the  same  result.  This  will  abundantly  appear 
in  the  course  of  the  following  history,  in  which  we  shall  see  that  the 
study  of  the  classics  was  pursued  by  the  Germans  in  a totally  differ- 
<^nt  spirit  than  by  the  Italians.  “No  man  understood,”  says  Luther, 
“the  reason  why  God  caused  the  languages  again  to  put  on  bloom  and 
vigor ; until  now,  at  last,  we  see  that  it  was  for  the  sake  of  the  gospel. 
Now,  since  the  gospel  is  so  dear  to  us,  let  us  hold  fast  to  the  languages. 
And  let  us  bethink  ourselves  that  haply  we  may  not  be  able  to  retain 
the  gospel  without  the  knowledge  of  the  languages  in  which  it  was  writ- 
ten.” The  earnest  and  devout  spirit  of  the  German  people,  their 
Christian  life,  and  their  deep  reverence  for  the  Bible,  these  gave  a char- 
acter to  their  study  of  the  classics  which  the  Italian  scholars,  though 
engaged  in  the  same  studies,  could  neither  attain  nor  yet  appreciate. 


II.  UNIVERSITIES  OF  ITALY. 

♦ 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  THE  KINGDOM  OF  ITALY. 


CLASSIFICATION. 

There  are  three  classes  of  institutions  where  instruction,  which  may 
be  called  superior,  is  imparted  in  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  1.  The  Scien- 
tific and  Literary  Institute  at  Florence;  2.  The  Universities;  3.  The  Su- 
perior Technical  Institutions.  But  the  exact  field  of  each  of  these  classes 
of  institutions  has  not  been  distinctly  marked  out  or  occupied.  We  must, 
therefore,  examine  each  class  by  itself.  Of  the  technical  schools  of  all 
grades,  we  have  spoken  elsewhere. 

I.  SUPERIOR  INSTITUTE  AT  FLORENCE. 

The  provisional  government  of  Tuscany,  in  the  year  1859,  with  a view 
of  making  the  city  of  Florence  a seat  of  learning,  while  it  was  in  danger 
of  losing  its  political  importance  as  capital  of  a grand  duchy,  issued  a de- 
cree to  bring  together  and  consolidate  into  one  large  institution,  the  differ- 
ent and  scattered  schools  existing  there  at  that  time,  whose  origins  were 
to  be  traced  back  to  times  more  or  less  ancient.  The  government,  there- 
fore, created  an  Institute,  consisting  of  five  faculties  or  sections,  viz  : juris- 
prudence, belles  lettres,  philosophy,  medicine  and  surgery,  and  the  natural 
sciences.  The  end  in  view  was  to  complete  the  university  course  by  sup- 
plying to  students  the  means  of  improving  their  studies  in  a practical  as 
well  as  speculative  direction. 

The  institution  of  new  faculties  is  a clear  proof  that  the  legislator  had 
no  precise  idea  of  what  he  intended  to  do,  or  that,  as  he  himself  avowed, 
he  had  not  the  means  to  execute  it. 

The  courses  in  the  faculty  of  jurisprudence  were  as  follows  : 1.  Civil 

and  commercial  jurisprudence,  and  judiciary  law,  and  the  theory  of  evi- 
dences in  penal  judgment.  2.  Criminal  jurisprudence.  3.  Civil  judiciary 
law  and  theory  of  evidences.  4.  Constitutional  law.  5.  Social  economy. 
6.  Administrative  law.  7.  Statistics. 

It  is  very  strange,  that  in  a high  school  of  jurisprudence,  the  Tloman 
law,  and  the  history  and  philosophy  of  law  should  have  been  omitted. 

The  faculty  of  belles  lettres  and  philosophy  was  constituted  thus : 1. 

History  of  philosophy.  2.  Oratory  and  Italian  poetry.  3.  Philosophy  of 
history.  4.  History  of  the  Italian  literature.  5.  History  and  the  art  of 
war.  6.  History  of  Italy.  7.  Latin  literature.  8.  Indo-German  lan- 
guages. 9.  Sanskrit.  10.  Arabic  language  and  literature.  11.  Arche- 
ology. 12.  Diplomacy  and  paleography.  13.  Chinese  language. 


596 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


We  need  hardly  point  out  the  many  defects  and  superfluities,  and  the 
extraordinary  vagueness  of  the  organization  of  this  faculty. 

The  faculty  of  medicine  and  surgery  consists  of  the  following  branches : 
1.  General  clinical  medicine.  2.  General  clinical  surgery.  3.  Clinical 
midwifery.  4.  Clinical  medicine  for  mental  diseases.  5.  Clinical  medi- 
cine for . ophthalmia.  6.  Clinical  medicine  for  cutaneous  diseases.  7, 
Clinical  medicine  for  venereal  diseases.  8.  Pathological  anatomv.  9. 
Histological  anatomy.  10.  Organic  pathological  chemistry.  11.  Experi- 
mental toxicology.  12.  Legal  medicine.  13.  Pathological  histology.  14. 
Medical  botany.  15.  History  of  medicine. 

A secondary  section  follows,  where  students  are  taught:  1.  Pharma- 
cology. • 2.  Practical  pharmaceutical  chemistry.  3.  Toxicology.  4.  Or- 
ganic pathological  chemistry. 

The  faculty  of  natural  sciences  embraces  : 1.  Astronomy.  2.  Physics. 

3.  Zoology,  anatomy,  and  jdiysiology.  4.  Comparative  Zoology,  anatomy 
and  physiology  of  invertebrates.  5.  Botany.  6.  Geology.  7.  Metallur- 
gy. 8.  Mineralogy. 

At  first  each  chair  was  filled,  but  as  time  went  by,  and  the  majority  of 
teachers  in  the  new  faculties  of  jurisprudence  and  belles  lettres  being  po- 
litical men,  were  called  to  other  pursuits,  most  of  the  chairs  became  va- 
cant, and  the  Italian  government  was  unwilling  or  unable  to  fill  them 
again.  Such  an  unsettled  state  of  things  lasted  till  within  the  last  few 
years,  the  faculties  of  jurisprudence  and  belles  lettres  not  having  their  full 
staff  of  professors  and  their  usual  amount  of  students,  a condition  that 
was  shared  too  by  the  faculty  of  natural  sciences.  The  faculty  of  medi- 
cine and  surgery  alone  continued  in  its  old  track. 

By  a decree  of  September  22,  1867,  the  character  of  the  institution  was 
radically  modified.  The  faculty  of  jurisprudence,  though  unaffected  by 
the  decree,  was  practically  abolished.  The  faculties  of  belles  lettres  and 
natural  sciences  were  transformed  into  a normal  school  for  teachers  in  sec- 
ondary schools,  delivering  certificates  to  its  students  by  which  they  were 
authorized  to  teach  in  their  respective  sciences.  With  respect  to  the  fac- 
ulty of  medicine  and  surgery,  its  courses  were  distributed  between  the 
Florence  institution  and  the  universities  of  Pisa  and  Siena ; the  last  two 
years  being  passed  at  the  former,  and  the  first  four  at  the  latter ; the 
entire  course  consisting  of  six  years. 

Our  readers  will  get  an  idea  of  the  method  of  teaching  adopted  in  the 
university,  by  examining  the  programme  for  the  faculty  of  philosophy  and 
philology  (1868-69),  which  we  here  transcribe.  It  may  be  remarked  that 
teachers  give  public  lessons  which  any  one  may  attend,  and  private  in- 
structions to  which  matriculated  students  alone  are  admitted.  Public  les- 
sons are  lectures  of  one  hour,  sometimes  less ; the  private  instructions, 
or  entertainments,  are  called  conversazioni,  lasting  about  one  hour,  where 
students  are  at  liberty  to  question  the  teachers,  and  must  be  prepared  to 
answer  questions  in  their  turn. 


» 


, SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY.  597 

Programme. 

Italian  literature  (3  hours  a week). — Two  public  lectures,  one  conversazione. 
The  Divina  Cornmedia  will  be  expounded. 

Latin  literature  (3  hours). — Two  lectures,  one  conve' sazione,  including  lectures 
on  phonology,  morphology,  and  the  historical  motives  of  the  epos,  by  expound- 
ing Virgil. 

Greek  literature  (3  hours). — One  lecture,  two  conversazioni.  The  lecture  is  on 
the  history  of  Greek  poetry  ; the  conversazioni  on  the  Attic  dialect. 

Archteolojij  (3  hours). — Two  lectures,  one  conversazione.  Lectures  on  the  an- 
tiquities of  the  African  race. 

Ancient  and  modern  history  (3  hours). — Two  lectures  and  one  conversazione. 
The  lectures  are  on  the  history  of  Italy  and  the  modern  method  of  treating  an- 
cient history. 

l^edagogy  (1  hour). — On  the  means  of  developing  man’s  intellectual  power. 

History  of  philosojdiy  (3  hours). — One  lecture,  two  conversazioni.  Lecture  on 
the  history  of  theism  from  Leibnitz  up  to  the  beginning  of  the  19rh  century. 

Moral  and  speculative  philosophy  (3  hours). — Two  lectures  and  one  conversa- 
zione. Lecture  on  moral  philosophy,  demonstrating  the  connection  between  the 
good  and  the  true. 

The  above  studies  are  compulsory.  The  following  arc  optional : 

Oriental  languages,  including  lectures  on  Arabic  and  Sanski'it  (2  hours  each). 

Diplomacy  and  paleography  (3  hours). — Lectures. 

Statistics  (I  hour). — A lecture. 

The  Zend  lioesta  (1  hour). — A free  course  on  its  language  and  literature. 

From  the  description  we  have  given  of  the  Florence  Institution  it  will  be 
seen  that  it  fails  to  answer  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  created.  It  is  a 
normal  school  for  teachers  of  secondary  classical  instruction,  having  chairs 
of  Oriental  languages  in  its  section  of  belles  lettres  and  philosophy,  and  a 
school  for  the  last  years  of  the  course  of  medicine  in  its  section  of  medi- 
cine. The  chairs  of  natural  sciences  have  an  incomplete  organization  and 
no  students. 

In  18G8-69,  there  were  157  students  attending  the  Florence  Institute; 
16  attending  the  normal  course,  24  in  the  complementary,  and  16  in  the 
special  courses  of  philosophy  and  philology;  40  studying  medicine;  24 
pharmaceutics,  of  which  ten  were  “regular”  auditors;  and  37  females  in 
the  midwifery  class. 


II.  THE  UNIVERSITIES. 

Before  we  explain  the  present  organization  of  the  Italian  universities, 
it  will  not  be  uninteresting  to  our  readers  to  relate  their  history,  the 
majority  of  which  have  had  a common  internal  development,  which  was 
repeated  in  the  various  seats  of  learning  that  have  sprung  up  on  different 
occasions  and  for  different  purposes  in  the  many  states  and  towns  of 
Italy. 

Historical  Development  of  existing  Universities. 

Tliese  seats  of  learning  are  now  less  numerous  than  they  were  in  the 
middle  ages.  In  our  days  there  are  no  universities  at  Milan,  Florence,  or 
Vercelli;  yet  their  number  is  still  much  too  great,  as  will  be  seen  here- 
after. I shall  confine  myself  to  a short  recital  of  the  history  of  each 
of  the  existing  universities,  dividing  them  for  this  purpose  into  govern- 
ment or  State  universities  and  free  universities,  following  with  a history 
of  their  internal  development. 


598 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


1.  Slate  Universities, 

Bologna. — Among  the  Italian  cities,  wliich  towards  the  close  of  the 
llth  century,  claimed  the  right  of  independence,  extending  these  claims 
later,  during  the  long  struggles  between  the  church  and  the  empire,  Bo-> 
logna  was  not  the  last ; and  beside  taking  a very  important  part  in  the 
events  of  that  epoch,  she  acquired  a loftier  and  more  durable  glory  from 
the  culture  of  knowledge. 

At  the  very  beginning  of  the  12th  century,  there  came  from  Ravenna  to 
Bologna  Irnerius,  who  commenced  lecturing  on  Justinian,  collecting  around 
him  a select  circle  of  pupils,  among  whom  were  Bulgaro,  Martino,  Ugeneo, 
and  Giacomo.  Then  there  came  Graziano,  who  formed  the  digest  of  the 
decrees ; and  Piacentino  and  Azzone,  the  latter  being  obliged  to  lecture 
in  the  open  air,  as  no  room  was  large  enough  to  contain  the  extraordinary 
concourse  of  pupils. 

In  the  13th  century,  the  university  of  Bologna  was  adorned  by  Pier  delle 
Vigne,  the  celebrated  secretary  of  Frederick  II,  Accursius,  Alessandro, 
and  Giovanni  d’ Andrea;  in  the  14th,  by  Saliccto,  Ancarano,  Angelo  e 
Bartolo  da  Sassoferrato ; in  the  15th,  by  Andrea  Barbazzi,  and  Cartagni; 
in  the  IGth,  by  Alciato,  Socino,  Agostino  Beri,  and  Ugo  Boncompagni, 
who  had  for  pupils,  Riminaldo,  Reginaldo  Polo,  and  St.  Charles  Borromeo. 

During  the  first  centuries  the  chief  boast  of  the  University  of  Bologna 
was  her  juridical  studies;  yet  she  possessed,  at  all  times,  men  highly  dis- 
tinguished in  literature  and  the  sciences.  St.  Thomas  D’Aquino,  Philel- 
phus,  Arnaseus,  Sigonius,  Guglielmini,  Malpighi,  Galvani,  Manfredi,  Zan- 
otti,  Magnani,  Mezzofanti,  S'chiassi,  Gambara,  Rossi,  Tomasasini,  and  three 
celebrated  women,  Anna  Moradi,  Laura  Bassi,  and  Clotilde  Tambroni,  have 
surrounded  the  university  of  Bologna  with  a halo  of  immortal  fame. 

A great  many  eminent  men  carried  on  their  studies  ai  Bologna.  From 
all  parts  of  Europe  there  came  select  bands  of  youth  thirsting  after  that 
learning  of  which  Italy  was  then  the  fountain-head. 

This  university  was  governed  by  many  successive  constitutions.  In  the 
16th  century,  she  was  headed  by  the  so-called  Riformalori  dello  studio, 
appointed  by  the  senate  and  selected  from  among  the  various  classes  of 
citizens. 

In  the  last  centuries  the  university  was  divided  into  two,  that  of  the 
Legists  and  that  of  the  Artists.  The  degrees  were  likewise  of  two  kinds, 
the  one  conferred  the  right  of  exercising  the  profession,  the  other  that 
of  lecturing  at  home  on  matters  taught  in*  some  of  the  university  depart- 
ments. 

The  number  of  professorships  varied  very  much,  at  different  epochs ; 
and  so  did  the  salaries  of  the  incumbents,  who  were  sometimes  allowed 
larore  sums,  owing  to  the  ambition  of  the  different  universities  to  get  the 
best  masters.  To  them  also  the  highest  places  in  the  public  admin- 
istration were  open.  They  were  frequently  entrusted  with  important  mis- 
sions abroad.  * Such  stimuli  succeeded  in  keeping  alive  the  love  of  learn- 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY.  599 

ing,  and  to  maintain,  for  many  centuries,  the  reputation  and  glory  of  the 
athaeneum  of  Bologna. 

This  university  is  now  ruled  by  the  papal  bull  Quod  Divina  Sapientia ; 
by  the  decrees  of  the  governor  general  of  the  Romagna,  dated  July  6th, 
September  30th,  and  October  25th,  1859 ; by  a decree  of  the  governor  of 
Emilia,  March  8th,  1860;  by  the  law  of  July  31,  1862,  and  by  the  regula- 
tions approved  of  by  royal  decrees  of  September  14,  and  October  5,  1862. 

Cagliari.* — The  university  of  Cagliari,  founded  by  a bull  of  Paul  V, 
dated  February  12th,  1606,  and  by  a diploma  of  Philip  the  Tliird,  king  of 
Spain,  October  31st,  1620,  was  inaugurated  in  1626,  and  owes  its  founda- 
tion to  the  suggestion  of  the  Cortes  General  of  the  island  in  1603. 

Left  by  the  Spanish  government  in  utter  neglect,  the  university  gradu- 
ally fell  into  such  a miserable  condition  that,  at  the  beginning  of  the  18th 
century,  she  was  but  a shadow  of  what  she  had  been  before.  But  when 
Sardinia  passed  under  the  rule  of  the  house  of  Savoy,  great  pains  were 
taken  to  restore  the  studies*  of  the  university,  and  first  among  the  provisions 
conceded  by  the  new  government  is  the  Cagliari  university  restoration  act, 
dated  June  28th,  1764,  signed  by  Charles  Emmanuel  III,  the  ministry  be- 
ing then  headed  by  Count  Bogino. 

On  the  16th  of  August  of  the  same  year,  the  university  constitutions 
were  issued,  and  on  the  3d  of  November  the  solemn  inauguration  took 
place.  Several  amendments  were  afterwards  introduced  into  the  constitu- 
tion by  the  government  of  the  king,  that  the  university  might  meet  the 
demands  of  the  age.  The  royal  letters  patent  of  September  27th,  1842, 
contain  the  new  provisions  issued  since  the  constitutions' of  1764. 

When  the  political  reforms  of  1848  took  place,  the  Cagliari  university 
complied  with  the  laws,  special  and  general,  that  were  published  from  time 
to  time.  It  is  now  governed  by  the  laws  of  November  13,  1859,  and 
July  31,  1862;  and  by  the  statutes  of  September  14,  and  October  5, 1862. 

Among  the  eminent  men  that  flourished  at  the  university  of  Cagliari, 
the  following  cannot  pass  unnoticed  : John  Dexast,  digestor  and  exposi- 
tor of  the  acts  of  the  cortes  general ; Francesco  Carbone,  professor  of  Latin 
oratory,  and  a good  writer  in  prose  and  verse ; Domenico  Alberto  Azuni, 
Ludovicus  Bailie,  and  Giovanni  Maria  Dettori,  who  lectured  on  theology 
at  Cagliari  first,  and  afterwards  at  Turin,  with  immense  success. 

The  university  of  Cagliari  possesses  a library,  24,000  volumes,  many 
rare  prints  and  manuscripts,  a museum  of  zoology,  mineralogy,  and  an- 
tiquities, founded  by  King  Charles  Felix  in  1806. 

CATANiA.f — For  the  first  time,  in  1437,  the  Sicilian  parliament  estab- 
lished a university  in  the  town  of  Catania.  In  1444,  Eugene  IV  and  Al- 
phonse confirmed  and  raised  her  to  a level  with  the  university  of  Bologna. 
It  was  opened  to  public  lectures  in  October,  1445.  In  1533,  she  was  de- 
clared equal  with  the  universities  of  Salamanca,  Valladolid,  Rome,  and 
Paris,  by  a decree  of  Charles  V.  In  1606,  a diploma  of  Philip  II  reorgan- 


* In  the  Island  of  Sardinia. 


t In  the  Island  of  Sicily. 


600 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


ized  the  studies,  owing  to  the  new  scientific  discoveries  and  innovations. 
A second  reorganization  took  place  during  the  reign  of  Charles  VI  (1729) ; 
and  a third  in  1827,  when  professorships  for  life  were  first  instituted.  In 
1805,  this  university  ceased  to  be  the  only  one  in  Sicily,  the  academy  of 
Palermo  being,  for  political  reasons,  raised  to  the  grade  of  university. 

In  virtue  of  the  prodictatorial  decrees  of  October  17th  and  22d,  1860, 
the  university  of  Catania  was  temporarily  ruled  by  the  provisions  of  the 
law  of  November  13th,  1859.  In  1862,  were  issued  the  regulations  which 
still  govern  her. 

Aloysius  Suppa,  who  lectured  at  Paris  and  distinguished  himself  at  the 
Tridentine  council;  Francesco  Provenzale,  Andrea  Lao  or  della  Croce, 
Bonaventura  Belluti,  Vincenzo  Raimondi,  Rosario  Scuderi,  Francesco  Fer- 
rara, Giuseppe  Cremia,  Nicola  Intrigliolo,  Mario  Cotelli,  Mauro  Burgio, 
Giovanni  Rizzari,  Francesco  Gastone,  and  Francesco  Arrigo,  whose  works 
are  consulted  even  now  by  studious  men,  are  among  the  most  eminent  men 
of  this  university. 

The  faculty  of  medicine  boasts  of  Philiston,  Philonides,  Bertamere,  De- 
Branca,  Antonio  DeAlessandro,  and  Giuseppe  Mirone. 

Genoa. — The  university  of  Genoa  is  governed  by  the  laws  of  Novem- 
ber 13th,  1859,  and  July  31st,  1862,  and  by  the  regulations  of  September 
14th,  and  October  5th,  1862. 

As  far  back  as  the  15th  century,  the  city  of  Genoa  possessed  colleges 
of  theologicians,  lawyers,  physicians,  apothecaries,  philosophers,  men  of 
letters,  to  which  the  privilege  of  conferring  degrees  was  reserved.  Sixtus 
IV,  of  Savona,  was  the  donor  of  this  privilege.  In  1513,  the  Emperor 
Maximilian  I confirmed  it,  putting  them  on  a footing  of  equality  with  the 
most  celebrated  Italian  universities.  Men  of  the  most  illustrious  families 
of  Genoa,  such  as  Fieschi,  Doria,  Grimaldi,  Spinola,  Salvago,  Imperiali, 
Di  Negro,  Lomelloni,  vied  with  each  other  in  being  ascribed  to  these  col- 
leges, out  of  which  doges,  senators,  and  ambassadors  for  the  republic  were 
chosen. 

They  boast  of  eminent  men  in  all  branches  of  learning,  such  as  the 
Jurisconsults,  Pier  Battista  Borgo,  Cesare  Coutardi,  Rafaele  Della  Torre, 
and  Giuseppe  Lorenzo  Casarego;  the  physicians,  Fortunio  Liceti,  and 
Demetrius  Canevari ; the  theologians.  Cardinal  Giuseppe  Franzoni,  and 
Andrea  Fossa. 

But  the  university  of  Genoa,  properly  called,  was  not  founded  till  1773, 
out  of  the  revenues  and  in  the  palace  belonging  to  the  Jesuits,  expelled 
from  the  territory  of  the  republic  the  year  before.  Twenty-five  chairs 
were  instituted  at  first,  and  afterwards  increased  to  thirty-two,  divided  un- 
der the  five  faculties  of  theology,  law,  medicine,  the  sciences,  and  litera- 
ture. During  the  French  domination,  the  .chairs  were  reduced  to  twenty- 
seven,  and  the  name  of  the  university  changed  into  that  of  academy,  with 
scholastic  jurisdiction  over  all  the  ancient  dominions  of  the  republic,  S. 
Remo  excepted,  and  over  Lunigiana,  Acqui,  Alessandria,  Asti,  Bobbio, 
Casale,  Tortona,  Voghera,  and  Mondovi. 


FUI'ERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


601 


The  chairs  were  increased  by  the  kings  of  the  house  of  Savoy,  and 
though  in  181 G the  Jesuits  were  reintegrated  into  their  former  possessions, 
yet  the  university  was  maintained  in  her  old  splendor  by  means  of  revenues 
assigned  to  her  by  the  state.  Victor  Emmanuel  I,  Charles  Felix,  Charles 
Alberto,  and  his  son,  A^ictor  Emmanuel  II,  conferred  many  benefits  on  this 
university,  whose  chairs  numbered  fifty-four,  at  a recent  j)eriod. 

Tlie  university  of  Genoa  is  by  no  means  inferior  to  any  other  in  respect 
to  illustrious  men.  AVe  will  mention  the  Marquis  Gerolamo  Serra,  cele- 
brated for  his  History  of  the  Republic  of  Genoa ; the  Marquis  Niccola 
Grillo  Cattaneo,  a good  writer  of  poetry;  the  Marquis  Alarcello  Luigi 
Durazzo,  an  enthusiastic  cultivator  of  the  fine  arts  and  the  natural  sciences; 
Cavaliere  Giovanni  Corti,  a poet  and  man  of  letters ; the  Marquis  Agos- 
tino  Pareto;  the  Rev.  Lorenzo  Isnardi,  known  for  his  History  of  the 
University  of  Genoa,  and  many  others,  whom  it  would  be  too  long  to 
enumerate. 

Mackrata. — Tlie  university  of  Macerata  is  governed  by  the  papal 
bull  Quod  Divina  Sapientia,  and  by  the  regulations  dated  September 
14th,  1862. 

Though  there  are  some  who  contend  that  this  university  was  founded  in 
the  first  half  of  the  13th  century,  by  the  Emperor  Frederic  U,  certain  it 
is,  after  all,  that  it  owes  its  origin  to  a brief  of  Nicolas  IV,  who  established 
the  university  of  Macerata,  together  with  that  of  Alontpellier,  in  the  year 
290.  It  appears  from  the  archives  of  the  community,  that  the  communal 
rector  informed,  that  year,  the  towns  of  Picaenum  of  the  opening  of  the 
Macerata  athenasum. 

Seventy  years  after.  Cardinal  Egidio  Albornoz,  governor  general  of  the 
Marche,  founded  a college  of  avvocad  and  patrocinatori,  with  the  faculty  of 
conferring  degrees.  Sixtus  IV  (1471),  and  Innocentius  A^III  (1481),  sanc- 
tioned the  university  of  Macerata.  Paul  III,  of  the  Farnese  family,  re- 
formed the  school  in  1540,  adding  new  splendor  to  the  university  by  assim- 
ilating it,  in  regard  to  rights  and  privileges,  to  the  universities  of  Bologna 
and  Padua. 

In  the  year  1808,  the  government  of  the  Regno  d' Italia  again  reformed 
the  studies,  and  founded  a lyceum  to  which  they  added  a faculty  of  juris- 
prudence with  the  right  of  conferring  degrees. 

After  the  restoration  of  the  Papal  government,  Pius  VII,  by  a decree 
of  August  23d,  1816,  reconstituted  the  university,  and  later  she  underwent 
the  reforms  introduced  by  the  bull,  August  28th,  1822,  of  Leo  XII.  In 
virtue  of  this  new  law,  the  university  of  Macerata  was  allowed  four  facul- 
ties, viz  : theology,  jurisprudence,  medicine  and  surgery,  and  philosophy ; 
each  faculty  having  its  own  college,  and  each  college  conferring  degrees, 
that  of  medicine  and  surgery  excepted.  To  receive  degrees  in  this  last 
faculty,  students  were  obliged  to  complete  their  studies  at  Bologna  or 
Rome. 

AAHien  the  new  Italian  kingdom  was  formed,  the  commissioner  entrusted 
with  the  provisional  government  of  the  province  of  Macerata,  proceeded 


602 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


to  reform  the  university.  The  faculty  of  theology  was  suppressed  ; to  the 
faculty  of  jurisprudence  was  added  all  those  chairs  which  the  law  of  No- 
vember 13th,  1859,  required.  Shortly  afterwards,  owing  to  a resolution 
taken  by  the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction,  this  athenseuin  underwent  a 
new  reorganization. 

Bonfinio,  known  for  his  excellent  translations  of  Polybius,  Philostrates,  and 
Hermogenes,  and  for  his  History  of  the  Hungarian  War,  which  raged  in  his 
days;  Astemio,  Gualtieri,  Bulgarini,  Mazzoni  Gherardi;  Annibal  Caro,  the 
able  translator  of  Virgil’s  jHneid;  Mario  Crescimbeni,  Francesco  da  Mac- 
erata,  Camozzi  Giambattista,  Zoffrio,  Eustacchi,  Poinpejusand  Pietro  Paolo 
Floriani,  the  Rev.  Matteo  Ricci,  and  the  Rev.  Asclepi,  Orazio  Eugeni, 
Giuseppe  and  Michele  Santarelli,  etc.,  are  among  the  most  distinguished 
men  of  the  university  of  Macerata. 

Messina.* — The  university  of  INIessina  is  governed  by  the  law  of  No- 
vember 13th,  1859,  modified  according  to  the  prodictatorial  law  of  Octo- 
ber 17th,  18G0,  and  the  prodictatorial  decree  of  the  22d  of  the  same  month, 
and  by  the  regulations  of  September  14th  and  October  5th,  1812,  and  the 
law  of  July  31st,  same  year. 

Messina  was  known  as  a seat  of  learning  from  the  earliest  times.  Dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Frederic  II,  there  sprang  up  in  that  city  an  academy  of 
letters,  and  later,  under  the  tuition  of  Constantine  Lascari,  the  Greek  lan- 
guage was  flourishing  chiefly  through  Bembo  and  Gabrieli.  The  senate 
of  Messina  applied  to  king  Alphonse  for  the  grant  of  a university,  which 
was  conceded  oivthe  20th  of  November,  1434.  But  the  Roman  court  would 
not  send  its  bull  of  approval,  owing  to  the  enmity  existing  between  Eugene 
IV  and  king  Alphonse.  Under  king  John  new  applications  were  made. 
At  length,  under  Charles  V,  a bull  of  Pope  Paul  III  granted  Messina  a 
university  (February  12th,  1549).  This  was  opened  with  great  solemnity, 
after  many  struggles,  on  the  24th  of  April,  159G.  When  the  university 
fell  by  the  hands  of  the  mischievous  Conte  di  Santo  Stefano,  all  Sicily  felt 
deeply  so  great  a loss.  In  17G8,  her  college  was  raised  to  an  academy. 
Finally,  in  1838,  a decree  of  the  Neapolitan  government  restored  the  uni- 
versity to  her  former  reputation  and  splendor. 

The  university  of  Messina  prides  herself  on  a large  number  of  illus- 
trious men. 

Modena. — The  university  of  ISIodena  is  governed  by  the  dictatorial 
decree  of  21st  October,  1859,  by  the  dictatorial  regulations  of  the  same 
year  and  month,  by  the  law  of  31st  July,  18G2,  and  by  the  regulations 
of  14th  September  and  5th  October,  18G2. 

As  early  as  the  12th  century,  the  school  of  Modena  was  celebrated 
under  the  appellation  of  Studio,  wherein  jurisprudence  was  taught,  and 
which  continued  to  flourish  in  the  succeeding  century,  rivaling  the  univer- 
sity of  Bologna  and  attracting  to  herself  throngs  of  students,  not  only  from 
the  provinces  of  Modena,  but  from  towns  and  provinces  of  other  parts 
of  Upper  Italy.  When  "the  Emperor  Frederic  II,  in  1222,  suppressed  the 


* In  the  Island  of  Sicily. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


603 


university  of  Eologna,  the  students  of  the  latter  went  partly  to  Padua  and 
partly  to  IModena.  To  the  chairs  of  jurisprudence,  chairs  of  medicine  and 
science  were  soon  added.  But,  owing  to  the  internal  struggles  which 
troubled  the  country  towards  the  close  of  the  13th  century,  the  Studio 
gradually  fell  into  decay.  All  the  efforts  of  the  university  to  relieve  it  from 
its  state  of  prostration,  in  1306  and  1328,  were  fruitless.  To  the  mainten- 
ance of  such  a state  of  things  contributed  in  no  small  degree  the  political 
and  economical  conditions  of  the  community,  and  more  especially  the  foun- 
dation by  the  House  of  Este,  of  the  university  of  Ferrara,  Avhich  the  stu- 
dents in  the  State  of  Ferrara  were  obliged  exi  lusively  to  attend.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  15th  century,  however,  the  Studio  of  medicine  began  to 
rouse  itself,  and  for  about  two  centuries  underwent  no  important  changes, 
when,  in  1678,  the  superior  classes  being  removed  to  new  premises,  its 
schools  increased,  and  its  name  of  Studio  transformed  into  that  of  Uni- 
versily. 

The  community  now  purchased  for  the  new  university  the  right  of  con- 
ferring degrees,  from  the  Emperor  Leopold  I,  which  right  was  afterwards 
confirmed  by  bulls  of  Benedict  XIII  and  Clement  XIV.  The  privileges 
and  reputation  of  the  university  were  enhanced  by  the  favor  of  the  then 
reigning  duke,  Francis  II,  in  whose  presence  the  opening  of  the  university 
was  solemnly  celebrated  (1683).  In  the  year  1685,  the  same  duke  issued 
special  statutes  for  the  regulation  of  the  university,  which  continued  to 
Avork,  more  or  less  efficaciously,  till  1772.  During  an  interval  of  nearly  a 
century  (1685-1772),  the  situation  of  the  university  did  not  always  remain 
the  same ; many  changes  took  place,  and  it  suffered  terribly  from  wars  and 
foreign  invasions.  We  are  indebted  to  Francis  III  for  the  reform  and  en- 
largement of  the  university  of  Modena  (1772),  He  instituted  a Magis- 
trato  del  Refonnatori  degli  studi,  increased  the  number  of  chairs  to  thirty, 
filling  them  with  the  most  eminent  men  from  his  dominions  and  abroad, 
built  a palace  for  the  university,  and  promulgated  the  university  statutes 
drawn  up  by  a number  of  able  men  of  his  own  choice  ; granted  a free  ac- 
cess to  foreigners,  augmented  the  small  endowment  of  the  institution  by 
assigning  to  it  the  properties  belonging  to  the  suppressed  Society  of  Jesus. 
His  statutes  were  kept  in  full  vigor  till  towards  the  end  of  tlie  18th  cen- 
tury. The  political  connections  which  upset  Italy  about  that  time  stripped 
the  university  of  Modena  of  its  privileges  and  splendor.  Declared  a 
lyceum  in  1796  by  the  Cisalpine  Republic,  she  was  restored  to  her  former 
name  and  rights  by  the  same  republic  in  1800;  then  again  deprived  of  her 
title  and  privileges  in  1805,  and  again  declared  a lyceum.  Some  chairs, 
however,  were  left,  by  meahs  of  which  studies  could  be  fairly  carried  on 
after  which  they  were  completed  at  the  university  of  Bologna.  When  the 
House  of  Este,  after  the  fall  of  the  Italian  kingdom,  was  reintegrated  to 
its  dominions  (1814),  Francis  IV,  Duke  of  Modena,  to  engage  the  affec- 
tions of  his  subjects  (he  was  a clever  and  shrewd  statesman)y  re-opened 
the  university  in  1815,  reviving  the  statutes  of  Francis  HI.  In  1821, 
frightened  by  a riot  among  the  students,  and  fearing  a revolution,  the  more 


604 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


especially  as  the  political  events  of  that  year 'had  galled  him  in  no  small 
degree,  he  distributed  the  chairs  of  the  university  into  several  groups, 
scattering  them  all  over  his  state,  and  assigning  to  each  a certain  number 
of  students,  who  were  obliged  to  live  in  colleges,  subject  to  a most  severe 
surveillance.  There  were  three  of  these  colleges,  or  conv'Uti,  in  Modena; 
one  for  law,  another  for  medicine  and  surgery,  and  a third  for  mathematical 
sciences  ; the  last  deserving  special  record  as  being  a revival  of  the  famous 
engineering  school  of  ISlodena. 

Unimportant  modifications  were  brought  into  this  university  by  the 
events  of  1831 ; but  in  1848  substantial  changes  took  place.  The  convitti 
were  abolished,  and  a new  direction  given  to  the  studies.  We  owe  such 
reforms  to  a committee  of  learned  men,  who  drew  up  a new  plan  of  stud- 
ies, based  on  the  famous  statutes  of  1772.  This  plan,  though  it  never 
received  the  sanction  of  the  sovereign,  was  followed,  till  the  introduction 
of  the  present  regulations,  approved  by  a royal  decree  of  the  14th  Sep- 
tember, 18G2,  swept  away  all  former  institutions. 

The  university  of  Modena  was  endowed  at  its  birth,  with  a patrimony 
called  first  the  university  patrimony,  and  afterwards  the  patrimony  of 
studies.  This  patrimony  was  originated  by  private  bequests,  to  which 
royal  donations  were  subsequently  added.  The  annual  revenue  of  the 
university  property  may  be  calculated  in  700,000  livres. 

It  would  ‘ require  too  much  time  to  enumerate  all  the  illustrious  person- 
ages that  belonged  to  the  university  of  Modena ; let  us  be  satisfied  with 
naming  the  following : Agostino  Paradisi,  Bartolomeo  and  Luigi  Val- 
drighi,  Giorlamo  Tiraboschi,  Marcantonio  Parcnti,  Spallanzani,  Bona- 
ventura  Corti,  Giambattista  Venturi,  Count  Filippo  Re,  Paolo  Cassiani, 
Paolo  Ruffini,  Liberate  Baccelli,  Giuseppe  Tramontini,  Giovanni  Brignoli 
de  Brunnhof,  Giambatista  Amici,  Bernardino  Romazzini,  Francesco  Torti, 
Antonio  Scarpa,  Michele  Rosa,  Michele  Araldi,  Sante  Fattori,  etc. 

Of  moderns  who  studied  at  the  University  of  Modena,  it  will  suffiee  to 
mention  Ludovico  Antonio  Muratori,  and  Carlo  Goldoni. 

Naples.  The  university  of  Naples  is  governed  by  the  code  of  Febru- 
ary IG,  18G1,  and  July  31,  18G2,  and  by  the  regulations  of  September  14 
and  October  5,  18G2. 

The  university  of  Naples  was  born  in  1224,  when  the  Emperor  Fred- 
eric II,  through  letters  sent  to  all  the  cities  of  the  realm,  announced  the 
convocation  of  the  studii  generally  at  Naples.  One  of  the  chief  objects  he 
had  in  view  when  founding  this  institution,  was  to  ruin  the  university  at 
Bologna.  He  therefore  made  sundry  provisions  whereby  students  were  to 
enjoy  security  of  goods  and  persons,  besides  many  privileges,  his  object 
^ being  to  attract  the  largest  possible  number  of  young  men  to  the  newly 
founded  school.  At  the  same  time  the  inhabitants  of  the  realm  were  for- 
bidden to  study  at  any  other  universities ; no  other  schools  were  allowed 
to  exist,  the  school  of  grammar  and  medicine  at  Salerno  excepted. 

IIow  many  chairs  were  first  instituted  is  unknown ; we  only  know  of 
the  first  teachers,  such  as  Roffredo  Beneventano,  Piero  d’  Isernia,  Barto- 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


605 


lomco  Pignatelli : but  Tamsilla,  tlie  chronicler,  affirms  that  the  most  cele- 
brated doctors  ill  ail  parts  of  the  world  were  called  to  this  university  and 
allowed  large  salaries,  and  that  young  men  in  poor  circumstances  were 
fui-nished  with  the  means  of  pursuing  their  studies. 

It  appears,  however,  that  the  school  did  not  thrive ; nor  were  the  per- 
petual struggles  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope,  and  the  calamities 
of  incessant  wars,  likely  to  favor  its'  development.  In  fact,  wi Jiln  a short 
period  of  time  it  was  twice  reorganized  (1234-1239).  Where  the  univer- 
sity was  situated  is  uncertain,  but  it  is  supposed  with  some  probability  that 
the  regione  di  nido  was  the  place. 

Corrado  and  Manfredi,  Frederic’s  sons,  left  the  existing  provisions  un- 
touched, but  when  the  former  entered  Naples,  after  a long  siege,  the  uni- 
versity was  suppressed  and  transferred  to  Salerno,  to  punish  the  citizens 
for  their  desperate  resistance.  Shortly  afterwards,  however,  Manfredi  res- 
tored it  to  Naples.  The  Anjou  conijuest  introduced  sundry  changes  in 
the  laws  and  regulations  governing  the  university. 

Charles  I is  said  to  have  appointed  a jurisdiction  of  the  scholars,  assisted 
by  three  assessors,  one  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  realm,  another  for  Italians 
generally,  and  a third  for  foreigners;  and  also  to  have  vested  in  this  juris- 
diction the  special  cognizance  of  criminal  offenses.  The  introduction  of 
the  titles  of  bachelor*  and  licentiate  is  also  attributed  to  him.  A better 
distribution  of  the  chairs  took  place ; six  faculties  were  instituted,  medi- 
cine, canon  law,  civil  law,  theology,  grammar,  and  logic. 

During  the  reign  of  Charles  I,  the  university  of  Naples  was  adorned  by* 
Andrea  and  Bartolomeo  da  Capua,  Andrea  Bonello,  Filippo  da  Castrocceli, 
and  St.  Thomas  d’ Aquinas,  to  whom  the  king  had  assigned  a monthly 
allowance  of  an  ounce  of  gold  (October  15,  1272).  Giacomo  Belvisio. 
Andrea  d’  Isernia,  and  Arnold  da  Villanoca,  were  famous  under  his 
successor,  who  intrusted  the  teaching  of  theology  to  the  Friars  of  St. 
Domenico  and  St.  Francesco,  taking  it  from  the  university.  lie  also  ap- 
pointed a rector  to  superintend  the  university,  and  promulgated  restrictive 
laws  for  the  other  schools  of  the  realm.  Tliose  of  Sulmona  and  Bari  were 
suppressed.  The  university  of  Naples  maintained  her  supremacy  and 
monopoly  under  Robert  d’  Anjou,  when  jurisprudence  attained  a high 
degree  of  development  through  Marino  da  Caramanico,  Luca  di  Penna, 
Nicola  Spinnella,  and  others. 

Of  the  period  which  intervened  between  the  death  of  Robert  d’ Anjou 
and  that  of  Queen  Giovanna,  very  little  is  known  to  us. 

When  the  realm  fell  to  the  lot  of  Alphonso  d’  Aragona,  and  the  din  of 
arms  had  subsided,  great  efforts  were  made  to  reorganize  the  studies.  The 
university  was  supplied  with  excellent  professors,  her  privileges  Avere  re- 
vived, modified  according  to  the  progress  of  the  times.  Jurisprudence 
boasted  of  Andrea  Mariconda  and  Paris  del  Pizzo ; literature  of  Lorenzo 
Valle;  law  of  Matteo  d’  Afflitto  (under  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  I,  of  Ara- 
gona)  ; philosophy  and  medicine  of  Nicola  Verna,  and  Greek  literature 
of  Constantino  Lascari.  The  faculty^^f  theology  was  taken  from  the  Friars 


606 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


and  given  to  tlie  university  once  more,  to  which  Ferdinand’s  statutes  de 
scltoLaribus  doctorandis  attributed  the  power  of  conferring  degrees. 

Internal  troubles  and  the  Spanish  conquest  brought  the  university  into 
a low  condition  again.  Ferdinand  the  Catholic  sold  the  jurisdiction  to 
the  township,  and  the  viceroys  soon  abolished  all  the  remaining  privi- 
leges ; the  rectorship  of  the  university  was  entrusted  to  the  royal  chaplain 
major  ; the  chairs  were  the  recompense  of  intrigues  ; degrees  were  bought ; 
teachers  and  students  fell  into  contempt;  the  conmption  was  greatest 
about  that  time  (1516)  ; the  university  schools  had  been  removed  to  the 
palace  of  the  archbishop  ; but  Cardinal  Caralfa,  seeing  great  impropriety 
in  such  a mixture  of  things  sacred  and  profane,  proceeded  to  build  an  ed- 
ifice for  the  students,  and  called  it  La  Sapienza.  lie  died  before  carrying 
out  his  scheme,  and  the  new  buildings  became  a nunnery.  The  university 
repaired  to  the  atrium  of  the  church  of  St.  Domenico,  where  she  remained 
until  Count  Lemos  (1599)  the  Viceroy,  proceeded  to  a radical  reform, 
modeled  on  the  statutes  of  the  university  of  Salamanca.  When  he  thought 
the  Atheneum  of  Naples  sufficiently  well  organized,  he  transferred  it  to 
the  palace  where  the  national  museum  is  now  to  be  found. 

But  the  provisions  of  the  viceroy  and  his  statutes  de  regimme  studiorum, 
failed  in  extirpating  the  old  and  inveterate  abuses.  Towards  the  close  of 
the  16th  century  or  the  beginning  of  the  next,  a struggle  between  the 
university  of  Salerno  and  that  at  Naples  ensued,  originated  because  the 
former  had  the  privilege  of  conferring  degrees  without  matriculation  or 
attendance  on  the  part  of  students.  Attracted  by  such  extraordinary 
privileges,  young  men  flocked  to  Salerno  in  large  numbers.  The  strug- 
gle, suspended  when  the  university  of  Naples  obtained  the  like  privilege, 
was  soon  renewed,  and  ended  only  with  the  fall  of  the  school  of  Salerno 
in  1816. 

Meanwhile  the  university  lay  in  complete  prostration,  from  which  it 
seemed  to  recover  at  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century,  amidst  the  bustle 
of  the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession.  The  barons  petitioned  Ilis  Apos- 
tolic Majesty  for  redress  of  grievances  and  abuses  in  the  university;  the 
Austrian  viceroys  proceeded  to  a reform.  The  faculties  were  at  that  time 
distributed  under  the  following  heads  : civil  law,  canon  law,  theology,  med- 
icine, philosophy,  mathematical  sciences,  rhetoric.  Arento  was  charged 
with  drawing  up  a plan  of  reform,  which  was  accepted  by  the  authorities, 
but  never  carried  out.  Celestino  Guliani  drew  up  another,  which  was 
equally  unsuccessful.  Later,  however,  Charles  III  expressed  approval  of 
it,  and  immediately  proceeded  to  its  application.  At  that  epoch,  the  Jes- 
uits being  driven  away  from  Naples,  the  university  was  installed  in  their 
convent,  where  it  still  remains. 

The  French  occupation  paralyzed  the  progress  of  this  university,  but  on 
the  other  hand  instilled  more  liberal  ideas  into  the  minds  both  of  teachers 
and  students.  After  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  and  the  political 
commotions  of  1821,  it  fell  into  decay.  Amidst  troubles  and  suspicions 
of  a political  nature,  the  fame  of  its  prominent  men,  such  as  Nicola  Nico- 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY.  ' 

liiii,  Semcntini,  Galuppi,  did  not  succeed  in  raising  It  to  tliat  degree  of 
splendor  which  could  be  reasonably  expected  from  its  bright  tradition. 

Palermo.*  The  university  of  Palermo  is  governed  by  the  law  of  No- 
vember 13,  1859,  modified  according  to  the  prodictatorial  law  of  October 
17,  ISGO;  by  the  prodictatorial  decrees  of  October  20  and  November  5, 
186  >,  and  by  the  regulations  of  September  14  and  October  5,  1860. 

The  university  of  Palermo  is  very  ancient,  but  the  date  of  its  founda- 
tion is  uncertain.  It  is  known  only  that  she  was  put  under  the  direction 
of  the  Jesuits  soon  after  she  was  established.  In  1639,  by  special  privilege 
from  Philip  IV,  confirmed  in  1685,  she  was  authorized  to  confer  degrees  in 
philosophy  and  theology.  After  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  in  1767,  a 
committee  of  instruction  was  appointed  to  direct  the  chairs  left  vacant, 
the  museum,  the  library,  the  printing  office,  being  soon  succeeded  by  the 
committee  of  studies  (1778).  The  university  was  installed  in  the  Colle- 
gium Maximum.  Tfte  new  committee  increased  the  number  of  chairs,  and 
Uie  studies  were  divided  into  four  faculties,  viz : theology,  law,  medicine, 
and  philosophy.  In  1784  the  power  to  confer  degrees  was  confirmed  to 
fhem.  The  curriculum  of  studies  consisted  of  five,  years  for  divinity,  and 
three  for  the  other  faculties.  In  1779  the  botanical  garden  was  founded, 
and  in  1790  the  astronomical  observatory,  under  the  superintendence  of 
Giuseppe  Piazzi,  the  celebrated  astronomer. 

When  the  Jesuits  returned  to  the  Island  all  the  houses  and  schools  that 
had  formerly  belonged  to  them  were  restored  to  their  old  possessors.  The 
Collegium  Maximum  followed  the  common  lot.  It  was  then  that  a royal 
message  (18..5)  ordered  the  university  to  be  transferred  to  the  house  of 
the  Padri  Tealini  and  gave  it  the  power  of  conferring  degrees.  New 
statutes  were  drawn  up ; a deputation  appointe  by  the  king,  together  with 
a rector  selected  from  the  said  Padri  Teatini,  and  a vice-rector,  were  en- 
trusted with  the  management  of  the  studies.  A new  distribution  of  chairs 
took  place;  a museum  of  antiquities  and  a pinacotheca  were  founded. 

In  1841.  the  university  received  new  statutes,  and  new  chairs  were 
created.  In  1860  the  law  of  13th  November,  1859,  was  applied  to  Sicily. 
A dictatorial  decree  of  the  same  year  added  sundry  chairs  to  those  exist- 
ing ; cabinets  of  physiology,  zoology,  anatomy,  geodesy,  and  midwifery, 
were  established,  the  old  ones  augmented,  particularly  those  of  physics, 
chemistry,  mineralogy,  and  geology.  The  clerical  schools  were  installed 
in  the  Monastero  della  concezione. 

Many  renowned  professors  have  lectured  at  the  university  of  Palermo ; 
let  us  record  Francesco  Cani,  Paolo  Filipponi,  Vincenzo  Fontana,  Stefano 
Dichiara,  Rosario  Gregorio,  Cameli  Controscero,  Vincenzo  Sergio,  Paolo 
Balsamo,  Rosario  Scuderi,  Bernardino  da  Uaria,  Guiseppe  Piazzi,  Domen- 
ico Scina,  Rosario  Porpora,  Marvuglia,  Velasquez,  etc. 

Parma.  Tlie  university  of  Parma  is  governed  by  the  dictatorial  de- 
cree of  October  18  and  21,  1859;  by  the  dictatorial  regulations  of  October 


* In  the  Island  of  Sicily. 


608 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


22,  same  yeaT;  by  the  law  of  July  31,  18G2,  and  by  the  regulations  of 
September  14  and  October  5,  same  year. 

The  studio  of  Parma  had  its  origin  with  the  dawning  of  modern  civiliza- 
tion, being  traced  as  far  back  as  the  11th  century,  when  the  office  of  mas- 
ter of  the  schools  already  existed.  We  know  that  in  the  12th  century, 
grammar,  literature,  philosophy,  arithmetic,  geometry,  music,  astronomy, 
and  later,  jurisprudence,  were  taught  in  the  studio  of  Parma.  It  suffiered 
very  much  from  the  patronage  granted  by  John  XXII  to  the  university  of 
Bologna,  and  subsequently  from  that  granted  by  the  Visconti 'to  Pavia. 
When  the  state  fell  into  the  hands  of  Xiccola  da  Este,  the  university  was 
restored.  Tiie  Visconti  suppressed  it  in  1420 ; but  it  sprung  up  again 
when  Parma  framed  herself  into  a republic  (1448).  Again  Francis  Sforza 
suppressed  it  in  1454.  Parma  then  applied  to  convents  for  education. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  IGth  century  Parma  conferred  degrees  in  theol- 
ogy, law,  philosophy,  and  medicine.  The  descent  of  Francis  I into  Italy 
broke  up  the  whole  organization  of  the  studies,  which  were  revived  under 
the  first  Farnese.  In  IGOl  the  university  was  solemnly  re-opened,  and  lasted 
till  the  extinction  of  the  Farnese  dynasty,  which  gave  rise  to  wars  and 
troubles.  In  17G8  she  was  restored,  and  lived  till  1805,  when  the  French 
occupation  changed  her  into  an  academy.  A repristination  took  place  in 
1814,  and  a suppression  in  1850  under  Charles  III  of  Bourbons.  The 
university  was  reconstituted  in  1854,  and  new  chairs  were  added  in  1859. 

AVe  will  mention,  among  the  most  illustrious  men  of  the  university  of 
Parma,  Pope  Martin  IV  (13th  century) ; Biagio  Pelacane  (15th);  Xicoa 
Tedeschi,  Alessandro  and  Cesare  Delfino  (17th) ; the  Rev.  Soave,  Cossali, 
Angelo  Mazza,  Gherardo  De  Rossi  (18th);  Gian  Domenico  Romagnosi, 
Pietro  Rubini,  Giacomo  Tommasini,  Macedonio  Melloni,  Angelo  Pezzana, 
Pietro  Giordano  (19  th). 

Padua.  The  university  of  Padua  was  born  in  the  13th  century,  but 
the  edifice  wherein  she  is  installed  was  commenced  towards  the  end  of  the 
15th  century,  and  completed  in  the  middle  of  the  succeeding  one,  from  a 
design  attributed  to  Sansovino. 

Besides  the  great  academical  hall  and  offices  of  the  university  authori- 
ties, there  are  lecture  rooms,  and  cabinets  of  physics,  natural  history,  and 
anatomy.  The  schools  of  medicine,  surgery,  and  midwifery,  as  well  as  a 
cabinet  of  pathological  anatomy,  are  situated  in  the  civil  hospital.  A lab- 
oratory of  chemistry  and  pharmaceutics  is  located  in  a house  next  the 
premises  of  the  university.  Other  scientific  establishments  are  attached 
to  the  latter,  such  as  a botanical  garden,  one  of  the  oldest  in  Europe,  and 
the  oldest  in  Italy ; an  astronomical  observatory,  founded  by  the  Venitian 
Senate  in  17G9,  and  a library  containing  upwards  of  100,000  volumes,  and 
1,400  codes  of  the  13th  and  14th  centuries. 

The  university  of  Padua  consists  of  five  faculties:  theology,  jurispru- 
dence and  political  science,  medicine  and  surgery,  the  mathematical 
sciences,  literature  and  philosophy.  Each  faculty  has  its  director  and 
one  dean,  who  are  its  representatives  in  the  academical  senate,  presided 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY.  QQQ 

over  by  a rector  selected  annually  from  among  the  professors  on  the  pro- 
posal of  the  academical  body. 

Next  to  the  faculty  of  literature  and  philosophy,  there  is  a seminary  of 
philology  and  history,  founded  July,  1855,  for  the  purpose  of  affording 
students  an  opportunity  to  improve  their  learning  and  prepare  for  lectur- 
ing as  professors  in  secondary  schools. 

Eight  scholarships,  worth  42  florins  each,  called  stipendj,  are  open  in 
this  seminary  to  poor  students  who  distinguish  themselves,  and  are  subsi- 
dized by  occasional  grants  from  government.  Other  scholarships  were 
founded  in  the  other  faculties,  to  be  assigned  to  the  most  promising  young 
men  belonging  to  poor  families. 

Lectures  on  theology  were  given  of  late  in  the  so-called  central  semi- 
nary, where  there  are  scholarships  for  all  the  Venitian  provinces,  at  the 
rate  of  four  scholarships  for  each  forty  parishes.  Moreover,  many  private 
bequests  supply  the  means  of  encouraging  young  men  of  small  fortunes. 

The  Englischi  college,  founded  in  1446,  gives  annual  pensions  of  140 
florins  each  to  two  medical  students,  of  whom  one  must  be  a native  of 
Padua  or  its  district,  the  other  alternately  a native  of  Treviso  or  Terra  di 
Muggia.  The  management  of  the  funds  is  entrusted  to  the  university,  and 
the  conferring  of  scholarships  is  reserved  to  the  central  government,  on 
the  proposal  of  the  directors  of  the  medical  department  and  a surviving 
member  of  the  Dottori  family. 

The  San  INIarco  college  supplies  two  yearly  pensions  of  140  florins  each, 
to  one  student  of  law  and  one  student  of  mathematical  sciences,  both  born 
and  living  in  the  province  of  Padua,  the  conferring  of  which  belongs  to 
the  government  on  the  proposal  of  the  directors  of  the  two  departments 
concerned. 

The  Cattaneo-greco  college  furnishes  an  annual  pension  of  140  florins  to 
one  student  born  a Greek,  whatever  course  of  studies  he  chooses  to  enter. 

There  is  furthermore,  one  Ainuleo  college,  founded  by  Cardinal  da 
Mula,  in  his  will  of  the  15th  of  January,  1556,  in  behalf  of  students  be- 
longing to  the  nobility  of  Venice.  About  this  college,  however,  there 
exists  now  a suit  between  the  university  and  the  heirs  of  Da  Mula. 

In  fine,  the  college  of  Santa  Catarina  di  Venezia  maintains  eight  schol- 
arships of  300  florins  each,  in  the  university  of  Padua,  in  behalf  of  the 
most  promising  and  needy  young  men  coming  out  of  its  own  secondary 
schools. 

In  virtue  of  a decree  of  the  13th  November,  1805,  issued  by  the  King- 
dom of  Italy,  the  department  of  mathematical  sciences  was  managed  so  as 
to  allow  aspirants  to  the  free  exercise  of  engineering,  to  complete,  after  a 
curriculum  of  three  years,  their  studies  under  the  tuition  of  private  engi- 
neers. A decree  dated  October  13,  1807,  abolished  this  usage,  and  estab- 
lished a practical  course  of  two  years  besides  the  existing  one,  according 
to  the  statutes  of  the  other  Italian  schools. 

Meanwhile,  those  students  of  mathematical  sciences  who  had  completed 
their  curriculum  at  the  university  of  Padua  in  the  year  1866-67,.  'were- 
allowed  to  continue  their  old  practice. 

39 


610 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


Pavia.  The  university  of  Pavia  is  governed  by  the  laws  of  the  13th 
of  November,  1859,  and  the  31st  of  July,  1862,  and  by  the  regulations 
issued  Oetober  5,  same  year. 

A tradition  assigned  the  foundation  of  this  university  to  Charlemagne. 
Certain  is  it,  however,  that  Pavia,  in  the  8th  century,  boasted  of  a flour- 
ishing school  of  grammar,  since  Charlemagne  himself  took  from  it  Petro 
da  Pisa,  a celebrated  grammarian,  in  order  to  keep  him  as  his  master ; 
and  the  Emperor  Lotharius  in  a capitular  dated  Corteolona,  825,  designated 
Pavia  as  the  seat  of  learning  for  the  young  men  of  eleven  other  towns, 
viz : Milan,  Como,  Brixia,  Lodi,  Bergamo,  Novara,  Vercelli,  Tortona, 
Accjui,  Genoa,  and  Asti.  We  also  know  that  in  the  times  of  Octo  I,  a 
school  for  law  in  Pavia  was  highly  celebrated,  and  adorned,  among  other 
excellent  men,  by  Lavfranc,  who  became  later.  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
Charles  IV,  in  a letter  patent  dated  April  13,  1361,  stated,  “m/  in  civitate 
Papiae  generals  studium  utriusque  juris,  videlicit  tarn  Canonici  quam  civilis, 
nec  non  Philosophiae,  Medicinae  et  Artium  Liberalium  erigatur,  et  ea  nunc 
perpetuis  iemporibus  observata,”  and  then  he  went  on  enumerating  all  the 
privileges  the  university  was  to  enjoy.  These  privileges  were  confirmed 
by  Bonifacius  IX,  in  his  bull  of  the  16th  of  November,  1389.  Towards 
the  end  of  the  I4th  century  the  university  of  Pavia  acquired  no  small 
reputation  through  the  celebrated  lecturers  called  thither  by  Galeazzo  II 
and  Giovan  Galeazzo,  such  as  Filippo  Cassoli,  Cristoforo  Castiglioni, 
Ilaffaele  Fulgorio,  Baldo  da  Perugia,  etc. 

Tliough  the  war  that  broke  out  about  that  time  in  Lombardy  caused  the 
school  to  be  removed  to  Piacenzo,  lessons  were  still  delivered  at  Pavia, 
where  the  university  again  repaired  in  1403,  to  enjoy  a most  flourishing 
life,  and  pride  itself  on  the  most  famous  men  of  the  age : Giasonc  del 
Majno,  Filippo  Decio,  Lorenzo  Valla,  Francesco  Filelfo,  Antonio  Guai- 
nerio,  Giovanni  Matteo  Ferrari  da  Grado,  etc.  Its  conditions  became 
more  and  more  excellent  under  the  patronage  of  Ludovico  il  Moro. 

In  the  16th  century,  when  Lombardy  was  allowed  a short  rest  from  the 
wars  that  desolated  it,  the  university  was  blessed  with  a new  period  of  en- 
viable prosperity.  We  will  mention  here,  among  the  most  celebrated  men 
that  adorned  it  at  that  time,  Andrea  Alciato,  Girolamo  Cardano  a physi- 
cian and  mathematician,  Giovanni  Battista  Cafcano  Leone  the  anatomist. 
With  respect  to  the  number  of  students,  suffice  it  to  say,  that  in  1585  the 
said  anatomist,  Carcano  Leone,  lectured  to  more  than  three  hundred  pu- 
pils, among  whom  renowned  physicians,  philosophers,  and  men  of  letters, 
were  to  be  found. 

But  the  Spanish  domination  during  the  first  half  of  the  17th  century, 
exercised  a pernicious  influence  ©n  the  university,  whose  condition  might 
be  said  to  have  fallen  very  low.  Under  the  rule  of  Maria  Teresa,  a new 
life  invigorated  all  the  institutions  of  Lombardy,  and  the  university  of 
Pavia  shared  the  common  lot.  She  was  enlarged  and  richly  endowed,  so 
that  she  could  rival  any  of  the  most  celebrated  universities  of  Europe. 
Nor  was  it  an  idle  boast,  the  saying  of  Lorenzo  Mascheroni,  that  Ales- 
sandro Volta,  Antonio  Scarpa,  Lazzaro  Spallanzani,  Giovanni  Pietro 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


611 


Frank,  and  others  of  world-wide  fame,  who  taught  at  Pavia : Parlano  un 
suon  che  iutta  Europa  ascolta.  This  advance  was  continued  under  the 
republic  and  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  and  reached  its  farthest  point  when  the 
voices  of  Vincenzo  Monti,  Ugo  Foscolo,  and  Gian  Domenico  Romagnosi, 
were  heard  within  the  walls  of  the  university. 

Pisa.  The  university  of  Pisa  is  regulated  by  the  sovereign  resolution 
of  the  2d  of  November,  1843 ; by  the  decrees  of  the  Tuscan  government, 
July  31  and  November  8,  1859,  February  9 and  March  10,  1860;  by  the 
law  of  July  31,  1862,  and  by  the  statutes  of  September  14  and  October  5, 
same  year. 

The  university  of  Pisa,  according  to  the  most  creditable  authorities,  may 
be  said  to  have  had  her  commencement  towards  the  close  of  the  1 2th  cen- 
tury. In  1338,  when  the  republic  of  Pisa  Avas  flourishing,  Count  Fagio  di 
Donoratico,  general-in-chief  of  its  army,  directed  all  his  eflbrts  towards 
adorning  and  enlarging  the  school,  which  he  supplied  with  excellent  pro- 
fessors, for  whom  were  established  ample  salaries.  Later,  Clement  VI, 
and  the  Emperor  Charles  IV,  endoAved  her  with  titles  and  privileges.  But 
political  troubles  and  the  incessant  wars  Avaged  between  parties,  Avere 
anything  but  favorable  to  a peaceful  development  of  the  university. 

When  Pisa  became  a subject  to  Florence,  its  university  was  left  for  a 
Ions:  time  in  utter  neslect,  until,  during  the  domination  of  Lorenzo  il  Ma^^- 
nifico,  the  rectors  of  the  Florentine  republic  proceeded  to  restore  her.  In 
1472  she  Avas  solemnly  re-opened,  and  alloAved  an  annuity  of  6,000  florins 
for  her  own  maintenance.  A superintendent  general  was  appointed  to 
survey  and  refer  to  a committee  of  five  members  on  the  condition  of  the 
university.  This  committee  was  composed  of  men  distinguished  for  having 
sustained  high  offices  in  the  state,  and  known  by  the  appellation  of  officiali 
dello  studio.  They  lived  in  Florence,  and  retained  the  supreme  direction 
of  the  atheneum  for  one  year.  Lorenzo  de  Medici  Avas  himself  one  of  the 
committee. 

From  1479  to  1486  we  see  the  university  wandering  h*om  place  to  place  ; 
tAvice  from  Pisa  to  Prato;  once  to  Pistoja,  for  fear  of  the  pestilence.  But 
Lorenzo  de  Medici  gave  it  at  last  a permanent  seat. 

When  both  Florence  and  Tuscany  became  an  hereditary  state  in  the 
Medici  family,  the  university  of  Pisa  Avas  revived  by  Cosimo  I,  Avho  en- 
trusted Lelio  and  Francesco  Torelli  with  the  compilation  of  neAv  statutes, 
and  got  permission  from  Pius  IV  to  assign  the  university  some  annuities 
to  be  levied  on  the  church  tenements  in  Tuscany.  At  the  time  of  Cosimo 
II  (1609-1621),  the  university’s  yearly  expenditure  amounted  to  15,000 
scudi  (lire  italiane  88,200),  a sum  inferior  only  to  that  of  the  studio  of 
Padua. 

Not  less  care  was  taken  of  the  Pisan  university  by  the  grand  dukes  of 
the  house  of  Lorraine,  Avho  succeeded  to  the  house  of  Medici  in  1737.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  present  century  the  French  domination  changed  the 
university  into  an  academy,  dependent  upon  the  great  university  of  France. 
In  1814,  Tuscany  being  given  back  to  the  grand  dukes,  Ferdinand  III 


612 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


reorganized  the  university  and  gave  her  new  statutes,  wliich  lasted  till 
1840,  when  Leopold  II,  assisted  by  Gaetano  Giorgini,  superintendent-gen- 
eral of  studies  in  Tuscany,  called  her  to  a new  and  brighter  life,  increased 
the  number  of  chairs,  invited  the  best  masters  from  all  parts  of  Italy,  and 
founded  a school  of  agriculture  and  a school  of  veterinary  surgery.  To 
all  these  benefits  he  added,  in  1846,  the  founding  a normal  superior  school 
for  the  teaching  of  philosophy,  mathematical  and  physical  sciences.  But 
in  1851,  a disastrous  and  well  nigh  fatal  decree,  dated  October  28th,  suj>- 
pressed  the  universities  of  Pisa  and  Siena,  and  the  schools  of  agriculture 
and  veterinary  surgery,  and  created  a Tuscan  university ; the  faculties  of 
theology  and  jurisprudence  being  at  Siena,  and  those  of  philosophy,  philol- 
ogy, medicine  and  surgery,  mathematical  and  natural  sciences  at  Pisa.  Tliis 
lamentable  state  of  things  lasted  till  the  30th  of  April,  1859,  when  the  pro- 
visional government  of  Tuscany  repealed  the  fatal  decree,  restored  the  tAvo 
universities,  and  gave  them  the  means  of  increasing  their  splendor. 

Tlie  number  of  illustrious  men  who  have  lectured  at  the  university  of 
Pisa  is  very  large.  Let  us  record;  Bartolo,  Francesco  da  Buti,  Decio, 
Sandei,  Bargeo,  Mercuriale,  Cesalpino,  Galileo  Galilei,  Malpighi,  Borelli, 
Grandi,  Neris,  Marchetti,  Bellini,  Cocchi,  Pignotti,  Perelli,  Paoli,  Frisi, 
Corsini,  Ciampi,  the  two*  Yacca-Berlinghieri,  Carmignani,  Gaetano  Savi, 
Rcgnoli,  Mossatti,  Rosini,  des  Rosso,  etc. 

Sassari.* — The  university  of  Sassari  is  governed  by  the  laAvs  of  June 
22d,  1857,  and  November  13th,  1859,  and  July  5th,  1860;. and  by  the  reg- 
ulations of  September  14th,  and  October  5th,  1862. 

The  university  was  opened  at  Sassari  in  the  16th  century.  Don  Gaspare 
Vico  and  Don  Alessio  Fontana,  in  their  wills,  dated  February  27th,  1558, 
and  January  8th,  1606,  respectively,  supplied  the  means  of  further  de- 
veloping her  instructions.  The  bishops  of  Sassari  and  Oristano,  and  the 
township  of  Sassari  gave  the  university  a splendid  endowment.  The  toAvn 
was  entrusted  with  the  management  of  the  university  until  the  time  when 
Sardinia  fell  under  the  rule  of  the  Spanish  crown,  and  was  obliged  to  pur- 
chase, at  a very  high  price,  the  right  of  conferring  degrees. 

Charles  Emmanuel  III,  of  the  house  of  Savoy,  reorganized  the  univer- 
sity of  Sassari  by  a letter  patent,  dated  July  4th,  1765,  making  her  abso- 
lutely dependent  upon  government.  The  university,  however,  before  and 
after  the  restoration,  lived  on  the  revenues  of  its  own  estates,  of  which  it 
had  the  management.  But  it  1852,  its  property  passed  to  the  general 
agency  of  finances,  the  management  being  entrusted  to  the  officio  del 
deman  io. 

Divinity,  civil  law,  canon  law,  medicine  and  surgery,  philosophy,  and 
pharmaceutics  were  taught  at  the  university  of  Sassari.  In  1852,  the 
government  assigned  the  study  of  philosophy  to  the  lyceum,  taking  it  from 
the  university.  Since  that  year,  the  number  of  students  has  been  rapidly 
decreasing,  and  the  existence  of  the  university  has  become  precarious. 

Siena. — Tlie  university  of  Siena  is  governed  by  the  sovereign  resolu- 


* In  the  Island  of  Sardinia. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


613 


tion  of  November  20tli,  1843;  by  the  decrees  of  the  Tuscan  government, 
July  31st,  and  November  8th,  1859,  February  14th,  and  March  9th  and 
10th,  1860;  by  the  law  of  the  31st  of  July,  1862,  and  by  the  regulations 
issued  September  14th,  and  October  15th,  1862. 

Tlie  university  of  Siena  is  of  ancient  but  uncertain  origin.  Reliable 
authorities  affirm,  that  in  1203,  Siena  had  doctors  and  scholars.  In  1240, 
she  was  in  full  life,  as  we  gather  from  the  catalogue  of  all  the  masters  that 
lectured  at  this  university,  who  acquired  a high  reputation  for  learning 
from  the  concourse  of  eminent  masters  and  pupils  from  Bologna.  It  soon 
lost  its  splendor,  but  in  1357  recovered  it,  owing  to  the  munificence  of  the 
emperor  Charles  IV.  Again  decay  seized  upon  it,  and  again  a rise  took 
place  towards  the  close  of  the  14th  century.  Gregory  XII  granted  it 
the  privilege  of  conferring  degrees  in  divinity ; Nicholas  V increased  its 
patrimony ; Pius  II  added  new  privileges  to  the  existing  ones,  and  the 
grand  dukes  Ferdinand  I and  Cosimo  III  took  it  under  their  patronage. 
On  the  25th  of  November,  1805,  a decree  was  issued  by  the  French  gov- 
ernment abolishing  the  university'  of  Siena,  and  leaving  the  tlieological 
college  the  right  of  conferring  degrees.  Soon  afterwards,  however,  the 
medical  college  was  allowed  the  same  privilege,  owing  to  an  extraordinary 
deficiency  of  medical  men  in  the  province  of  Siena, 

On  the  return  of  Ferdinand  II,  of  Lorraine,  the  university  was  revived, 
and  lasted  till  1851,  when  an  inconsiderate  decree,  dated  October  25th, 
blended  the  Tuscan  universities  into  one.  In  1859,  the  provisional  govern- 
ment repealed  that  act,  and  restored  the  university  of  Siena. 

The  Sienese  atheiiffium  boasts  of  a large  number  of  illustrious  masters 
and  scholars.  We  will  confine  ourselves  to  the  following  ones : in  divini- 
ty and  philosophy,  Thomas  da  Sarzana,  afterwards  Nicholas  V;  Fra  Fran- 
cesco della  Rovere,  afterwards  Sixtus  lY;  Fra  Gherardo  da  Siena,  who 
lectured  at  Paris  and  Bologna;  Fra  Antonio  Ugurgeri,  who  obtained  many 
privileges  for  the  university  of  Siena  from  the  emperor  Charles  lY ; Fra 
Bartolomeo  di  Giovanni;  Fra  Giustino  Primatini ; Domenico  Stratico ; the 
Abbe  Luigi  de  Angelis ; Girolamo  Gigli,  etc- 

In  jurisprudence,  Jacopo  Pagliaresi  De  Grand!  di  Siena,  Francesco 
Accolti,  nicknamed  the  Prince  of  Jurisconsults,  Ubaldino  Malavalti,  Bar- 
tolomeo Sozzini,  Francisco  Cosci,  Giovanni  Battista  Borghese,  Alessandro 
TuramOni,  etc. 

In  the  medical  and  physical  sciences,  Francisco  Casini  (15th  century), 
afterwards  physician  to  Urbanus  VI ; Marco  and  Ugo  Bensi ; Francesco 
and  Giovanni  Sernini,  (the  latter  became  physician  to  Callistus  III  and 
Pius  II)  ; Pier  Andrea  Mattioli  (16th),  afterwards  physician  to  the  Elector 
of  Saxony  and  the  emperor  Maximilian  at  Vienna ; Cipriano  Casolani 
(17th)  ; Mattia  Baldi,  physician  to  Alexander  VII ; Pirro  Maria  Gabrielli ; 
Cresenzio  Vaselli;  Giuseppe  Vespa;  Baldassare  and  Amborgio  Soldani; 
Pietro  Tabarrini;  Paolo  Mascagni  (18th);  and  in  our  own  century,  Gia- 
como Bargellotti,  Maximilian  Ricca,  Giuseppe  Giuli,  Giuseppe  Pianigiari, 
Sante  Linari,  Giovanni  Battista,  and  Giuseppe  Vajelli,  etc. 


614 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


Turin. — Tlie  university  of  Turin  is  regulated  by  the  laws  of  November 
13,  1859,  and  July  31,  1862,  and  by  the  statutes  of  September  14,  and 
October  5,  1862. 

The  university  of  Turin  was  founded  in  1405  by  Louis  of  Savoy,  Prince 
of  Piedmont.  In  1412,  it  obtained  its  rights  and  privileges  from  the  em- 
peror Sigismund,  and  in  1424,  Amedeus  VIII  organized  a council  of  direc- 
tion of  the  university,  composed  of  the  governor  general  and  three  other 
members,  who  were  called  reformers  (riforinatori).  Some  years  afterwards 
it  was  transferred  to  Chieri,  on  account  of  the  wars  of  that  time ; then 
again  from  Chieri  to  Savigliano,  and  in  1436  restored  to  Turin.  Emman- 
uel Philibert,  in  1516,  gave  new  life  to  the  institution,  reformed  the  coun- 
cil of  direction,  and  established  separate  faculties.  Still  further  improve- 
ments were  made  by  Victor  Amedeus  II,  to  whom  Piedmont  owed  in  no 
small  degree  its  welfare  and  strength.  lie  built  the  magnificent  palace  of 
the  university,  called  to  it  illustrious  professors  from  other  parts  of  Italy, 
from  France  and  other  countries,  founded  the  college  of  the  Provinces  for 
the  support  and  education  of  poor  and  talented  pupils,  and  established  the 
botanic  garden.  Charles  Emmanuel  III  was  not  less  eager  in  promoting 
the  prosperity  of  the  institution,  promulgating  a code  of  academic  laws, 
which,  in  its  time,  was  the  most  complete  in  Europe. 

Meanwhile,  to  Charles  Emmanuel  III,  succeeded,  in  1773,  Victor  Ame- 
deus III.  During  the  reign  of  this  prince,  wholly  engrossed  with  wars, 
the  university  suflered  vtry  much  from  lack  of  patronage.  When  the 
French  revolution  came  on,  and  the  king  quitted  Piedmont  to  retire’ to 
Sardinia,  the  discipline  was  much  relaxed.  But  in  1800,  an  executive 
committee,  known  by  the  appellation  of  Tre  Carli,  (Botta,  Bossi,  and 
Giulio,)  })roceeded  to  a complete  reform  of  the  studies  and  the  statutes. 

In  1805,  there  came  the  imperial  constitution  of  Napoleon,  to  which  the 
decrees  of  1808  and  1809  followed,  changing  the  university  of  Turin  into 
an  academy,  and  making  it  an  essential  part  of  the  French  university. 

'I’hese  statutes  lasted  until  the  fall  of  Napoleon  I,  when  Piedmont  was 
given  back  to  the  house  of  Savoy.  The  laws  promulgated  in  1771,  by 
Chark  s Emmanuel  III,  were  revived,  but  did  not  answer  the  requirements 
of  the  times.  Charles  Albert  modified  and  improved  them,  created  many 
chairs,  built  the  magnificent  new  anatomical  theatre,  enriched  the  botanic 
garden  and  museums,  and  founded  a new  era  of  national  independence, 
freedom,  and  of  scientific  glory  in  the  annals  of  public  instruction  in 
Sardinia. 

The  palace  of  the  university,  built  in  1714,  according  to  the  design  of 
liicca,  stands  on  the  wid(;st  and  most  beautiful  thoroughfare  of  the  city, 
the  great  street  along  the  Po,  which  is  adorned  on  both  sides  with  wide 
and  lofty  arcades. 

Idle  university  consists  of  five  faculties,  theology,  jurisprudence,  medi- 
cine and  surgery,  belles  lettres  and  philosophy,  physical  and  mathematical 
sciences.  Connected  with  the  university  are  the  following  collections, 
open  to  the  professors  and  to  the  scholars  and  to  the  people  at  large : a 


SUPERIOll  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY, 


615 


public  library,  founded  by  Emmanuel  Philibert,  endowed  by  other  kings, 
especially  by  Victor  Amedeus  II,  enriched  by  private  donations,  and  con- 
taining upwards  of  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand  volumes  ; an  anatomical 
theatre,  founded  by  Charles  Albert ; an  anatomical  pathological  museum, 
chemical  laboratories  and  an  amphitheatre,  a botanic  garden,  a cabinet  of 
j)hysical  apparatus,  an  astronomical  observatory,  a hydraulic  building,  a 
zoological  museum,  a mineralogical  museum,  a museum  of  antiquities,  and 
an  Egyptian  museum,  which  is,  perhaps,  the  most  complete  in  Europe. 

Connected  with  the  university,  and  under  the  direction  of  the  govern- 
ment, there  is  a royal  college  of  the  provinces,  founded  and  endowed  by 
the  munificence  of  the  kings  of  Sardinia,  and  enriched  by  legacies  of  pri- 
vate benevolence.  This  is  an  establishment  in  which  the  students  are  fur- 
nished with  free  board  and  lodging  through  all  the  course  of  the  univer- 
sity, and  with  every  aid  in  their  studies  and  education.  The  royal  college 
of  the  provinces  disposes  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  free  places,  which 
ai’e  given  as  a reward  to  those  students  who  have  passed  the  most  success- 
ful examinations. 

Many  celebrated  scholars  have,  since  its  beginning,  given  honor  to  the 
name  of  the  university  of  Turin,  among  whom  we  may  mention : Cara, 
who  lived  in  the  loth  century,  a lawyer  as  well  as  a Latin  scholar  of  great 
celebrity,  who  attracted  to  his  lectures  distinguished  audiences,  not  only 
from  every  part  of  Italy,  but  even  from  France,  Spain,  and  Germany.  In 
the  IGth  century,  Cujacius,  that  miracle  of  legal  erudition,  left  Toulouse, 
his  native  country,  and  repaired  to  this  university.  In  the  same  century 
and  the  same  institution,  Argentieri  taught  medical  science,  and  Benedetti 
mathematical  astronomy.  Thesauro,  in  the  17th  century,  was  celebrated 
among  Latin  scholars;  in  the  18th,  the  university  could  boast  of  a Gerdil 
in  moral  philosophy,  of  Alcavio  and  Bono  in  jurisprudence,  of  Cigua  in 
anatomy  and  physiology,  of  Bertrandi,  Brugnone,  and  Penchienati  in  sur- 
gery, of  Donati  the  botanist,  Avho,  by  his  extensive  travels  in  Asia,  en- 
riched the  garden  of  the  university  Avith  many  precious  treasures ; of  Al- 
lioni,  Avho  proposed  a neAV  classification  of  the  vegetable  kingdom ; of 
Michelotti,  celebrated  in  hydraulics,  and  of  Beccaria,  Avho  divided  Avith 
Franklin  the  laurels  of  the  discovery  of  electricity;  of  Cigna,  Denina, 
Caluso,  Alfieri,  Baretti,  Napione,  Durandi,  etc.  In  the  present  century, 
the  university  of  Turin  Avas  adorned  by  Bardi,  Alardi,  Gridis,  Bessone, 
Giulio,  Rolando,  Balbi,  Vassal!  Eandi,  Bonelli,  Borson,  Bonvicino,  Gio- 
bert,  Bidone,  Lagrange,  Alfieri,  Berardi,  Carlo  Botta,  Cesare  Balbo,  Sciolla, 
Tarditi,  Boucheron,  Giovanni  Plana,  Alberto  Nota,  Carlo  Marenco,  Silvio 
Pellico,  Dettori,  Regis,  Vasco,  Barbaroux,  Casalis,  Paravia,  Cauchy,  Aa'o- 
gadro,  Vernazza,  Carena,  Gazzera,  Bottero,  Gene,  Martini,  Riberi,  etc. 

There  are  but  feAV  institutions  in  Europe  better  provided  with  buildings 
for  lecturing,  and  for  residences,  Avith  libraries,  laboratories,  collections  of 
all  kinds,  and  all  the  material  aids  of  scientific  instruction,  than  the  Uni- 
versity of  Turin. 


616 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


2.  Free  U niversities. 

Besides  the  State  Universities,  supported  mainly  by  the  government, 
there  are  four  institutions  of  this  class  supported  by  municipalities  or  by 
endowments,  which  are  designated  Free  Universities. 

Camerino. — The  university  of  Camerino  is  governed  by  the  royal  de- 
cree of  the  24th  of  January,  1861,  and  by  its  own  statutes. 

The  origin  of  this  university  is  very  ancient,  but  uncertain.  From  the 
commencement  of  the  domination  of  the  Varani  (1260),  till  their  fall 
(1550),  it  was  in  a flourishing  condition,  several  members  of  the  Varani 
family  acting  as  lecturers  at  the  university. 

The  first  statutes  were  approved  of  by  Innocent  III  (1198),  and  Honorius 
III  (1240).  New  ones  were  sanctioned  in  1336,  by  Benedictus  XII,  by  Inno- 
cent VII  in  1355,  and  by  the  commissioners  at  the  council  of  Costania  in  1416. 
We  infer  from  the  statutes  and  briefs  of  Martin  V (1424),  Clemens  VII 
(1523),  Paul  III  (1543),  Paul  IV  (1555),  and  Pius  IV  (1562),  that  there 
existed  a very  ancient  college  of  twenty-one  doctors,  specially  entrusted  with 
the  teaching  of  canon  and  civil  law,  medicine,  and  belles  lettres,  without 
whose  consent  no  one  could  exercise  medical  or  legal  professions.  Thus 
if  the  studio  of  Camerino  did  not  possess,  under  the  Varano  domination, 
the  appearance  and  name  of  a university,  it  was  in  fact  endowed  with  the 
substance  thereof,  embodied  in  these  two  extremes : teaching  in  primary 
faculties,  and  the  conferring  of  degrees  The  scientific  institutions  out- 
lived the  downfall  of  that  ill-starred  dynasty  by  will  of  Paul  III,  and  Paul 
V in  his  brief  of  July  5,  1695. 

Benedictus  XIII,  in  his  brief  of  the  1st  of  July,  1727,  declaring  Came- 
rino to  ’prcecijpua  Umhice  civlias,  granted  the  ancient  studio  the  title  of 
university,  and  recognized  collegium  unius  et  viginti  jurisconsidtorum  variis 
prcecipuisque  privilegiis  ornatum.  The  emperor  Francis  I extended  the 
efficacy  of  the  degrees  granted  by  this  university  to  all  his  dominions. 

Under  the  French  domination,  the  university  was  suppressed,  though 
living  by  its  own  revenues ; yet  it  retained  its  own  autonomy  as  a gymna- 
sium, without  of  course,  the  privilege  of  conferring  degrees.  When  the 
Papal  government  was  restored,  Pius  VII  granted  temporarily  the  title  of 
university  to  the  studio  of  Camerino  (1816).  Leo  XII’s  bull  Quod  Divina 
Sapientia  of  the  1st  of  September,  1824,  reorganized  the  system  of  educa- 
tion, and  classified  the  university  of  Camerino  third  in  importance  among 
the  five  universities  in  his  dominions. 

A royal  decree,  dated  January  24,  1861,  after  the  annexation  of  Umbria 
and  the  Marche  to  the  Italian  kingdom,  proclaimed  this  university  free, 
confining  it  to  the  two  faculties  of  jurisprudence,  and  medicine  and  sur- 
gery, with  the  right  of  conferring  degrees. 

From  the  close  of  the  13th  century  to  the  middle  of  the  16th,  a series 
of  illustrious  men  did  honor  to  the  university  of  Camerino.  Let  us  men- 
tion Angelo  I,  Angelo  II,  Francesco,  Antonio,  Alberto,  Tommaso  of  the 
Varano  family ; Ansovino  Medici,  Giovanni  Ricuzio  Vellino,  Angelo  III, 
author  of  the  treaty  de  prcescriptionihus  ; Cardinal  Luca  Ridolfucci,  called 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY.  0;L'7 

jurhperilus  celeherrimus  sui  iemporis , Ugolino;  Varino  Favorino,  Macario 
Muzzi,  Francisco  Sperali,  Flaustro  Alessandro,  Tardoli  Luca,  etc. 

The  second  half  of  the  16th  century  was  not  less  fertile  in  eminent  men, 
among  whom  we  will  not  let  pass  unnoticed,  Silvio  Foschi,  Venanzo  Luca- 
relli,  Ginlio  Leonelli,  Paolo  Tanaroni,  Giuseppe  Favorino,  Angelo  Ange- 
lozzi,  Ladovico  Paoloni,  Francesco  Perbenedetti,  Domenico  Cimichetti,  An- 
gelo Ridolfini,  Camillo  Lili,  Fulvio  Magalotti,  Angelo  Rocea,  who  founded 
a library  at  Rome  containing  more  than  40,000  volumes,  etc. 

In  the  18th  century,  we  find  recorded,  Masdeo,  Ludenna,  Sparapani, 
Paunelli,  Gasser,  Sartarelli,  Fracheroli,  etc. ; and  in  the  present  century, 
Fedeli,  the  theologician ; Pizzicanti,  canon  law;  Constantini,  civil  law; 
Ottaviani  and  Lattanzi,  medicine. 

This  university  has  an  annual  income  of  35,469  Italian  liras. 

Ferrara. — The  university  of  Ferrara  is  governed  by  a decree  of  the 
governor  of  Emilia,  dated  February  14th,  1860,  by  the  royal  decrees  of 
January  24th  and  31st,  1861,  and  by  its  own  statutes. 

The  existence  of  a regular  university  at  Ferrara  may  be  traced  as  far 
back  as  1391,  when  Bonifacius  IX  gave  Alberto  da  Este  the  license  for 
instituting  it.  Old  and  undisputed  tradition,  however,  assigns  the  founda- 
tion of  the  institute  to  the  emperor  Frederic  II  (1238  or  1240).  Bonifa- 
cius  IX  assimilated  the  university  of  Ferrara  to  those  of  Bologna  and 
Paris,  and,  as  at  Rome,  called  it  La  Sapienza.  During  the  domination  of 
the  house  of  Este  and  for  a century  after,  the  studio  brought  forth  many 
celebrated  men.  Its  jurisconsults  enjoyed  such  a high  fame,  that  the  re- 
public of  Genoa  and  the  duke  of  Savoy,  in  the  17th  century,  made  a com- 
promise with  them.  Its  theologicians  were  sought  after  in  the  famous  law- 
suit at  the  divorce  of  Henry  VIII  of  England  (1534)  ; and  so  great  was 
the  merit  of  Tartagni,  that  in  1448,  a derogation  to  the  statutes  was  made, 
in  order  to  aggregate  him  to  the  coUegio  degli  avvocati  of  Ferrara.  Be- 
sides, history  records  the  names  of  Aurispa,  Barbazza,  Gaza,  Gaurico, 
Valla,  Gambiglioni,  Accolti,  Ancarano,  Saliceti,  Benci,  Leoniceno,  Molza, 
Fallopio,  Antoniano,  Zocchi,  Brasavolo,  Canani,  Bianchini,  Giraldi,  No- 
vara, Sandeo,  Carbone,  Pigna,  Piccolomini,  Cremonini,  Nigricoli,  and  others. 

The  palace  of  the  university,  called  paradlso,  was  built  by  Alberto  da 
Este,  but  the  studio  was  installed  in  it  only  in  1567. 

The  superintendence  to  the  divers  classes  of  studies  was  entrusted  to 
the  Rettori  dei  Legisti  and  Rettori  degli  Artisti,  (thus  were  all,  not  students 
of  law,  then  called)  ; above  whom  were  four  riformers  or  riformat  )ri,  two 
of  them  appointed  by  the  marquesses  (afterwards  dukes)  of  Ferrara,  two 
by  the  town,  besides  the  colleges  of  the  various  faculties,  which  we  find 
recorded  in  the  15th  century.  Many  statutes  were  issued,  especially  after 
the  annexation  of  Ferrara  to  the  dominions  of  the  Holy  See,  which  took 
place  in  1598.  But  for  radical  reforms  we  are  indebted  to  Clemens  XIV 
(1772),  and  Pius  VI  (1778). 

The  university  was  closed,  and  a liceo-convitto  instituted,  under  the  French 
invasion  (1796),  when  a special  school  of  hydraulics  was  added  at  Fer- 


618 


SUPEllIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


rara,  as  its  territory  was  found  the  most  fit  for  practical  studies  in  that 
branch  of  science,  owing  to  the  great  amount  of  water  flowing  through  it, 
and  the  neighborhood  of  the  Po.  Meanwhile  a bull  from  Leo  XII  (1824), 
gave  the  studies  a new  direction,  when  in  1860,  in  virtue  of  a decree  of 
the  Italian  government,  the  university  of  Ferrara  was  declared  free,  the 
Ministry  of  Public  Instruction  approving  of  its  statutes. 

Perugia. — The  university  of  Perugia  is  governed  by  the  decrees  of 
the  commissary  general  for  Umbria,  dated  December  15  and  16,  1860,  by 
the  royal  decrees  of  Jan.  24  and  31,  1861,  and  by  its  own  statutes. 

It  was  founded  in  1276,  when  the  town  council  sent  a letrate  to  the  nei<»h- 
boring  towns  and  villages  to  invite  young  men  to  the  studio  of  Perugia. 

The  management  of  the  university  was  vested  in  the  said  council.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  14th  century,  however,  a part  of  their  authority  was 
transferred  to  a committee  of  five  members,  called  the  cinque  sari,  and  in 
1322,  we  find  a reftore  degli  studi,  nominated  by  the  students.  The  right 
of  appointing  masters  was  vested  in  the  supreme  magistrate  of  the  town. 

In  this  manner  the  university  of  Perugia  was  governed  till  1625,  when 
Urbanus  VIII,  with  a view  of  reforming  the  studio,  issued  a brief  abolish- 
ing the  meddling  of  the  savi  and  of  the  townships  in  matters  connected 
with  the  athenteum,  and  entrusting  the  local  bishop  pro  tempore  with  the 
management,  on  condition,  however,  that  no  resolution  of  his  should  be 
enacted  without  the  heneplacilo  of  the  Holy  See. 

Many  and  important  privileges  were  granted  by  Clemens  V,  who  de- 
clared it  a university  (14th  century),  by  John  XXII,  who  gave  it  the  right 
of  conferring  academical  degrees  (1320),  and  by  the  emperor  Charles  IV. 

The  most  illustrious  professors  that  lectured  in  this  university  are : 

Cino  da  Pistoja,  Bartolo  Alfani,  and  Baldo  Baldeschi,  14th  century. 
Paolo  da  Castro,  Pierfilippo  della  Cornia,  Camillo  Baglioni,  Giovanni 
Matteo,  Periteo  Montesperelli,  Sforza  Oddi,  etc.,  15th  and  16th  centuries. 
Gianpaolo  Lancellotti,  Vincenzo  Bini,  Giuseppe  Antinori,  etc.,  17th,  18th, 
and  19th  centuries.  S.  Thomas  d’  Aipiino  taught  theology  here. 

Urbixo. — The  university  of  Urbino  is  governed  by  the  royal  decrees 
of  January  24,  1861,  and  October,  1862,  and  by  its  own  statutes. 

Urbino,  the  old  seat  of  the  dukes  of  Feltre  and  Rovere,  had  from  the 
earliest  times  two  patrons,  Frederic  and  Guidobaldo  (the  former’s  son). 
The  latter  instituted  a college  of  doctors,  having  jurisdiction  in  matters  civil 
and  ecclesiastical,  which  was  confirmed  in  1507,  by  a bull  of  Julius  II. 
On  the  21st  of  February,  1564,  Pius  IV  granted  i^  the  privilege  of  con- 
ferring degrees,  which  was  confirmed  by  Urbanus  VIII,  with  the  addition 
of  new  ones.  Innocentius  X (1647),  Clemens  X (1671),  Clemens  XI,  and 
the  Jiegno  Italico,  lavished  innumerable  favors  upon  it.  From  1824  to 
1861,  it  was  governed  by  the  bull  of  Leo  XII,  Quod  Divina  Sapientia,  and 
finally,  October  23,  1862,  it  was  declared  a free  university  by  Victor 
Emmanuel  11. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


G19 


II.  FACULTIES,  PROFESSORS,  AND  STUDENTS. 

Of  22  institutions  of  Superior  instruction  which  rank  as  Universities 
in  Italy,  excluding  those  of  the  city  of  Rome,  which  are  not  included  in 
the  returns  for  1870,  we  present  the  following  condensed  summary  of 
Faculties,  Courses,  Professors,  and  Students,  for  1869. 


Univerities. 

Founded. 

Faculties  proper. 

Schools  and  courses. 

Professors  of  various  grades. 

Total  number  of 

Students. 

Ordinary. 

Extraordinary. 

In  caricati. 

Honorary  and 

emeritus. 

'O'  53 

S-i  S 

CJC  bi) 
til 

3 

Total  number. 

l^iilrxTnn. . 

1100 

4 

2 

46 

5 

1 

3 

109 

621 

Cagliari 

1606 

5 

4 

24 

6 

6 

7 

80 

29 

Camsrino  . . . 

1260 

2 

4 

15 

15 

6 

14 

50 

148 

1437 

5 

2 

23 

8 

j 

32 

87 

Vftrrn  r.'i,. . , , , , 

1238 

3 

1 

6 

13 

4 

9 

32 

148 

Genoa 

1773 

5 

1 

S7 

5 

5 

66 

114 

87 

Macerata .... 

1290 

2 

3 

15 

1 

7 

3 

16 

42 

330 

AT  p<i«i  n ft.  , 

1434 

5 

3 

16 

16 

32 

101 

Modena 

1160 

4 

3 

35 

2 

8 

45 

64 

Naples 

1224 

4 

46 

8 

23 

77 

1,775 

Padua  

1225 

5 

3 

40 

5 

*3 

9 

57 

1,237 

Palermo 

1344 

5 

4 

44 

7 

3 

1 

55 

280 

Parma 

1482 

5 

3 

37 

4 

8 

50 

96 

297 

Pavia 

1361 

4 

1 

40 

4 

3 

2 

49 

1,023 

Perugia 

1318 

3 

5 

27 

8 

8 

43 

no 

Pisa ........ 

1344 

5 

47 

8 

44 

99 

456 

Sassari 

1558 

3 

*’3’ 

11 

6 

4 

10 

35 

66 

139 

Sienna 

1240 

2 

2 

24 

1 

23 

48 

no 

Turin 

1405 

5 

1 

50 

19 

2 

28 

131 

230 

1,378 

Urbino 

1564 

2 

5 

19 

4 

8 

8 

30 

69 

Total,  20, 

78 

50 

599 

118 

73 

230 

379 

1,399 

The  dates  in  this  table  are  given  on  the  authority  of  Prof.  Bonghi. 
Although  these  institutions  are  now  in  operation,  several  of  them  have 
had  long  periods  of  suspended  animation  since  the  date  of  their  foun- 
dation. 

Of  the  20  institutions,  only  7 (Cagliari,  Catania,  Genoa,  Padua,  Pa- 
lermo, Pisa,  and  Turin,)  have  the  five  faculties  of  theology,  law,  medicine 
and  surgery,  science,  and  letters;  four  (Bologna,  Messina,  Naples,*and  Pa- 
via,) have  all  but  that  of  theology,  which  is  not  resorted  to  generally  by 
the  Italian  clergy,  their  main  reliance,  both  for  general  and  special  culture, 
being  on  the  217  episcopal  seminaries  in  the  various  dioceses,  especially  on 
Rome.  Besides  the  universities,  there  are  1 1 institutions  of  superior  in- 
struction, aided  and  administered  by  the  government,  with  1,056  students 
devoted  to  higher  scientific  studies  of  a practical  character. 


620 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  ITALY. 


IV.  SUPERIOR  AND  PROFESSIONAL  INSTRUCTION. 

The  statistics  of  institutions  and  pupils  in  the  departments  of  Superior 
and  Professional  Instruction  will  be  found  on  the  next  page,  and  the  his- 
torical development  and  present  organization  of  these  departments  of  the 
system  w’ill  be  given  in  another  volume. 

V.  BUDGET  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  FOR  18^0. 

The  principal  items  of  State  appropriations  for  public  schools  and 
institutions  for  the  year  1869,  were  given  under  the  head  of  central 
administration,  to  which  these  expenditures  belong.  We  give  below  a 
few  particulars  which  throw  light  on  the  details  of  the  system. 

I.  The  State  expenditures  for  Primary  Instruction  was  2,651,254  liras, 
which  included:  (a.)  1,500,000  in  subsidies  to  the  local  communities;  (&.)  608,- 
500  for  normal  schools;  (c.)  124,964  for  girls’ schools ; (d)  93,914  for  deaf- 
mutes’  schools.  The  local  taxes  for  primary  schools  realized  1,500,000  liras. 

II.  The  sum  appropriated  to  Secondary  Instruction  was  4,092,878  liras,  viz. ; 
{a.)  Salaries  of  professors,  &c.,  in  State  Lyceums,  1,185,593;  (&.)  in  Royal  Gym- 
nasiums, 867,000;  (c.)  in  State  Technical  Schools,  579,668;  (d)  for  Examina- 
tions, 110,000;  (e.)  for  special  aid  and  subsidies,  93,382;  (/.)  in  National  board- 
ing colleges,  316,795.  These  sums  are  exclusive  of  578,920  received  from 
endowments  in  the  Neapolitan  provinces,  and  1,849,221  from  similar  sources  in 
other  provinces,  besides  an  equal  amount  from  local  communities,  making  the 
aggregate  expenditure  for  secondary  instruction  about  9,000,000  liras,  exclu- 
sive of  private  tuition. 

III.  Superior  Instruction,  including  20  Universities  and  several  Higher  Sci- 
entific Institutes,  absorbed  5,469,386  liras.  Among  the  items  are,  (a.)  for  sala- 
ries of  rectors,  professors,  heads  of  laboratories,  cabinets,  &c.,  3,530,405;  (b.) 
scholarships  and  prizes  162,653 ; (c.)  for  museums,  cabinets,  observatories,  libra- 
ries, classics,  1,200,000  ; (d)  for  Superior  Institute  at  Florence,  315,820;  school 
of  engineers  at  Turin,  100,750;  do.  at  Naples,  76,850;  do.  at  Milan,  90,410; 
Scientific  Academ}’-  at  Milan,  54,000;  Superior  Normal  school  at  Pisa,  42,000; 
Medical  College  at  Naples,  27,540;  Provisional  University  schools,  23,415; 
three  Veterinary  schools,  at  Milan,  Turin,  and  Naples,  226,315. 

IV.  (a.)  Academies,  Museums,  &c.,  of  Science  and  Art,  receive  550,000  liroLS', 
in  this  class  are  the  Roj^al  Academy  at  Turin,  the  Crusca,  at  Florence,  Royal  In- 
stitutes at  Milan  and  Venice,  162,342  ; (b.)  Historical  studies  of  Italy,  27,700; 
(c.)  Museum  at  Naples,  including  excavations  in  old  cities  and  Pompeii,  269,324; 
(d)  Observatories  at  Milan  and  Naples,  34,000;  (e.)  for  Academies  of  the  Fine 
Arts,  1,413,568  liras,  viz.:  Royal  Academies  at  Turin,  Florence,  Pisa,  Modena, 
Bologna,  Parma,  Carrara,  &c. ; Royal  Foundry  in  bronze  at  Florence;  Conser- 
vatories of  Music  at  Milan,  Parma,  Florence,  Naples,  Palermo,  &c. ; Royal  Com- 
mission of  the  Fine  Arts. 

V.  The  public  libraries  at  Naples,  Florence,  and  Milan,  receive  120,000,  in 
addition  to  the  income  of  special  endowments;  other  libraries  containing 
5,059,895  volumes,  receive  special  appropriations.  Total,  521,528  liras. 

VI.  The  Central  and  Provincial  administration  absorbed  816,965  liras;  (a.) 
312,000  liras  in  the  Central;  253,500  in  department  of  the  Minister ; 28,500 
by  the  Superior  Council;  90,000  for  Provincial  Special  Inspections.  The  Pro- 
vincial Administration  expended  444,465  liras. 

VII.  Total  expenditures  in  1869  were  about  16,000,000  liras,  or  1.56  of 
entire  State  expenses. 

VI.  STATISTICS  OF  INSTITUTIONS. 

The  statistics  of  public  instruction  in  a kingdom  made  up  of  so  many 
provinces,  till  recently  accustomed  to  entirely  different  systems,  are 
for  the  present  necessarily  imperfect. 


STATISTICS  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  KINGDOM  OF  ITALY. 


021 


1.  Primary  Instruction.  In  18G6  tlicre  were  24,082  public  primary  scliools, 
viz:  14,240  for  boys,  ami  9,737  for  girls;  whilst  the  number  of  private  j)rimary 
scliools  was  5,435,  viz:  2,726  for  boys,  ami  2,341  for  girls;  making  a total 
of  31,117  primary  schools,  viz  : 16,960  for  boys,  and  12,078  for  girls.  Besides 
these,  there  were  (in  1863)  2,803  evening  and  Sunday  schools. 

The  total  number  of  scholars  in  the  public  schools  was  1,102,721,  viz  : 630,230 
boys,  and  472,491  girls  ; and  in  the  private  schools,  115,149,  viz:  56,068  boys, 
and  59,081  girls.  Total,  1,217,870  scholars  : 686,348  boys,  and  531,522  girls. 

The  number  of  teachers  in  the  public  schools  was  26,019,  viz:  15,478  male 
t.'achers,  and  10,541  female  teachers;  whilst  in  the  private  schools  there  were 
6,371  teachers,  viz:  3,047  male  teachers,  and  3,324  female  teachers  ; making  a 
total  of  32,391  teachers,  viz  : 18,526  male  teachers,  and  13,865  female  teachers. 

Thus  the  total  numbers  are  as  follows  (of  all  the  primary  schools  with  the 
exception  of  evening  and  Sunday  schools)  : 31,117  schools,  32,391  teachers,  and 
1,217,870  pupils.  For  the  education  of  primary  teachers  there  are  91  seminaries 
and  model  schoo's,  and  44  conferences  or  institutes. 

2.  Secondary  Instruction.  There  exist  the  following  kinds  : lyceums  (tycei),  and 
gymnasia  (yimnasi),  for  the  different  grades  of  classical  instruction  ; and  the 
technical  schools,  technical  institutes,  and  superior  technical  institutes,  for  scien- 
tific and  practical  instruction. 

In  1868-1869  there  were  78  royal  lyceums,  with  3,172  scholars;  14  assimi- 
lated Ivceums,  with  326  scholars;  and  54  private  lyceums,  with  1,380  scholars; 
making  a total  of  146  lyceums,  with  4,878  scholars.  In  the  same  year  there 
were  103  royal  gymnasia,  with  8,223  scholars ; 40  assimilated  gymnasia,  with 
2,524  scholars;  and  323  free  gymnasia,  with  9,783  scholars;  making  a total  of 
466  gymnasia,  with  20,550  scholars.  Total,  612  secondary  classical  schcols, 
with  25,408  pupils. 

There  were  55  royal  technical  schools,  Avith  5,868  scholars ; 72  assimilated 
technical  schools,  Avith  4,594  scholars ; and  138  free  technical  schools,  Avith  6,495 
scholars;  making  a total  of  265  technical  schools,  Avith  16,955  scholars  There 
are  84  technical  institutes,  Avith  880  pupils  ; and  3 superior  special  institutes 
(at  Milan,  Turin,  Naples),  Avith  555  pupils.  Total,  352  institutions,  Avith  17,392 
])upils.  Total  number  of  secondary  technical  schools  Avas,  in  1868,  964,  Avith 
42,800  scholars. 

3.  Superior  Instruction: — 20  universities,  Avith  2,096  students  of  laAV,  1,320  of 
medicine,  987  of  science,  71  of  philosophy  and  literature,  9 of  theology.  With 
most  of  these  universities  there  are  special  courses,  some  with  one,  others  with 
tAvo,  three,  or  more,  in  all  47  courses,  Avith  82  students  in  the  notary  course,  530  in 
the  jdiarmaccutical,  16  in  the  surgical,  19  in  the  course  of  midAvifery,  84  in  the  vet- 
erinary course.  The  total  number  of  students  in  1867-68  Avas  5,124  approrati, 
and  1,308  licentiates  (only  in  the  courses). 

4.  Special  and  Professional  Schools.  Of  these  there  are  : 

Royal  Institute  of  superior  practical  studies,  at  Florence,  138  students. 

Academy  of  science  and  literature,  at  Milan,  27  students. 

Royal  superior  technical  institute,  at  Milan,  254  students. 

School  of  medicine  and  veterinary  surgery,  at  Milan,  58  students. 

School  of  applied  engineering,  at  Turin,  190  students. 

School  of  medicine  and  veterinary  surgery,  at  Turin,  98  students. 

Royal  superior  normal  school,  at  Pisa,  28  students. 

Royal  school  of  applied  engineering,  at  Naples,  111  students. 

Royal  college  of  medicine  and  surgery,  at  Naples,  75  students. 

School  of  medicine  and  veterinary  surgery,  at  Naples,  71  students. 

20  Nautical  schools, 

2 Mining  schools,  at  Aosta  and  Agerdo,  each  with  course  of  three  years. 

1 School  of  artillery  and  military  engineering,  at  Genoa. 

1 Military  academy,  at  Turin. 

1 School  of  infantry,  at  Parma. 

1 School  of  cavalry,  at  Modena. 

2 Marine  academies,  at  Genoa  and  Naples. 

6 Academies  of  music  of  the  highest  grade. 

29  Schools  of  art.  ^ 


622 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  ROME. 


CITY  OF  ROME. 

The  city  of  Rome,  with  a population  in  1867  of  215,578,  had  the  fol- 
lowing educational  institutions  under  the  “Commissioner  of  Studies.” 

I.  PRIMARY  INSTRUCTION. 

42  Ward  schools  {ecolas  regionnaires,)  with  2,050  (paying)  scholars. 

9 parish  schools  for  poor  children,  with  upward  of  1,000  scholars. 

SCHOOLS  CONDUCTED  BY  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

2  Pious  schools  (schole  pie,)  350  scholars. 

2 schools  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Christian  Doctrine,  StO  scholars. 

3 schools  of  the  Brothers  of  the  Christian  schools,  750  scholars. 

1 school  of  the  Brothers  of  Mercy,  300  pupils. 

2 schools  of  the  Sisters  of  Providence,  360  pupils  (girls.) 

22  Pontifical  schools  supported  by  the  Pope. 

304  schools  for  infants  and  younger  children,  conducted  by  school  mistresses, 
called  regionnaires,'"'  with  6,000  scholars. 

1 school  of  the  Ursulines,  with  120  scholars  (girls.) 

3 schools  of  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph ; besides  numerous  others  maintained  by 
various  religious  orders. 

II.  SECONDARY  AND  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

4 Seminaries,  viz.:  Seminaire  Romain,  500  scholars;  Seminaire  du  Vatican; 
Seminaire  Pie ; Seminaire  Frangais,  50  scholars. 

20  colleges,  viz.:  College  Baiidinelli ; College  Capranica,  54  scholars;  College 
(7/e7>?.ew<mo,  44  scholars ; College  Germanique,  bQ  scholars;  College  GhMieri, 
30  scholars ; College  Anglais,  30  scholars ; College  de  Nazareth,  40  scholars  ; 
College  des  Nobles,  50  scholars;  College  Pomphili,  12  scholars;  College  Ecns- 
sais ; College  St.  Briagite ; College  des  Freres  das  ecoles  Chretiennes : Codege 
des  Grecs,  12  scholars;  College  Irlandais,  42  scholars:  College  Sabin;  College 
de  St.  Thomas ; College  de  BAge,  10  scholars;  College  des  Americains  du  Sud,  46 
scholars;  College  des  Amerkains  du  Nord,  50  scholars:  College  Pio  Inglese,  17 
scholars. 

The  Ecclesiastical  Academy. — Collegio  de  propaganda  fide. 

The  Universiia  della  Sapienzia,  32  professors,  900  students. 

The  Collegio  Romano,  240  students  of  theology. 

SPECIAL  SCHOOLS  AND  INSTITUTIONS  FOR  THE  ADVANCE.MENT  OF  SCIENCE. 
The  Academia  di  San  Luca  ) 

“ “ “ Francia  > of  the  fine  arts, 

“ “ “ Napali  ) 

Tne  Academia  dei  Lincei  (Society  of  Natural  History.) 

The  school  of  design. 

The  technical  school  of  practical  geometry. 

Various  other  societies  for  the  encouragement  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  such  as 
theological,  archaeological,  philharmonic  and  other  societies. 

I astronomical  observatory.  1 botanical  garden. 

Library  of  the  Vatican,  80,000  vols.,  24,000  manuscripts. 

“ Casanatense,  200,000  vols. 

“ Angelica,  84,820  “ 2,945  “ 

“ Barberina,  60,000  “ ' 10,000  “ 

7 other  liberaries. 

CHARITABLE  INSTITUTIONS. 

19  conservatories,  i.  e.,  houses  of  refuge  (for  all  the  different  classes  of  society 
and  for  all  ages.) 

II  hospitals.  4 widows’  houses. 

The  Refuge  de  la  Lauretana;  The  Convent  of  St.  Jacques;  The  Retraite  della 
Croce ; for  abandoned  females. 

hospices — houses  of  refuge  for  orphans  and  neglected  children ; the  most  im- 
portant of  which  is  the  San  Michael,  which  furnishes  instruction  not  cnly  in 
elementary  studies,  but  in  various  trades. 


EPISCOPAL  SEMINARIES-COUNCIL  OF  TRENT. 


INTRODUCTION.  ^ 

Seminaries,  as  originally  applied,  and  still  generally,  although 
not  exclusively  used,  denote  a class  of  institutions  designed  for  the 
education  of  the  clergy.  It  is  among  the  cherished  traditions  of 
the  Catholic  Church  that  the  Apostle  John  had  about  him  a num- 
ber of  students  whom  he  familiarly  instructed  in  the  doctrines  and 
practices  of  the  priesthood ; and  the  earliest  school  instituted  by 
the  Church  was  for  young  men,  under  the  roof  and  the  special 
supervision  of  the  bishop.  To  the  oldest  church,  the  Lateran,  at 
Rome,  an  Episcopal  seminary  was  attached,  which  continued  in 
operation  till  the  pontificate  of  Pope  Leo  X.  Here  was  educated, 
as  early  as  the  year  310  of  the  Christian  era,  Eusebius,  afterwards 
bishop  of  Vercelli,  and  subsequently  several  of  the  most  eminent 
of  the  Roman  pontiffs.*  The  very  first  decretal  of  known  authen- 
ticity, that  of  Pope  St.  Liricius,  in  laying  dowr>  the  rules  to  be 
observed  in  promoting  clerics  to  holy  orders,  indicates  the  existence 
of  these  seminaries  in  Episcopal  households.  The  second  Council 
of  Toledo,  in  5 3TL,  passed  several  canons  relative  to  ‘the  lectors 
instructed  in  the  house  of  the  church,  under  the  eyes  of  the  bishop, 
by  him  who  shall  be  appointed  over  them,’  and  the  age  at  which  they 
may  embrace  the  ecclesiastical  state  with  their  own  free  consent. 
By  the  fourth  Council  held  at  Toledo,  in  633,  all  the  bishops  of 
Spain  are  required  to  establish  seminaries  in  their  cathedral  cities, 
on  the  model  of  that  of  Seville,  in  which  the  Latin,  Greek,  and 
Hebrew  tongues,  and  the  liberal  arts,  were  taught,  as  well  as  law 
and  medicine.  In  the  educational  reform  projected  by  Charlemagne 
(774-800),  the  Episcopal  schools  were  restored  to  greater  efficiency, 
and  as  preparatory  and  supplementary  to  them,  grammar  and 
public  schools  were  instituted  not  only  for  ecclesiastics,  but  for  every 
rank,  class,  and  race.  In  these  schools  are  the  germs  of  the 
universities  developed  by  individual  masters,  acting  in  the  inspira- 

* Christian  Schools  and  Scholars,  or  Sketches  of  Education  from  the  Christian  Era  to  the 
Council  of  Trent.  2 Vols.  Longman,  Green  & Co. 

(623) 


624 


EPISCOPAL  SEMINARIES. 


tions  and  traditions  of  the  still  older  schools  of  Greece  and  Rome. 
To  protect  young  ecclesiastics  and  students  destined  for  the  priest- 
hood, who  resorted  to  the  lectures  in  the  universities  at  the  great 
centers  of  intellectual  activity,  colleges  were  founded  in  their 
neighborhood.  These  colleges,  originally  designed  for  the  domestic 
life  of  students  residing  away  from  their  natural  guardians,  grew 
by  degrees  into  independent  establishments,  and  practically,  for  a 
time,  absorbed  the  best  pupils  of  the  seminaries — subjecting  candi- 
dates for  the  ecclesiastical  state  to  a license  of  life  and  instruction 
foreign  to  their  future  Vocation.  In  the  decay  of  these  local  insti- 
tutions, the  poor,  who  could  not  incur  the  expense  of  travel,  were 
the  principal  sufferers,  and  in  this  condition  of  affairs  was  held  the 
Council  of  Trent,  in  1545. 

In  the  statement  of  abuses  which  required  redress,  drawn  up  by 
a Commission  of  Cardinals  and  Ecclesiastics,  eminent  for  integrity 
and  learning,  appointed  by  Pope  Paul  III.,  in  1537,  preliminary  to 
summoning  a general  Council,  is  the  following  paragraph  : 

It  is  a great  and  pernicious  abuse  that  in  the  public  schools,  especially  of 
Italy,  many  philosophers  teach  impiety.  Even  in  the  churches  most  impious 
disputations  are  held,  and  if  some  are  of  a pious  nature,  yet  in  them  sacred 
things  are  treated  before  the  people  in  a most  irreverent  manner.  We  think, 
therefore,  that  it  should  be  pointed  out  to  the  bishops,  in  those  places  where 
public  schools  exist,  that  they  admonish  those  who  deliver  lectures  not  to  teach 
impiety  to  the  young,  but  to  manifest  to  them  the  weakness  of  natural  reason 
in  questions  appertaining  to  Grod,  to  the  recent  origin  or  eternity  of  the  world, 
and  the  like,  and  that  they  rather  lead  them  to  piety.  Also,  that  they  permit 
not  public  disputatidns  to  be  held  on  questions  of  this  nature,  nor  even  on 
theological  subjects,  which  certainly  in  this  way  lose  much  in  vulgar  esteem ; 
but  let  disputations  be  held  in  public  on  these  matters,  and  let  the  public  dis- 
putations be  on  other  questions  of  physics.  And  the  same  thing  ought  to  be 
enjoined  on  all  other  bisliops,  specially  of  great  cities  wWhre  disputations  of 
this  sort  are  wont  to  be  held.  And  the  same  care  should  be  employed  about 
the  printing  of  books,  and  all  princes  should  be  written  to,  warning  them  not 
to  allow  books  of  all  sorts  to  be  printed  everywhere  in  their  dominions.  And 
the  care  of  the  matter  should  be  committed  to  the  ordinaries.  And  whereas  it 
is  now  customary  to  read  to  boys  in  the  schools  the  ‘Colloquies’  of  Erasmus, 
in  which  there  are  many  things  which  instil  impiety  into  inexperienced  minds, 
this  book,  and  of  others  of  a similar  character,  ought  to  be  prohibited. 

On  this  section  the  author  of  Christian  Schools  observes: 

This  certainly  is  a most  remarkable  document.  It  proceeded  not  from  a 
body  of  ‘Scotists’  and  ‘ barbarians,’ but  from  elegant  Humanists,  all  of  them 
university  scholars,  whilst  some,  like  Alexander,  had  themselves  occupied  Pro- 
fessors’ chairs.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  evils  which  they  point  out  in  the 
existing  system  of  education,  and  which  they  indicate  as  lying  at  the  root  of 
so  many  prevailing  corruptions,  are  precisely  those  the  growth  of  which  we 
have  been  watching  from  the  time  when  the  universities  replaced  the  episcopal 
and  monastic  schools.  The  whole  weakness  of  the  professorial  system  is  hero 
laid  bare ; its  incitements  to  vanity,  its  tendency  to  substitute  novelties  that 
tickle  the  ears  of  a mixed  audience  for  the  teaching  of  solid  truth ; the  system 
which  had  Berengarius  and  Abelard  for  its  fittest  representatives;  which  had 
already  produced  a goodly  crop  of  heretics  and  false  teachers,  and  which,  while 
it  extinguished  the  old  ecclesiastical  seminaries,  supplied  in  place  of  them, 
nothing  better  for  the  training  of  the  Christian  priesthood,  than  universities 


EPISCOPAL  SEMINARIES 


625 


whicli  in  Italy,  at  least,  bad  grown  to  be  little  else  than  academies  of  heathen 
philosophy.  Such  a grave  and  deliberate  declaration,  and  from  such  authority, 
requires  no  commentary ; it  was  a candid  avowal  from  the  choicest  intellects 
of  Christendom,  that  three  centuries  before,  a false  step  had  been  taken,  and  a 
plain  and  solemn  warning  that  if  the  evil  results  of  that  step  were  now  to  be 
remedied,  it  could  only  be  by  returning  to  the  ancient  paths. 

It  was  precivSely  at  this  time  that  St.  Ignatius  and  his  companions  first  ap- 
peared in  Rome,  and  submitted  to  the  Holy  See  the  plan  for  the  foundation  of 
their  society.  The  education  of  youth  is  set  forth  in  the  Formula  of  Approval 
granted  by  Paul  III.  in  1540  as  the  first  duty  embraced  by  the  new  institute, 
and  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  two  patrons  who  most  powerfully  interested 
themselves  in  obtaining  this  approval  were  both  of  them  members  of  the 
above-named  commission,  namely,  Cardinal  Gaspar  Contarini,  and  the  Domini- 
can, Father  Thomas  Badia.  Although  the  new  society  were  not  at  once 
able  to  begin  the  establishment  of  colleges,  yet  the  plan  of  those  afterwards 
founded  was  gradually  ripening  in  the  sagacious  mind  of  St.  Ignatius,  who 
looked  to  these  institutions  as  calculated  to  oppose  the  surest  bulwarks  against 
the  progress  of  heresy.  The  first  regular  college  of  the  socic  ty  was  that  estab- 
lished at  Candia  in  1546,  through  the  zeal  of  St.  Francis  Borgia,  third  general 
of  the  society ; and  the  regulations  by  which  it  was  governed,  and  which  were 
embodied  in  the  constitutions,  were  extended  to  all  the  Jesuit  colleges  after- 
wards founded.  The  studies  were  to  include  theology,  both  positive  and 
scholastic,  as  well  as  grammar,  poetry,  rhetoric,  and  philosophy.  The  course 
of  philosophy  was  to  last  three  3mars,  that  of  theology  four ; and  the  Pro- 
fessors of  Philosophy  were  enjoined  to  treat  their  subject  in  such  a way  as  to 
dispose  the  mind  for  the  study  of  theology,  instead  of  setting  up  faith  and 
reason  in  opposition  to  one  another.  The  theology  of  St.  Thomas,  and  the 
philosophy  of  Aristotle,  were  to  be  followed,  except  on  those  points  where  the 
teaching  of  the  latter  was  opposed  to  the  Catholic  faith.  Those  points  of 
metaphj'sics  which  involved  questions  depending  for  their  demonstration  on 
revealed  truth,  such  as  free-will,  or  the  origin  of  evil'  were  not  to  be  treated  in 
the  course  of  philosophy,  but  to  be  reserved  for  that  of  theology.  No  classical 
authors,  whether  Greek  or  Latin,  wherein  was  to  be  found  any  thing  contrary 
to  good  morals,  were  to  be  read  in  the  classes  until  first  corrected,  and  the 
students  were  subjected  to  rules  of  discipline  winch  aimed  at  forming  in  them 
habits  of  solid  piety.  It  is  clear  that  colleges  thus  constituted  were  exactly 
fitted  to  carry  out  those  reforms  which  Pole  and  his  colleagues  had  suggested 
as  being  so  urgently  called  for,  and  would  effectually  exclude  the  ‘impious 
philosophy  ’ which  had  been  nurtured  in  the  academies  of  Italy. 

COUXCl'L  OF  TRENT. 

In  the  earlier  sessions  of  the  Council,  the  old  canons  requiring 
cathedrals  to  maintain  a theologian  and  grammar  master  for -the 
instruction  of  the  younger  clergy  were  confirmed,  and  laws  were 
passed  requiring  all  masters  and  doctors  in  the  universities  to  engage 
by  oath,  at  the  beginning  of  each  year  to  explain  the  Catholic  faith 
according  to  the  canons  of  the  Council,  and  obliging  visitors  to 
institute  the  necessary  corrections  of  discipline.  But  the  main 
action  of  this  Council  was  directed  to  restoring  the  seminary  to  its 
original  position  and  purpos^p-as  the  school  of  the  Bishop,  where 
those  who  were  ‘ to  minister  divine  things  should  receive  consecra- 
tion early  in  the  formation  of  a life  passed  away  from  worldly 
temptations,  and  where  the  law  of  the  place  should  establish  the 
habit  of  holiness.’  It  is  embodied  in  the  eighteenth  chapter  of  the 
27  th  session  of  Canons  and  Decrees,  substantially  as  follows; 

40 


623 


EPISCOPAL  SEMINARIES. 


Ever}’-  catliedral  or  metropolitan  church  i.s  bound,  according  to  its  means,  to 
maintain  a certain  number  of  youths  belonging  to  tlie  city  or  diocese  in  some 
suitable  college,  who  shall  then  be  trained  lor  the  ecclesiastical  state.  They  are 
to  be  at  least  twelve  years  old,  and  chosen  from  those  who  give  hopes  of  their 
being  eventually  fit  for  the  priesthood.  The  Holy  Council  desires  that  a 
‘preference  be  given  to  the  children  of  poor  parent.'^,’  though  the  rich  are  not 
to  be  excluded.  The  college,  which  is  to  be  ‘a  perpetual  seminary  for  the 
service  of  God,’  is  entii’ely  under  the  direction  of  the  bishop,  who  is  to  be  as* 
sisted  by  two  canons  chosen  by  himself.  The  students,  on  their  entrance,  are 
to  wear  the  tonsure  and  ecclesiastical  habit ; to  learn  grammar,  church  music, 
the  ecclesiastical  computation,  and  the  other  liberal  arts;  but  they  are  specially 
to  apply  themselves  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  and  all  that  appertains  to 
the  right  administration  of  the  Sacraments.  The  bishop,  or  the  visitors  whom 
he  appoints,  are  to  watch  over  the  maintenance  of  good  discipline  among 
them,  and  to  take  all  proper  means  for  the  encouragement  of  piety  and  virtue. 
The  seminary  is  to  be  maintained  by  a tax  on  all  the  benefices  in  the  diocese. 
If  in  any  province  the  dioceses  are  too  poor  each  to  maintain  its  own  seminary, 
the  Provincial  synod  may  establish  one  attached  to  the  metropolitan  church  for 
the  general  use  of  all  churches  of  the  diocese;  or,  again,  if  a diocese  be  very 
large  and  populous,  the  bishop  may,  if  necessary,  establish  in  it  more  than  one 
seminary.  It  belongs  to  the  bishop  to  appoint  or  remove  the  schola.sticus,  and 
no  person  is  to  be  appointed  who  is  not  a doctor  or  licentiate  in  theology  or 
canon  law.  The  bishop  also  has  the  right  of  prescribing  what  studies  are  to 
be  pursued  by  the  seminarists,  according  as  he  may  think  proper. 

So  universal  was  the  satisfaction  caused  by  this  decree,  that  many  prelates 
hesitated  not  to  declare,  that  if  no  other  good  were  to  result  from  the  labors  of 
the  Council,  this  alone  would  compensate  to  them  for  all  their  fatigues  and 
sacrifices.  They  regarded  such  a reform  as  was  here  provided,  as  the  only 
efficacious  means  of  restoring  ecclesiastical  discipline,  well  knowing  that  in 
every  state  and  government,  as  are  the  heads,  so  are  the  members,  and  that  the 
character  of  a people  depends  on  that  of  their  teachers. 

This  policy  was  carried  out  promptly  and  thoroughly  by  Charles 
Borromeo,  in  the  Archbishopric  of  Milan.  For  the  clergy  of  his 
own  province  he  founded  six  seminaries.  The  chief  or  greater 
seminary  was  attached  to  his  Cathedral  Church,  and  was  intended 
to  receive  150  of  the  most  promising  candidates,  who  went  through 
a regular  course  of  philosophy,  theology,  and  canon  law.  A 
second  seminary  was  included  for  youths  of  less  ability,  who  were 
required  to  go  through  a course  in  moral  theology.  Scripture,  the 
catechism  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  and  the  rubrics  and  ceremonies 
of  the  church.  A third  seminary  in  the  city  was  designed  for 
priests  who,  from  any  cause,  needed  to  refresh  their  ecclesiastical 
spirit  or  acquire  necessary  learning.  The  three  accommodated 
about  300  students.  In  three  different  deaneries  were  established 
three  other  seminaries,  as  nurseries  to  those  at  Milan — all  dependent 

on  the  great  seminary  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  as  their  head. 

^ 

* Charles  Borromeo,  Cardinal  and  Archbishop  of  Milan,  was  born  at  Arona  in  1538,  and 
canonized  in  1610.  In  1572  he  founded  the  College  of  St.  Fidelis,  mainly  for  poor  students  ; and 
in  the  year  following  another  known  us  the  College  of  Nobles,  in  which  the  aim  was  to  combine 
solid  piety,  humane  letters,  and  good  manners.  He  had  prepared  by  Cardinal  Sylvius 
Antonianus,  a manual  for  his  professors.  He  also  founded  other  colleges  at  Arona,  Lucerne,  and 
Fribourg,  and  a parochial  school  for  elementary  instruction  in  every  parish,  and  Sunday  schools 
for  catechetical  instruction  in  each  church. 


TEACHING  ORDERS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 


INTRODUCTION — THE  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS.* 

The  religious  orders  of  the  Catholic  Church  are  generally 
grouped  into  four  great  divisions — the  Monks,  ranging  from  the 
fourth  down  to  the  thirteenth  century ; the  Canons  Regular,  who 
follow  the  rule  of  Saint  Augustine ; the  Friars,  comprising  nearly 
all  the  orders  founded  from  the  thirteenth  to  the  sixteenth  century ; 
and  the  Clerks  Regular,  such  as  the  Jesuits,  Barnabites,  Clerks 
of  Somascha,  Theatins,  and  others  instituted  in  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries.  The  Lazarists,  or  Fathers  of  the  Mission, 
the  Oratorians  (Latin  and  French),  the  Eudistes,  and  the  Sulpiciens, 
are,  strictly  speaking,  not  religious  orders,  but  secular  priests  living 
in  community,  and  following  a certain  rule. 

I.  In  the  group  of  Monks  (originally  p-ouaxoV,  solitary)  we  have 
the  order  of  St.  Basil  (Archbishop  of  Caesarea,  born  329,  and  died 
379),  founded  by  him  in  Cappadocia,  in  Asia  Minor,  about  the 
year  362.  His  rule  has  already  been  described. 

The  Benedictine  order,  founded  by  St.  Benedict,  in  Italy,  in  529, 
and  from  their  habit  (a  loose  gown  of  black  stuff  reaching  down 
to  their  heels,  with  a cowl  or  hood  of  the  same,  and  a scapular), 
sometimes  called  the  black  monks.  The  famous  rule  of  this  order 
has  been  already  described.  In  the  deviations  from  this  rule,  and 
the  efforts  to  bring  its  avowed  followers  back,  and  beyond  its 
original  requirements,  grew  up  various  offshoots — the  Cluniacs, 
Calmaldoli,  Carthusians,  Cistercians,  Maurists,  and  others. 

The  Cluniacs  was  founded  in  927,  by  Saint  Odo,  Abbot  of  Clunie, 
in  the  province  of  Burgundy,  under  whose  efforts  to  increase  the 
austerity  of  its  members,  several  new  houses  were  provided,  which, 
with  several  of  the  ancient  monasteries,  were  taken  directly  under 
the  protection  of  the  Pope,  and  made  independent  of  the  bishop. 
This  offshoot  of  the  Benedictine  order  was  introduced  into  England 
in  1077,  where  it  had  twenty-seven  priories  and  cells. 

The  Calmaldoli,  uniting  the  cenobitic  and  eremetical  life,  and 
modifying  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  by  additional  austerities,  was 


Murphy’s  Terra  Incognita.  Chapter  xxiv.  7’he  Ancient  Religious  Orders. 


628  TEACHING  ORDERS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 

founded  by  Romuald,  Abbot  of  Calmaldoli,  near  Arezzo,  in  Tuscany, 
in  1009. 

The  order  of  Vallis  Umbrosa,  founded  in  the  diocese  of  Fiesoli, 
in  Tuscany,  by  Abbot  John  Gualbert,  in  1070,  followed  the  Bene- 
dictine rule  with  new  austerities. 

The  Carthusians  were  founded  by  Saint  Bruno,  in  the  desert  of 
Chartreuse,  ten  miles  from  Grenoble,  in  1085 — the  most  austere  of 
all  the  religious  orders — the  entire  time  being  consecrated  to  fast- 
ing, silence,  solitude,  and  prayer.  It  was  confirmed  by  Alexander 
III.  in  1164,  and  introduced  into  England  in  1181 — the  Charter 
House  [Chartreuse)  school  in  London  was  formerly  a monastery 
of  this  order. 

The  Cistercians,  or  Bernadines,  was  founded  by  Robut,  Abbot 
of  Molesme,  in  the  forest  of  Cistercium,  in  the  diocese  of  Chalons, 
about  fifteen  miles  from  Dijon,  in  1098.  It  was  greatly  extended 
by  the  third  abbot  (Stephen  Harding,  an  Englishman  of  high 
family  and  large  estate),  who  gave  to  it  the  constitution  of  St. 
Benedict,  the  rule  called  Charitatis  Charta3,  which  was  confirmed 
by  Urban  II.  in  1107.  In  1113  this  house  received  as  a novice 
Bernard,  who  afterwards  became  illustrious  as  the  Abbot  of 
Clairvaux.  He  was  joined  by  thirty  noblemen,  including  his  four 
brothers.  The  most  austere  modification  of  this  order  was  effected 
in  the  monastery  of  Le  Trappe,  founded  by  Rotrou,  Comte  du 
Perche,  in  1142,  on  the  confines  of  Normandy.  This  change  was 
effected  by  John  le  Bouthillier  de  Ranee,  in  1664.  These  monks 
observe  perpetual  silence,  never  correspond  with  their  friends,  or 
notice  visitors. 

The  order  of  Fontevrault  was  founded  in  1099,  by  Robert  of 
Arbri.ssel,  at  Poitou.  It  was  composed  of  monks  and  nuns  in 
separate  houses,  and  was  governed  by  an  abbess-in-chief,  who  nom- 
inated the  abbots  of  the  houses  of  men.  The  first  abbess  was  a 
near  relative  of  the  Duke  of  Brittany,  and  among  her  successors 
were  fourteen  princesses  of  the  royal  family  of  Bourbon.  It  was 
taken  under  the  special  protection  of  the  Holy  See  in  1106. 

The  order  of  Grandmont  was  founded  in  1120,  in  a deserted 
neighborhood  of  Limoges — the  rule  being  made  up  of  passages 
from  the  gospels,  as  the  origin  of  all  monastic  rules,  which  prescribe 
strict  poverty,  obedience,  and  rigorous  fasting. 

The  Celestines,  founded  at  Mount  Magella,  near  Perugia,  by 
Peter  Celestine  (afterwards  Pope),  in  1274,  observe  the  Benedictine 
habit,  and  rule  in  its  primitive  austerity. 


TEACHING  ORDERS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 


629 


II.  The  Canons  Regular  (from  the  Latin  regula)  live  in  com- 
munity, take  vows,  follow  the  rule  of  St.  Augustine,  but  with  a 
discipline  less  severe  than  that  of  the  monks.  They  wear  a long 
black  cassock  and  a white  rochet,  and  over  that  a black  cloak  and 
hood.  They  wear  their  beards,  and  caps  on  their  heads.  There 
arc  communities  of  women  of  this  institute  called  canonesses.  In 
this  group  are  included ; 

The  Premonstratensians,  founded  by  Norbert  in  the  valley  of 
Premontre,  in  the  forest  of  .Coucy,  in  the  department  of  Asine,  in 
1121.  They  follow  the  rule  of  St.  Augustine,  and  wear  a white 
cassock  and  rochet,  a long  white  cloak  and  white  cap.  They  were 
called  White  Canons  in  England, where  they  were  introduced  in  1140. 

The  Gilbertines,  founded  by  Gilbert  at  Sempringham  in  Lincoln- 
shire, in  1150,  for  both  sexes.  The  nuns  followed  the  rule  of  St. 
Benedict ; and  the  monks  of  the  Canons  Regular  of  St.  Augustine. 
The  founder  had  always  at  table  a dish  (called  the  plate  of  the 
Lord  Jesus)  on  which  he  put  the  best  of  whatever  was  served  up, 
for  the  poor. 

The  Hospitalers,  or  Knights  of  Malta,  or. of  St.  John,  of  Jerusa- 
lem, founded  in  1043,  by  certain  Italian  merchants  trading  in  the 
Levant,  who  built  a house  in  Jerusalem  for  themselves  and  pilgrims 
to  the  holy  places.  In  1099  they  became  a military  order,  wearing 
a white  cross  or  star,  with  eight  points.  To  the  three  ordinary 
vows  they  then  took  a fourth,  to  defend  pilgrims  from  the  Saracens. 
They  built  a church  to  St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  hospital  for  sick 
pilgrims  in  Jerusalem.  After  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  in  1187, 
they  retired  to  Acre;  thence  in  1291,  to  Cyprus;  in  1310,  to 
Rhodes;  and  in  1530,  to  Malta. 

The  Knights  Templar  were  instituted  by  seven  gentlemen  at 
Jerusalem  in  1118.  They  wore  a red  cross,  and  became  a powerful 
and  wealthy  order.  For  abuses,  the  order  was  suppressed  by  Pope 
Clement  V.  and  the  general  council  of  Vienne  in  1312. 

The  Teutonic  Knights  of  St.  Mary  of  Jerusalem  were  instituted 
by  certain  Germans  at  the  siege  of  Acre,  and  were  approved  by 
Pope  Celestine  III.,  in  1192. 

The  Trinitarians,  founded  by  Saint  John  of  Matha,  and  Saint 
Felix  of  Valois,  in  1198,  to  redeem  Christians  from  slavery  under 
the  Moors.  The  habit  was  white  with  a red  blue  cross,  and  were 
sometimes  called  red  friars.  In  six  centuries,  ‘ from  1198  to  1787, 
nine  hundred  thousand  Christians  captives  were  redeemed  from 
slavery  by  this  order,  which  at  one  time  had  600  houses.’ 

{To  he  continued.) 


V 


■•? 


. i:- 1-  ■•  - (c>-"  ■ ’ ■ , . ■ .;  ■ ' 


■ i-  ■■■■■■^.■^^^  ■ : 'J%V%k 


'h.ii  . V.. 


'XTfavli^ 


ST.  DOMMC  AM)  THE  DOMMCANS. 


MEMOIR. 

Dominic  Gusman,  founder  of  tlie  Order  of  Friars-Preachers  or 
Predicants  {praedicatores)^  was^born  in  1170,  in  the  pontificate  of 
Alexander  III.,  at  his  father’s  Castle  of  Carargo,  in  Old  Castile. 
His  father,  Don  Felix  Gusman,  was  remarkable  not  simply  for  his 
high  birth,  but  for  his  saintly  life,  and  the  religious  character  he 
impressed  on  his  family,  all  the  members  of  which  were  distin- 
guished for  service  to  the  poor  and  the  altar.  From  the  age  of 
seven,  Dominic  lived  with  his  uncle,  a priest  of  Gumich  di  Izan,*  a 
town  near  his  father’s  castle,  where  he  grew  up  in  learning  to  recite 
the  divine  office,  and  serving  at  mass  and  little  devotional  offices  of 
the  Church.  At  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  went  to  the  University  of  Pa- 
lencia,  then  the  most  celebrated  school  in  Spain,  where  he  spent  ten 
years  in  the  studies  of  the  place,  including  theology,  distinguished 
for  the  whole  period  by  the  rigid  austerity  of  his  morals.  Among 
the  traditions  of  his  student  life,  he  is  represented,  at  the  time  of 
great  scarcity  in  Palencia,  to  have  sold  his  costly  manuscript  books, 
and  distributed  the  avails  among  the  poor,  and  to  a family  in  great 
distress  on  account  of  the  captivity  of  an  only  son,  he  offered  himself 
as  a ransom,  if  lie  could  be  exchanged.  At  the  age  of  twenty- 
five,  he  received  the  habit  of  the  Canons  Regular  in  the  diocesan 
Church  of  Osina,  whose  Bishop,  Martin  de  Bezan,  had  converted  the 
canons  of  his  cathedral  into  canons  regular,  who  lived  in  commu- 
nity for  stricter  ecclesiastical  discipline.  Of  this  community  he  was 
soon  chosen  sub-prior,  in  which  position  he  gave  a beautiful  example 
of  an  humble,  studious,  and  laborious  priest-life. 

In  1201,  Dominic  accompanied  Don  Diego  de  Azevedo  (who  was 
the  first  prior  of  the  new  cathedral  community  of  Osma,  and  who 
succeeded  to  the  see  on  the  death  of  Bishop  Martin)  to  Denmark,  to 
negotiate  a marriage  between  the  eldest  son  of  Alfonso  VIII.  and  a 
princess  of  that  kingdom.  On  his  way,  or  about  this  time,  he  be- 
came interested  in  the  Albigensian  controversy,  which  had  assumed 
formidable  dimensions ; and  before  his  return  to  Spain,  he  accom- 
panied his  bishop  to  Rome,  who  desired  to  obtain  permission  to 
resign  his  see,  and  devote  himself  as  apostolic  missionary  among  the 
Caman  Tartars,  wffio  were  then  ravaging  Hungary  and  the  surround- 
ing country.  The  special  object  of  the  Bishop’s  visit  was  not 
631 


632 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


gained,  and  the  friends  returned  to  Osma,  stopping  awhile  at  the 
celebrated  Abbey  of  Citeaux,  which  the  fame  of  Bernard  had  made 
illustrious  throughout  Europe.  Not  being  allowed  to  remain  there, 
both  Diego  and  Dominic  assumed  the  habit  of  the  Order,  and  solic- 
ited the  companionship  of  several  of  the  brethren,  from  whom  they 
might  learn  the  rule  and  manner  of  life.  With  these  companions 
they  journeyed  on  towards  Spain,  stopping  at  Montpellior,  where 
they  found  a commission  appointed  by  Innocent  III.  to  take  active 
measures  for  the  suppression  of  the  Albigensian  heresy.  The  legates 
were  all  eminent  in  ecclesiastical  position,  and  lived  in  conformity 
with  their  rank.  The  mission  was  not  accomplishing  its  object,  and, 
in  a conference.  Bishop  Diego,  whose  opinion  was  asked,  advised  the 
abandonment,  at  once,  of  all  equipage  and  outward  pomps,  and  to 
meet  their  opponents  on  the  footing  of  apostolic  poverty  and  zeal 
for  souls.  Setting  himself  the  example,  the  Bishop  and  his  compan- 
ions dismissed  all  their  attendants,  and,  retaining  only  the  means  of 
celebrating  the  Divine  Office,  and  books  to  confute  their  opponents, 
they  dispersed  through  the  country  about  Montj^ellier,  reconciling 
great  numbers  who  had  become  estranged  to  the  Church.  In  this 
campaign.  Brother  Dominic,  who  had  laid  aside  the  title  of  sub- 
prior, and  was  only  the  attendant  of  his'  superior,  distinguished  him- 
self by  his  zeal  and  successful  controversy.  But  the  points  in  dis- 
pute had  lost  their  simple  religious  character,  and  got  mixed  up  w ith 
political  and  local  considerations,  and  passed  into  the  field  of  civil 
war. 

One  of  the  fruits  of  Brother  Dominic’s  labors  in  this  Albigensian 
controversy,  w'as  the  establishment  at  Prouille,  a small  village  near 
Montreal,  at  the  foot  of  the  Pyrenees,  of  a monastery,  under  the 
charge  of  a few  holy  w'omen,  who  had  been  converted  by  his  preach- 
ing, of  whom  Guillemette  de  Fanjeaux,  a daughter  of  a noble  Cath- 
olic family,  w^as  made  superior,  Dominic  himself  receiving  from  the 
Archbishop  of  Narbonne,  the  title  of  Prior,  in  December,  1206.  The 
rule  which  the  convent  received  devoted  the  sisters,  who  soon  num- 
bered one  hundred,  to  education  and  manual  labor.  This  was  the 
mother-house  of  not  less  than  twelve  other  foundations,  and  reck- 
oned among  its  prioresses  several  of  the  royal  house  of  Bourbon. 

About  the  year  1213,  Dominic  instituted  the  celebrated  devotion  of  the 
Rosary,  in  which,  with  the  frequent  repetition  of  the  Angelical  Saluta- 
tion, are  gathered  together,  under  fifteen  heads,  all  the  history  of  the 
life  of  Christ. 

Soon  after  the  surrender  of  Toulouse  (in  1215),  the  founder  of  this  cel- 
ebrated order,  with  six  companions,  presented  themselves  at  the  door  of 
a celebrated  doctor  of  theology,  in  that  city,  named  Alexander,  by  whose 
instructions  they  desired  to  profit  before  they  attempted  to  preach  the 
Gospel  of  Christ  to  the  faithful  and  the  heretical  of  that  neighborhood. 
They  wore  the  white  serge  tunic,  covered  with  a linen  surplice,  and  over 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


633 


that  a black  mantle  of  the  Canons-Regular  of  St.  Augustine.  The  insti- 
tute of  which  Dominic  had  formed  the  plan,  was  expressly  designed  for 
the  purpose  of  teaching  and  preaching,  and  hence  the  culture  of  sacred 
science  formed  one  of  its  primary  and  essential  duties.  For  this  purpose 
he  established  his  followers  with  a learned  doctor,  then  quite  famous  for 
his  instruction,  and  the  defence  of  truth  by  learned  controversy,  and 
repaired  himself  to  Rome,  to  lay  his  plan  before  the  Pope,  Innocent  III., 
then  presiding  over  the  Fourth  Lateran  Council.  That  council  had  al- 
lready formally  recognized  the  existing  necessity  of  sound  religious  in- 
struction among  all  classes  of  people,  and  of  theological  science  among  the 
clergy,  and  had  decreed  that  the  bishops  in  each  diocese  should  choose 
associate  with  persons  themselves  capable  of  preaching  and  instructing 
the  people,  and  assign  to  all  cathedral  and  conventual  churches  certain 
learned  men,  to  assist  in  sacred  doctrine,  and  in  administering  the  sacra- 
ments. The  plan  of  this  order,  expressly  designed  to  teach  and  cultivate 
sacred  science,  was  confirmed  by  the  Pope ; and,  in  1210,  the  founder 
was  named  Master  of  the  Sacred  Palace,  which  oflBce  became  hereditary 
with  the  Friar-Preachers,  as  the  chosen  theologians  of  the  Church. 

Meanwhile  Dominic  had  not  yet  returned  to  Rome  to  submit  his  con- 
stitutions to  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  for  the  approbation  he  had  promised, 
when  the  latter  (Innocent  III.  still)  Imd  occasion  to  write  to  him.  Hav- 
ing sent  for  his  secretary,  he  said  to  him,  “ Sit  down  and  write  as  fol- 
lows ; ‘ To  Brother  Dominic  and  his  companions.’  ” And  then,  pausing  a 
moment,  he  said,  “ No,  do  not  style  him  so,  but  write,  ‘ To  Brother  Dom- 
inic and  those  who  preach  along  with  him  in  the  district  of  Toulouse.’  ” 
And,  reflecting  again,  he  said,  “ Address  him  thus  : ‘ To  Master  Dominic 
and  the  Brothers-Preachers.’  ” 

Finally,  on  the  22d  December,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  121G,  the  day 
after  the  feast  of  St.  Thomas,  the  order  of  Friars-Preachers  was  ap- 
proved of  at  Rome,  in  the  Palace  of  St.  Sabina,  by  Honorius  III.,  in  two 
bulls,  the  shorter  of  which  runs  thus : 

Honorius,  bishop,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  to  our  dear  son. 
Brother  Dominic,  Prior  of  St.  Romanus  of  Toulouse,  and  his  brethren, 
who  have  made,  or  shall  make,  profession  of  the  regular  life,  greeting 
and  apostolical  benediction.  We,  considering  that  the  brethren  of  your 
order  shall  be  the  champions  of  the  faith  and  true  light  of  the  world, 
confirm  your  order,  with  all  its  lands  and  possessions,  actual  and  to 
come;*  and  we  take  under  our  government  and  protection  the  order 
itself,  its  possessions  and  rights.  Given  at  Rome,  near  St.  Sabina,  11 
Kal.  of  January,  in  the  first  year  of  our  Pontificate. 

Five  years  afterward  Dominic  died,  the  6th  of  August,  1221,  leaving 
his  order  distributed  into  eight  provinces,  containing  in  all  sixty  houses. 
He  was  fifty-one  years  of  age  at  his  death. 

The  general  aim,  novitiate,  and  functions  of  the  order  established  by 
Dominic,  are  thus  set  forth  by  Father  Lacordaire,  in  his  Memorial  to  the 
French  People,  in  1839,  demanding,  in  the  name  of  civil  liberty  for  the 
sons  and  daughters  of  France,  the  choice  of  a religious  life,  the  liberty 
of  devoting  themselves  to  chastity,  poverty,  and  labor,  for  their  own 
salvation,  and  the  good  of  their  fellow-men. 


634 


ST,  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


THE  BROTHERS-PREACHEIIS,  OR  DOMINICANS. 

The  order  established  by  St.  Dominic  is  not  a monastic  order,  but  one 
which  combines  the  strength  of  the  religious  life  with  the  energy  of  ex- 
ternal action, — the  apostleship  with  personal  sanctification.  The  salva- 
tion of  souls  is  its  prime  object,  instruction  its  chief  means  of  action. 
“ Go,  and  teach,”  said  Christ  to  His  Apostles  ; “ Go,  and  teach,”  repeated 
Dominic.  A year  of  spiritual  novitiate  is  imposed  on  his  disciples,  and 
nine  years  of  philosophical  and  theological  studies  are  required  to  fit 
them  for  appearing  worthily  in  the  pulpit  or  the  chairs  of  the  univers- 
ities. But,  although  preaching  and  the  functions  of  the  doctor  are 
their  especial  favorites,  yet  no  work  useful  to  the  neighbor  is  foreign  to 
their  vocation.  In  the  order  of  St.  Dominic,  as  in  the  Roman  Republic, 
the  well-being  of  the  people  is  the  supreme  law.  For  this  reason,  except- 
ing the  three  vows  of  poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience,  the  necessary 
bond  of  every  religious  community,  the  rules  of  the  order  do  not  in 
themselves  oblige  under  pain  of  sin,  and  the  superiors  have  the  con- 
stant right  of  dispensing  with  them,  in  order  that  the  yoke  of  the  re- 
ligious life  may  nowise  interfere  with  the  liberty  of  doing  good. 

A single  head,  under  the  title  of  master-general,  governs  the  entire 
order,  which  is  distributed  into  provinces.  Each  province,  composed  of 
several  convents,  has  at  its  head  2^  prior -prorincial,  and  each  convent  a 
prior-conventual.  The  prior-conventual  is  elected  by  the  bretliren  of 
the  convent,  subject  to  the  approbation  of  the  prior-provincial.  The 
prior-provincial  is  elected  by  the  priors-conventual  of  the  province,  as- 
sisted by  a deputy  from  each  convent,  and  his  election  must  be  con- 
firmed by  the  master-general.  The  master-general  is  elected  by  the 
priors-provincial,  assisted  by  two  deputies  from  each  province.  Thus  the 
freedom  of  election  is  modified  by  the  necessity  of  the  confirmations, 
and  the  authority  of  the  hierarchy  is  controlled  by  the  freedom  of  elec- 
tion. We  remark,  also,  a similar  composition  between  the  principle  of 
unity,  so  necessary  to  power,  and  the  principle  of  multiplicity,  so  nec- 
essary on  other  grounds,  for  the  chapter-general,  which  meets  every 
three  years,  is  meant  as  a counterpoise  to  the  authority  of  the  master- 
general,  just  as  the  provincial  chapter,  meeting  every  two  years,  is  in- 
tended to  balance  that  of  the  prior-provincial.  And,  in  fine,  this  author- 
ity, restricted  as  it  is  by  election  and  the  chapter,  is  committed  to  the 
same  hands  for  a very  limited  period,  except  in  the  case  of  the  master- 
general,  who  formerly  held  office  during  life,  but  is  now  elected  for  six 
years.  Such  is  the  constitution  which  a Christian  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury gave  to  other  Christians ; and,  indeed,  all  our  modern  charters, 
compared  to  this,  will  appear  strongly  despotic.  Myriads  of  men,  scat- 
tered over  the  entire  earth,  have  lived  under  this  law  for  six  hundred 
years,  peaceful  and  united,  the  freest,  the  most  laborious,  and  the  most 
obedient  of  mortals. 

The  question  remained,  how  the  brethren  should  provide  for  their  sup- 
port ; and  here  again  the  genius  of  Dominic  displayed  itself  in  full.  If 
he  consulted  the  existing  religious  orders,  he  saw  them  in  possession  of 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


635 


rich  domains,  and  free  from  all  the  cares  which  incessantly  weigh  down 
to  earth  the  provident  soul  of  the  father  of  a family.  And  certainly,  for 
monastic  bodies  not  meant  for  action,  we  can  with  diflBculty  conceive  a 
mode  of  existence  excluding  property.  But  Dominic  wished  to  make 
apostles,  not  contemplatives.  He  heard  within  him  those  words  ad- 
dressed by  our  Lord  to  his  Apostles,  “ Carry  neither  gold,  nor-silve^nor 
money  in  your  girdles,  nor  scrip  nor  purse  by  the  way,  nor  two  tunics, 
nor  shoes,  nor  a staff,  for  the  laborer  is  worthy  of  his  hire  and  those 
other  words,  “ Seek  first  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  His  righteousness,  and 
all  those  things  shall  be  added  unto  you  ; ” and  then,  “ The  foxes  have 
their  holes,  and  the  birds  of  the  air  their  nests,  but  the  Son  of  Man  hath 
not  where  to  lay  His  head ; ” and  then  of  St.  Paul,  “ You  know  these 
hands  are  sufficient  for  me.”  For  the  Christian — and,  indeed,  for  any 
man  whose  pride  does  not  blind  him — the  greatest  praise  is  that  he  earns 
his  bread, — that  he  gives  in  order  to  receive.  Whoever  receives  without 
giving,  is  not  subject  to  this  law  of  love  and  sacrifice,  by  which  beings 
are  begotten,  preserved,  and  perpetuated.  On  the  other  hand,  he  who 
gives  much  and  receives  little,  like  the  soldier,  manifestly  does  honor  to 
humanity,  because  in  this  respect  he  more  resembles  God.  To  earn  your 
livelihood,  to  earn  it  from  day  to  day,  to  give  in  exchange  for  your  daily 
bread  the  word  and  the  example  of  the  Gospel,  daily  renewed, — such 
was  the  thought  that  took  possession  of  Dominic.  He  also  discovered 
another  advantage  in  depriving  himself  of  the  common  right  to  hold 
property.  As  long  as  a religious  order  has  no  fixed  revenue,  it  is  in  ab- 
solute dependence  on  public  opinion.  It  can  exist  for  so  long  only  as  it 
is  useful.  It  is  in  the  pay  of  the  people,  which  never  .pays  freely  for 
anything  but  services.  Does  a convent  fall  in  public  esteem  ? It  that 
moment  receives  a death-blow,  without  noise  or  revolution.  Dominic, 
therefore,  declared  himself  and  his  flock  mendicant,  in  the  first  chapter, 
held  in  Bologna,  in  1220.  He  relied  upon  the  merit  of  his  successors  as 
well  as  on  the  justice  of  the  Christian  people,  and  fearlessly  bequeathed 
to  future  generations  this  perpetual  interchange  of  devotedness  and  grat- 
itude. For  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  both  sides  continued  faithful  to 
this  spirit ; on  wdiatever  side  the  fault  lay.  Pope  Sixtus  IV.  allowed  the 
order,  toward  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  right  of  property. 

Thus  did  the  division  of  the  three  great  branches  of  instruction  take 
place  in  the  Catholic  Church.  The  bishops,  with  their  clergy,  continued 
to  administer  pastoral  instruction,  and  discharge  all  the  functions  con- 
nected with  it ; while  the  religious  orders  became  the  ordinary  ministers 
of  apostolical  instruction  and  divine  science,  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  bishops.  To  the  Brothers-Preachers  were  added  the  Friars-Minor 
of  St.  Francis,  and  these  were  subsequently  followed  by  other  orders  in 
due  season. 


636 


BT.  DOMIJxIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


LABORS  OF  DOMINICANS  AS  PREACHERS. 

Eloquence  is  the  daughter  of  passion.  Create  a passion  in  a soul, 
and  eloquence  will  gush  from  it  in  torrents ; eloquence  is  the  sound  that 
issues  from  an  impassioned  soul.  Thus,  during  times  of  public  agita- 
tioi^  when  the  people,  swayed  by  strong  emotions,  and  great  interests 
are  at  stake,  orators  come  to  the  surface  in  crowds.  Whoever,  in  his 
life,  passionately  loved  anything,  has  unquestionably  been  eloquent, 
were  it  only  for  once.  St.  Dominic,  therefore,  to  bring  to  the  world 
legions  of  preachers,  had  no  occasion  to  establish  schools  of  rhetoric. 
It  was  enough  for  him  to  have  reached  the  heart  of  the  age  he  lived  in, 
and  to  have  found  or  created  a passion  there.  In  the  thirteenth  century 
faith  was  deep-seated ; and  the  Church  still  reigned  over  the  society  she 
had  conquered  for  herself.  Meanwhile,  the  reasoning  faculty  in  Europe, 
slowly  matured  by  time  and  Christianity,  was  approaching  the  critical 
stage  of  youth.  What  Innocent  III.  had  seen  in  his  dream,  namely,  the 
tottering  condition  of  the  Church,  St.  Dominic  disclosed  to  the  world ; 
and,  while  the  entire  earth  looked  upon  the  Church  as  queen  and 
mistress,  he  declared  that  nothing  short  of  the  resurrection  of  the 
primitive  apostleship  was  requisite  to  save  her.  Dominic  met  the  same 
answer  as  Peter  the  Hermit,  and  people  became  Friars-Preachers,  as 
they  formerly  became  Crusaders.  Every  university  of  Europe  furnished 
its  contingent  of  masters  and  scholars.  Brother  Jordan,  of  Saxony, 
second  general  of  the  order,  admitted  (himself  in  person)  more  than  a 
thousand  men  to  the  habit  of  the  order.  Speaking  of  him,  men  have 
said  to  their  neighbors,  “ Do  not  go  to  the  sermons  of  Brother  Jordan, 
for  he  is  like  a courtesan,  seducing  men.”  In  a moment,  or  to  speak 
literally  (for  in  these  matters  the  truth  outdoes  the  figure),  in  two  years, 
St.  Dominic,  who  before  the  bull  of  Honorius  had  only  sixteen  fellow- 
laborers — eight  French,  seven  Spaniards,  and  one  Englishman — founded 
sixty  convents,  peopled  with  distinguished  men,  and  a band  of  flourish- 
ing youth. 

How  could  speech  flow  coldly  from  the  lips  of  those  men,  whom  the 
one  idea  of  the  ancient  apostleship  had  agitated  and  brought  together  ? 
How  could  those  men  of  learning,  who  abandoned  their  professional 
chairs  to  enter  as  novices  an  order  without  fame  or  fortune,  fail  to  find 
words  in  accord  with  their  devotedness?  Was  the  youth  of  the  univer- 
sities, which  had  flung  itself,  without  a second  look,  into  this  chivalry 
of  the  Gospel,  likely  to  lose  under  the  cassock  the  ardor  of  its  years, 
the  impetuosity  of  its  convictions?  When  once  generous  souls,  scattered 
and  hidden  in  the  wilderness  of  an  age,  meet  and  learn  to  know  each 
other,  they  throw  into  their  effusion  that  strength  which  has  drawn 
them  from  their  repose. 

Besides  this  merit  of  an  impassioned  soul,  without  which  an  orator 
never  existed,  they  had,  moreover,  a great  facility  in  acquiring  the 
precise  description  of  preaching  that  suited  the  time. 

Truth  is,  doubtless,  one  ; and  in  heaven  her  language  is  uniform,  like 
herself.  But  here  below,  she  speaks  in  different  strains,  according  to 
the  disposition  of  the  mind.  She  has  to  convince.  She  speaks 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


637 


differently  to  the  child  and  to  the  man,  to  the  barbarous  and  to  the 
civilized,  to  the  rationalist  and  to  the  man  of  faith.  The  better  to 
understand  the  reason  of  this,  we  must  be  careful  to  observe  that  there 
are  two  principal  situations,  in  one  of  which  the  understanding  abandons 
truth  ; in  the  other  it  still  clings  to  truth,  however  feebly.  These  two 
vary  in  different  minds.  Nevertheless,  at  every  characteristic  epoch  in 
the  life  of  men  or  nations,  the  intellect  swerves  from  and  approaches 
truth  under  pretty  nearly  the  same  circumstances.  Men  and  nations 
are  borne  away  by  a common  impulse,  and  have  to  pass  through  the 
same  revolution. 

The  apostleship  of  the  Friars-Preachers  has  two  horizons.  The  one 
stretches  to  the  confines  of  the  old  world,  the  other  advances  with  the 
discovery  of  America  to  the  utmost  limits  of  the  new.  The  period 
when  the  first  of  these  vanishes  and  the  second  begins,  divides  their 
duration  into  two  equal  phases,  each  of  full  three  hundred  years. 

During  the  first  period,  from  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  to  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  great  lines  which  bounded  the 
arena  of  the  Preachers’  labors  were  as  follows : To  the  South,  their 
missions  among  the  Moors  and  Arabs,  possessors  of  a large  portion  of 
Spain,  masters  of  Africa,  threatening  Europe  with  their  arms,  and 
corrupting  her  by  the  infiltration  of  Islamism.  To  the  East,  their 
missions  among  the  Greeks,  separated  from  the  Church  by  a schism,  not 
then  considered  hopeless ; and  among  the  Tartars,  who,  during  the 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  kept  Europe  in  alarm  by  the  noise 
of  their  expeditions..  To  the  East,  again,  we  have  the  missions  of 
Persia,  Armenia,  the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea,  and  the  Danube.  To  the 
North  were  the  missions  of  Ireland,  Scotland,  Denmark,  Sweden, 
Prussia,  Poland,  and  the  Russias  ; countries  to  which  the  true  faith  had 
been  carried,  but  which,  more  or  less  recently  converted,  still  retained  a 
multitude  of  infidels,  and  a confused  jumble  of  their  former  errors. 
Even  Greenland  saw  the  Friars-Preachers  aboard  the  first  vessels  borne 
to  her  shores,  and  the  Dutch  were  astonished  to  find  there,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  a Dominican  convent,  the  estab- 
lishment of  which  went  back  to  the  middle  ages,  and  whose  existence 
Captain  Nicholas  Zain  had  already  noticed  in  1380.  The  number  of 
missionaries  maintained  by  the  Brothers-Preachers  in  these  various 
countries  during  the  three  centuries  in  question,  goes  beyond  all  con- 
ception. 

Innocent  IV.  wrote  to  them  in  these  terms,  July  23, 1253;  “To  our 
dear  sons  the  Brothers-Preachers,  now  preaching  in  the  countries  of  the 
Saracens,  Greeks,  Bulgarians,  Ethiopians,  Cumarians,  Syrians,  Goths, 
Jacobites,  Armenians,  Indians,  Tartars,  Hungarians,  and  other  infidel 
nations  of  the  East,  greeting  and  apostolic  benediction,”  etc. 

It  was  found  necessary  to  create  in  the  order  a special  congregation  of 
“Travellers  for  Jesus  Christ  to  the  Infidels;”  and  Pope  John  XXII. 
having,  in  1325,  given  all  the  brethren  a general  permission  to  make 
part  of  it,  they  offered  themselves  in  &uch  multitudes,  that  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff  could  not  command  his  astonishment,  and  was  compelled, 
through  fear  of  depopulating  the  convents  of  Europe,  to  restrict  the 


638 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


previously  unlimited  permission.  It  was  a renewal  of  tlie  spectacle 
presented  by  the  general  chapter  held  at  Paris  in  1222,  when  the  blessed  . 
Jordan  of  Saxony,  having  asked  his  brethren  which  of  them  would  be 
willing  to  proceed  upon  the  foreign  missions,  they,  every  one,  with  the 
exception  of  some  old  men  broken  down  by  years,  fell  at  his  feet 
exclaiming  with  tears,  " Father,  send  me.” 

You  need  only  run  through  the  chronicles  of  the  order  to  meet  every 
moment  similar  evidences  of  a prodigious  activity  and  devotedness. 
And  these  apostles,  sent  forth  to  all  the  nations  then  known,  were  not 
only  men  of  ardent  faith,  but  men  of  learning,  familiar  with  the 
tongues,  the  manners,  and  the  religions  of  the  nations  they  went  to 
evangelize.  St.  Raymond  of  Penuafort,  one  of  the  first  masters-gen- 
eral  of  the  order,  founded  in  concert  with  the  kings  of  Aragon  and 
Castile,  two  colleges  at  Murcia  and  Tunis,  for  the  study  of  Eastern 
languages.  St.  Thomas  of  Aquinas,  at  the  invitation  of  the  same 
master-general,  wrote  his  celebrated  “ Summa  in  Gentes.”  Brother 
Accoldi  of  Florence  published  a treatise  on  the  errors  of  the  Arabs,  in 
their  own  language,  and  Brother  Raymond  Martin  a special  Summa 
against  the  Koran. 

The  transition  from  the  cloister  to  the  expedition,  and  from  the 
expedition  to  the  cloister,  imparted  to  the  Friar-Preacher  a peculiar  and 
wonderful  characteristic.  Learned,  solitary,  and  adventurous,  he  bore 
in  his  entire  person  the  stamp  of  a man  who  has  seen  everything  that 
can  be  seen  regarding  God,  and  everything  regarding  man.  The  brother 
you  might  chance  to  meet  any  day  on  the  highways  of  your  own 
country,  had  already  been  among  the  tents  of  the  Tartars  beside  the 
rivers  of  Upper  Asia;  he  had  lived  in  a convent  of  Armenia  at  the  foot 
of  Mount  Ararat ; had  preached  in  the  capital  of  Fez  or  Morocco,  and 
was  now  going  to  Scandinavia,  thence  perhaps  into  Red  Russia.  He  - 
had  many  a bead  to  tell  before  his  journey’s  end.  If,  like  the  eunuch 
in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  you  gave  him  occasion  to  speak  to  you  of 
God,  his  heart,  formed  in  solitude,  would  open  as  an  abyss  before  you 
the  treasury  of  things,  old  and  new,  to  use  the  words  of  Scripture  ; and 
that  certain  inimitable  eloquence  of  his  coming  upon  your  soul  from 
his  own,  would  make  you  feel  that  the  greatest  happiness  man  can  know 
in  this  world  is  to  meet,  even  once  in  this  life,  a real  man  of  God. 
Rarely  did  these  travelling  brethren,  as  they  were  called,  return  to  die  in 
the  parent  convent  which  had  received  their  first  tears  of  love.  Many, 
worn  out  with  fatigues,  slept  far  from  their  brethren ; many  found  their 
end  by  martyrdom — for  the  Tartars,  Arabs,  and  men  of  the  North  were 
not  the  most  tractable  disciples,  and  every  brother  before  setting  out 
made  the  sacrifice  of  his  life.  Even  in  the  midst  of  Christendom  a 
bloody  death  was  often  their  lot,  so  powerful  were  the  heresies  and 
passions  they  there  combated  with  all  their  might. 

If  we  be.  asked  the  names  of  those  preachers  who  filled  three 
centuries  with  their  eloquence,  we  cannot  enumerate  them.  They 
exist  in  the  tomb  of  chronicles,  but  to  repeat  their  names  is  not  to 
revive  them.  Such  is  the  fate  of  the  orator.  The  man  who  has 
ravished  the  living  generation,  descends  to  the  same  silence  with  them. 


8T.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


639 


In  vain  docs  posterity  endeavor  to  hear  his  words  and  those  of  the 
people  who  applauded  him , both  have  vanished  into  time,  as  sound 
dies  away  into  space.  The  orator  and  his  audience  are  twins,  bom  and 
dying  on  the  same  day,  and  you  may  apply  to  the  entire  destiny  which 
connects  them,  the  deep  observation  of  Cicero — there  exists  no  great 
orator  without  a multitude  to  hear  him. 

Nevertheless,  I shall  mention  a few,  whose  names  are  best  preserved 
from  oblivion. 

Among  them  we  have  St.  Hyacinth,  who  preached  Christ  Jesus  in 
Poland,  Bohemia,  Great  and  Little  Russia,  Livonia,  Sweden,  Denmark, 
along  the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea,  in  the  islands  of  the  Grecian  Archi- 
pelago, and  by  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor.  His  progress  may  be  traced  in  * 
the  convents  he  founded  as  he  passed.. 

We  see  also  St.  Peter  of  Verona,  who  fell  beneath  the  swords  of 
assassins  after  a long  apostolic  career,  and  wrote  with  his  blood  upon 
the  sand  the  first  words  of  the  Apostles’  Creed,  “ I believe  in  God.” 

To  these  we  shall  add  Henry  Suso  in  the  fourteenth  century,  that 
amiable  youth  of  Suabia,  whose  preaching  was  so  successful  that 
a price  was  set  upon  his  head.  Treated  as  an  innovator,  a heretic,  a 
visionary,  a man  of  infamous  character,  when  he  was  invited  to  prosecute 
his  assailants  criminally,  he  replied:  ” I should  follow  your  advice  if 
this  ill-usage  of  the  preacher  were  hurtful  to  his  preaching.” 

At  the  same  period  Brother  John  Taulerus  won  applause  in  Cologne 
and  all  Germany;  but  after  having  shone  in  the  pulpit  many  years,  he 
suddenly  retreated  to  his  cell,  leaving  the  people  astonished  at  his 
disappearance.  The  fact  was,  an  unknown  man  accosted  him  after  one 
of  his  discourses,  and  asked  permission  to  speak  his  mind  regarding 
him.  Taulerus  having  given  it,  the  unknown  replied  ; “ There  lives  in 
your  heart  a secret  pride — you  rely  on  your  great  learning  and  your  title 
of  doctor;  nor  do  you  seek  Gvod  with  a pure  intention,  or  His  glory  only 
in  the  study  of  letters — you  seek  yourself  in  the  passing  applause  of 
creatures.  Therefore  the  wine  of  heavenly  doctrine,  and  the  divine 
word  though  pure  and  excellent  in  tlicms(;lves,lose  their  strength  when 
])assing  through  your  heart,  and  di'op  without  savor  or  grace  into  the 
breast  that  lyves  God.”  Tauler’  swas  magnanimous  enough  to  listen  to 
these  words,  and  assuredly  no  one  would  have  ventured  so  to  address 
him  did  he  not  deserve  them.  He  kept  silence.  The  vanity  of  his 
present  life  was  apparent  to  him.  Withdrawn  from  all  commerce  with 
the  world,  he  abstained  for  two  years  from  })reaching  or  hearing  con- 
fessions, night  and  day  an  assiduous  attendant  at  every  conventual 
exercise,  and  passing  the  remainder  of  his  time  in  his  cell,  deploring  his 
sins  and  studying  Jesus  Christ.  After  two  years  Cologne  learned  tluit 
Dr.  Taulerus  was  to  preach  once  more.  The  entire  city  repaired  to  the 
church,  curious  to  penetrate  the  mystery  of  a retirement  which  had 
been  variously  explained.  But  when  he  mounted  the  pulpit,  after  vain 
struggles  to  speak,  tears  were  the  only  thing  he  could  bring  from  his 
heart ; he  was  now  not  merely  an  orator — he  was  a saint. 

I shall  add  one  other  name,  that  of  St.  Vincent  Ferrer,  who  evangelized 
Spain,  France,  Italy,  Germany,  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  reaching 


640 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  TDE  DOMINICANS. 


SO  high  a degree  of  estimation,  that  he  was  chosen  among  the  arbitrators 
who  were  to  decide  the  succession  to  the  throne  of  Aragon ; and  the 
Council  of  C'onstance  sen  deputies  to  invite  him  to  take  part  in  its 
deliberations.  And  tben  Jerome  Savonarola,  that  constant  friend  of  the 
French  in  Italy,  the  idol  oi  Florence,  whose  liberties  he  defended,  and 
whose  morals  he  would  fain  have  reformed.  In  vain  was  he  burned 
alive  amid  an  ungrateful  people.  In  vain,  I say,  for  his  virtues  and 
glory  rose  higher  than  the  blaze  of  the  pile.  Pope  Paul  III.  declared 
that  he  would  hold  any  man  suspected  of  heresy  who  should  dare 
impute  it  to  Savonarola;  and  St.  Philip  Neri  always  kept  in  his  room 
an  image  of  that  great  man. 

Missions  to  the  Indians. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  a new  theatre  opened  to  the 
ambition  of  the  preachers  by  the  discovery  of  the  two  Indies  ; nor  must 
we  forget  the  fact,  that  half  the  credit  of  this  discovery  is  due  to  them ; 
for  after  Christopher  Columbus  had  met  with  a repulse  in  the  courts  of 
Portugal,  England,  and  Castile,  it  was  a Dominican,  Brother  Diego  Deza, 
preceptor  of  the  Infanta  Don  Juan  of  Castile,  and  confessor  of  Ferdinand 
the  Catholic,  who  confirmed  in  his  purpose  the  illustrious  Genoese,  and 
promised  him  success. 

Scarce  had  the  report  of  these  new  worlds  met  the  ear  of  Europe, 
when  a crowd  of  apostolic  men  rushed  forth  to  follow  wherever  the 
conquerors  should  lead. 

In  1503,  two  Friars-Preachers  set  out  for  the  East  Indies. 

In  1510,  two  others  reached  the  island  of  St.  Domingo. 

In  1513,  Brother  Thomas  Ortir  founded  at  Mexico  the  first  Dominican 
convent. 

In  1526,  twelve  Brothers-Preachers  scattered  themselves  over  New 
Spain,  and  established  there  a hundred  houses  and  convents. 

In  1529,  fourteen  Friars-Preachers  repaired  to  Peru,  having  with  them 
the  famous  Bartholomew  de  Las  Casas,  who  had  taken  the  habit  of  St. 
Dominic. 

In  1540,  there  were  in  New  Grenada  thirteen  convents,  and  sixty 
houses  with  churches  attached. 

In  1541,  Chili  possessed  forty  houses  and  convents.  ^ 

In  1542,  the  Floridas  were  evangelized  by  Brother  Louis  Cancerf. 

In  1549,  we  reckon  in  the  i)eninsula  of  Malacca  and  the  neighboring 
islands,  eighteen  convents,  and  sixty  thousand  Christians. 

In  1550,  the  Dominicans  founded  a university  in  Lima. 

In  1556,  they  entered  the  kingdom  of  Siam,  and  Brother  Gaspard  of 
the  Cross -had  the  glory  of  setting  foot  in  China,  where  no  missionary 
had  preceded  him. 

In  1575,  Brother  Michael  Benavides  also  penetrated  to  China  with  two 
companions,  and  built  there  the  first  Catholic  church,*under  the  invoca- 
tion of  the  Archangel  Gabriel.  He  composed  a work  on  the  Chinese 
language,  and  established  a school  for  the  education  of  children  in  the 
Christian  religion. 

In  1570,  twenty-five  brothers  set  out  for  the  Philippine  Isles ; one  of 
them.  Brother  Dominic  Salazar,  became  the  first  bishop. 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  TKE  DOMINICANS. 


641 


In  1584,  the  Dominicans  evangelized  the  island  of  Mozambique  and 
the  eastern  coast  of  Africa. 

In  1602,  they  had  a house  in  Japan. 

In  1616,  they  established  a university  in  the  Manillas. 

All  these  missions,  and  many  others  it  would  be  wearisome  to  enume- 
rate, were  fertilized  by  blood,  the  purest  and  most  generous.  The  two 
worlds  seemed  to  vie  in  shedding  Dominican  blood.  In  Europe,  the 
Protestants  made  it  flow  in  torrents ; while  America,  Asia,  and  Africa 
poured  it  out  a libation  to  their  various  errors. 

In  1537,  Brother  Julian,  Bishop  of  Tlascala,  and  Brother  Dominic 
Betanzos,  prior  of  the  province,  established  in  a treatise  the  right  of  the 
Indians  to  liberty,  property,  and  Christianity,  and  sent  it  by  a deputation 
to  Pope  Paul  III.,  praying  him  to  issue  a decree,  confirming  the  doctrine 
they  had  laid  down.  Paul  did  not  allow  delay  to  hang  on  his  decision. 
He  solemnly  declared  that  the  Indians  were  men  capable  of  receiving 
the  Christian  faith,  entitled  to  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church,  and  not 
to  be  deprived  of  their  liberty  and  fortunes  without  injustice.  Many 
of  the  order  of  Preachers  then  acquired  a venerated  name.  But  one  of 
these  outshines  all  the  others,  and  embodies,  in  his  immortal  memory, 
the  glory  of  them  all. 

Las  Casas. 

Bartholomew  de  Las  Casas,  a gentleman  of  Seville,  emigrated  to 
America  in  1502,  at  the  age  of  twenty-eight.  He  had  scarce  set  foot 
there,  when  his  bowels  were  moved  with  compassion  and  horror  at  the 
spectacle  which  met  his  eyes.  Instead  of  advancing  his  fortune,  he 
determined  to  consecrate  his  life  to  the  defence  of  America ; and  as  a 
preparation,  had  himself  initiated  by  the  reception  of  the  priesthood,  in 
the  profoundest  mysteries  of  the  redemption  of  the  world.  To  the  age 
of  sixty-seven,  as  long  as  any  strength  upheld  him,  he  ceased  not  to 
labor  in  this  holy  cause.  Eiglit  times  was  he  sent  to  cross  the  ocean 
from  America  to  the  court  of  Spain,  and  from  Spain  to  America,  bearing 
with  him  complaints,  and  bringing  back  empty  decrees.  He  was  heard 
to  exclaim,  in  presence  of  a council  bent  on  universal  monarchy, 
“ All  nations  are  equally  free,  and  none  have  a right  to  encroach  on  the 
liberties  of  others.”  He  had  the  boldness  to  present  to  Charles  V. 
a memorial,  tinder  the  title  of  “ Destruction  of  the  Indies  by  the 
Spaniards,”  in  which  he  set  forth  the  crimes  of  his  countrymen  in  a 
style  of  cutting  truth,  thus  sacrificing  to  justice  his  personal  safety  and 
the  honor  of  his  nation.  Charles  was  sufficiently  high-minded  to  name 
him  “ Protector-General  of  the  Indies  ; ” but  this  pompous  title,  notwith- 
standing the  extensive  powers  annexed  to  it,  only  served  to  show  him 
how  little  good  is  loft  in  the  power  of  a prince  when  he  is  exclusively 
devoted  to  ambition,  and  justice  is  a mere  accident  of  his  conscience. 
Once,  in  the  midst  of  his  labors.  Las  Casas  looked  sorrowfully  into  him- 
self and  the  age  he  lived  in,  and  feeling  that  alone  he  was  unable 
to  carry  the  weight  of  his  own  heart,  he  put  on,  at  the  age  of  forty- 
eight,  the  habit  of  St.  Dominic,  as  that  which  then  covered  all  that 
was  generous  on  earth.  From  this  he  seemed  to  draw  new  strength  and 

41 


642 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS, 


new  virtues  ; and  liis  seventieth  year  beheld  him  a suppliant  at  the  court 
of  Spain  on  behalf  of  the  Indians.  This  was  not  all.  The  old  man, 
grown  white  in  the  apostleship,  who  had,  when  younger,  refused  the 
bishopric  of  Cusco,  believed  that  now  the  episcopal  office  would  suit  his 
age,  as  a staff  befits  the  traveller  worn  out  with  years  and  weariness.  He 
accepted  the  bishopric  of  Chiapa,  and  the  ocean  bore  him  once  more  to 
the  succor  of  America.  This  was  the  last  time.  Whether  it  was  owing 
to  the  tenderness  with  which  a man  of  seventy -seven  yearns  for  the  land 
of  his  infancy,  or  that  he  could  not  endure  upon  his  death-bed  the 
last  groans  of  the  Indian  population,  mown  down  by  half  a century  of 
barbarity,  he  wished  to  die  in  Spain,  But  while  his  venerating  country 
regarded  him  as  a sublime  light  upon  the  point  of  dying  out,  as  a relic 
which  death  had  not  yet  quite  consecrated,  drawing  new  life  from 
charity,  he  gained  fifteen  years  of  admirable  old  age.  His  voice,  almost 
centenary,  was  heard  once  more  in  the  Council  of  Castile  on  behalf  of 
the  Indians  ; and  his  hand,  which  men  thought  palsied  by  age,  wrote  the 
celebrated  treatise  on  “ The  Tyranny  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  Indies.” 
At  length,  full  of  days,  mature  in  virtue  and  in  glory,  victorious  over  all 
his  detractors,  he  died,  at  the  age  of  ninety-two,  in  the  convent  of  his 
order  at  Valladolid,  leaving  to  posterity  a religious  and  venerated 
name. 

LABORS  OF  THE  ORDER  AS  TEACHERS  OF  CHRISTIAN  THEOLOGY. 

Science  is  the  study  of  the  relations  which  constitute  and  connect  all 
beings,  from  God  even  to  the  atom,  from  infinite  greatness  to  infinite 
littleness.  Every  step  of  this  vast  ladder  throws  light  upon  the  preced- 
ing and  succeeding  step  ; because  every  relation,  once  penetrated,  from 
whatever  quarter,  from  below  upward,  or  from  above  downward,  is  a 
revelation  of  some  certain  existence.  In  other  words,  the  effect  indicates 
the  cause,  being,  as  it  is,  its  image ; the  cause  explains  the  effect,  inas- 
much as  it  is  its  principle.  Nevertheless,  this  reciprocity  is  not  equal. 
The  true  light  comes  only  from  above ; that  which  proceeds  from  below 
is  merely  a reflection.  “ Now,”  says  St.  Paul,  “ we  see  as  in  a mirror  and 
an  enigma ; one  day  we  shall  see  Him  face  to  fac^*.” 

Science,  therefore,  in  our  present  state,  is  necessarily  imperfect, 
because  we  do  not  see,  face  to  face,  the  starting  point  and  the  goal,  both 
of  which  God  is.  But,  veiled  as  He  is  from  our  view,  we  are  not  without 
other  means  of  knowing  Him,  independently  of  the  reflection  of  Himself 
found  in  inferior  beings.  Before  showing  Himself,  God  has  made 
affirmation  ; before  appearing.  He  has  declared  His  name.  The  voluntary 
reception  of  this  sovereign  word  is  called  faith.  Once  in  possession  of 
this  new  element  of  knowledge,  having  once  gained  this  eminence,  and 
its  commanding  view,  the  Christian  must  descend  to  the  lowest  extremi- 
ties of  the  universe,  interpret  from  the  relations  which  constitute  the 
divine  essence,  those  which  belong  to  the  things  of  man  and  nature  ; and 
then,  by  reversing  the  direction  of  his  inquiries,  verify  the  laws  of 
infinite  existence  by  those  of  finite  beings.  This  comparison  of  two 
worlds — the  illumination  of  the  second,  which  is  the  effect,  by  the  first 
which  is  the  cause;  this  confirmation  of  the  first,  or  cause,  by  the 


ST.  DOMI^'IC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


64a:. 

second,  or  effect ; tliis  ebb  and  flow  of  light,  this  tide  which  comes  from 
the  ocean  to  the  shore,  and  retires  from  the  shore  to  the  ocean  ; faith 
abiding  in  science,  and  science  abiding  in  faith — such  is  the  theology  of 
the  Christian. 

Albert  the  Great. 

There  lived  at  Cologne,  in  the  year  1245,  a Dominican  licentiate,  so 
remarkable  a genius  that  his  age  bestowed  on  him  the  name  of  “ Great.” 
Although  more  particularly  versed  in  mathematics,  physics,  and  medi 
cine,  he  then  taught  theology,  and  after  having  been  advanced  by  it  to 
the  highest  dignity,  he  voluntarily  resigned  them  all  to  return  to  his 
schools.  The  close  of  his  career  was  extraordinary.  One  day,  as  he 
was  lecturing  in  public,  he  suddenly  stopped  short,  like  a man  in  painful 
quest  of  an  idea,  and  after  a silence  of  some  moments,  which  amazed 
and  troubled  every  one,  he  resumed  thus:  When  I was  young  I had 
so  much  difficulty  to  learn,  that  I despaired  of  ever  knowing  anything  ; 
and  for  that  reason  determined  on  quitting  the  order  of  St.  Dominic, 
that  I might  spare  mysqlf  the  shame  of  being  continually  in  contrast 
w’ith  men  of  learning.  While  I continued  to  dwell  upon  this  project, 
night  and  day,  I imagined  I saw  in  a dream  the  Mother  of  God,  and  that 
she  inquired  of  me  in  what  science  I should  like  to  become  a proficient ; 
whether  in  theology  or  the  knowledge  of  nature.  I replied,  ‘ In  the 
knowledge  of  nature.’  She  then  said, ' You  shall  be  gratified  in  your 
desire,  and  become  the  greatest  of  philosoi)hers  ; but  since  you  have  not 
chosen  the  science  of  my  Son,  a day  will  come,  when,  losing  this  very 
science  of  Nature, you  shall  find  yourself  even  as  you  are  to-day.’  Now, 
my  children,  the  day  foretold  has  come.  Henceforward,  I shall  teach 
you  no  more;  but  I declare  before  you,  for  the  last  time,  that  I believe 
in  all  the  articles  of  the  creed,  and  I beg  that  the  last  sacraments  of  the 
Church  may  be  brought  me  when  my  hour  shall  be  at  hand.  If  I have 
said  or  written  anything  contrary  to  faith,  I retract  it,  and  submit  all  my 
doctrines  to  my  holy  mother,  the  Church.”  Having  so  spoken,  he  left 
the  chair,  and  his  disciples  embracing  him,  with  tears,  brought  him  back 
to  his  house,  where  he  lived  for  three  years  in  the  utmost  simplicity ; 
even  he  who  had  been  called  the  “ miracle  of  nature,  the  prodigy  of  his 
age,”  and  to  whom  posterity  decreed  the  name  of  Albert  the  Great. 
But  Albertus  Magnus  was  not  the  man  chosen  to  rear  the  edifice  of 
Catholic  theology.  He  had  “ preferred  the  science  of  nature  to  that  of 
the  Son  of  God.” 

St.  Thomas  Aquinas. 

Toward  the  end  of  1244,  or  the  beginning  of  1245,  John  the  Teutonic, 
fourth  master-general  of  the  order  of  Preachers,  came  to  Cologne, 
accompanied  by  a young  Neapolitan,  whom  he  presented  to  Brother 
Albert  as  a future  disciple.  In  those  days  Europe  was  a land  of  liberty, 
and  nations  held  out  the  hand  to  each  other  in  the  universities.  You 
might  go  for  instruction  where  you  thought  proper.  The  young  man 
whom  John  the  Teutonic  had  just  brought  to  the  school  of  Albertus 
Magnus,  was,  on  the  father’s  side,  great  grandson  of  the  Emperor 
Frederick  I.,  cousin  of  the  Emperor  Henry  VI.,  second  cousin  of  the 


644 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


reigning  Emperor  Frederick  II. ; and  by  his  mother  he  was  descended 
from  the  Norman  princes,  who  had  expelled  the  Arabs  and  Greeks  from 
Italy,  and  conquered  the  two  Sicilies.  He  was  only  seventeen  years  of 
age.  It  is  told  of  him  that  his  parents  carried  him  away  and  placed  him 
in  a strong  castle,  in  order  to  make  him  abandon  his  devotion,  but  with- 
out success.  He  pursued,  it  is  said,  with  a brand  from  the  fire,  a woman 
who  had  been  introduced  into  his  apartment ; and  gained  his  two  sisters 
to  the  religious  life  during  the  very  conversation  by  which  they  hoped 
to  dissuade  him  from  it ; and  Pope  Innocent  IV.,  who  had  been  asked  to 
break  the  bonds  which  held  him  to  the  order  of  St.  Dominic,  listened  to 
him  with  admiration,  and  offered  to  him  the  Abbey  of  Mount  Cassino. 
Preceded  by  such  reports,  the  young  Count  of  Aquinas — now  simply 
Brother  Thomas — was  in  great  consideration  with  his  fellow-students. 
But  nothing  in  him  met  their  expectations.  He  was  a plain  young  man 
who  spoke  little,  and  whose  very  eyes  seemed  dull.  At  length  they 
came  to  believe  he  had  nothing  exalted  about  him  but  his  birth,  and  he 
was  called  in  mockery,  the  “ great  dull  ox  of  Sicily.’*  His  master, 
Albert,  himself,  not  knowing  what  to  think  of  him,  took  occasion  one 
day  to  question  him  upon  some  knotty  points.  The  disciple  answered 
with  an  apprehension  and  j udgment  so  marvellous,  that  Albert  felt  the 
joy  which  a superior  man  alone  can  feel,  when  he  meets  another  man 
destined  to  equal,  or  perhaps  surpass,  himself.  He  turned  with  emotion 
to  the  assembled  youth,  and  said,  “ We  call  Brother  Thomas  a dumb  ox, 
but  the  world  will  one  day  reecho  to  the  bellowing  of  his  doctrine.” 

The  fulfilment  of  the  prophecy  was  not  long  delayed  ; Thomas  of 
Aquinas  became  in  a short  time  the  most  illustrious  doctor  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  and  his  birth  itself,  royal  as  it  was,  disappears  in  the 
magnificence  of  his  personal  renown. 

At  the  age  of  forty-one  years,  and  when  he  had  nine  more  to  live, 
St.  Thomas  thought  of  the  design  which  was  the  goal,  as  yet  unknown, 
of  his  destiny.  He  proposed  to  himself  to  Ipring  together  the  scattered 
materials  of  theology  ; and  out  of  what  you  might  expect  to  find  a mere 
compilation,  he  constructed  a master-piece,  of  which  everybody  speaks, 
even  those  who  have  not  read  it,  as  every  one  speaks  of  the  pyramids, 
which  scarce  any  one  sees. 

Theology  is,  as  we  have  said,  the  science  of  the  divine  affirmations. 
When  man  simply  accepts  these  affirmations  he  is  in  the  state  of  faith. 
When  he  establishes  the  connection  of  these  affirmations  with  each 
other,  and  with  all  the  internal  and  external  facts  of  the  universe,  his 
faith  is  of  the  theological  or  scientific  kind.  Consequently,  theology 
results  from  the  combination  of  the  human  with  a divine  element ; but 
if  this  combination  enlighten  faith,  it  is,  nevertheless,  subject  to  great 
danger.  For,  give  yourself  a little  scope  in  the  order  of  visible  things, 
and  you  will  soon  have  reached  the  extreme  limit  of  certainty  belonging 
to  them.  And  if  you  go  a little  farther,  the  mind  brings  back  from 
these  ill-explored  regions  little  else  than  opinions  calculated,  in  some 
instances,  to  damage  the  purity  and  solidity  of  its  faith.  One  of  the 
prime  qualities,  therefore,  in  a Catholic  doctor,  is  discernment  in  the  use 
of  the  human  element.  Now,  this  tact  was  found  in  St.  Thomas  to  an 
eminent  degree. 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


645 


Putting  aside  the  chimeras  and  aberrations  of  the  Stagy  rite,  he  drew 
from  his  writings  all  the  truth  it  was  possible  to  glean,  he  transformed 
and  sublimed  his  materials,  and  without  either  prostrating  or  adoring 
the  idol  of  his  age,  he  opened  up  a philosophy  which  had  still  the  blood 
of  Aristotle  in  its  veins,  but  mingled  with  and  purified  by  his  own,  and 
that  of  his  great  predecessors  in  doctrine. 

But  time  presses ; and,  besides,  St.  Thomas  has  no  need  of  praise. 
Sovereign  Pontiffs,  councils,  religious  orders,  universities,  a thousand 
writers,  in  a word,  have  exalted  him  beyond  the  reach  of  praise  from 
us.  When  the  ambassadors  of  Naples  came  to  solicit  his  canonization 
from  John  XXII.,  the  Pope,  who  received  them  in  full  consistory,  said, 
" St.  Thomas  has  enlightened  the  Church  more . than  all  the  other 
doctors  put  together,  and  you  will  derive  more  advantage  from  his 
books  in  one  year,  than  from  the  works  of  others  in  a lifetime.” 

St.  Thomas  died  at  Fossa  Nuova,a  monastery  of  the  order  of  Citeaux, 
almost  half  way  between  Naples  and  Rome,  his  natural  and  his  spiritual 
country,  not  far  from  the  castle  of  Roccia-Secca,  where  it  is  probable  he 
was  born,  and  near  Monte  Cassino,  where  he  passed  a portion  of  his 
infancy.  Death  overtook  him  there  on  his  road  to  the  second  general 
council  of  Lyons,  in  which  the  reconciliation  of  the  Greek  and  Latin 
Churches  was  to  be _ negotiated.  He  had  been  summoned  thither  by 
Gregory  X.  The  religious  crowded  round  his  bed,  besought  him  to  give 
them  a short  exposition  of  the  Canticle  of  Canticles,  and  it  was  on  that 
song  of  love  he  gave  his  last  lesson.  He,  in  his  turn,  begged  the 
religious  to  lay  him  on  the  ashes,  that  he  might  there  receive  the  holy 
viaticum,  and  when  he  saw  the  host  in  the  hands  of  the  priest,  he  said, 
with  tears,  “I  firmly  believe  that  Jesus  Christ,  true  God  and  true  man, 
only  Son  of  the  Eternal  Father  and  the  Virgin  Mother,  is  present  in  this 
august  sacrament.  I receive  thee,  0 price  of  the  redemption  of  my  soul; 
I receive  thee,  viaticum  of  her  pilgrimage — thee  for  whose  love  I hav'e 
studied,  watched,  labored,  i)reached  and  taught.  Never  have  I said  any- 
thing against  you ; but  if  I ever  did  so  without  knowing  it,  I uphold  no 
such  opinion,  but  leave  everything  to  the  correction  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Church,  in  whose  obedience  I depart  this  life.”  Thus  died  St.  Thomas, 
at  the  age  of  fifty,  March  7,  1274,  some  hours  after  midnight  at  day- 
break. 

DOMINICANS  AS  ARTISTS,  BISHOPS,  POPES. 

Art,  like  speech  and  writing,  being  the  expression  of  the  true  and 
beautiful,  is  entitled  to  cultivation  by  all  those  who  seek  to  raise  the 
minds  of  their  fellows  to  the  contemplation  of  the  invisible ; and  God 
himself,  when  giving  to  Moses  the  tables  of  the  law,  showed  him  on 
Sinai  the  model  of  the  tabernacle  and  the  Holy  Ark.  This  was  to  teach 
us  that  the  Architect  of  the  Universe  is  the  prime  artist,  and  that  the 
more  a man  imbibes  of  His  spirit,  the  more  capable  and  worthy  is  he  of 
aspiring  to  the  sacred  functions  of  art.  The  religious  of  the  middle 
ages  were  not  ignorant  of  this  truth.  The  cloisters  contained  architects, 
sculptors,  musicians,  just  as  they  formed  authors  and  orators.  The 
Christian,  as  he  passed  under  the  sweet  shadow  of  their  arches,  presented 


646 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


to  God,  along  with  his  soul  and  body,  the  talent  God  had  given  him, 
and  whatever  that  talent  might  be,  there  was  no  lack  of  masters  or 
predecessors  in  its  exercise.  At  the  altar  all  the  brethren  resembled 
each  other  in  prayer : once  in  their  cells  the  prism  was  decomposed,  and 
from  each  brother  streamed  his  own  peculiar  ray  of  divine  beauty.  All 
the  resources  of  modern  civilization  are  now  unequal  to  the  construction 
of  a Christian  church,  while  in  the  thirteenth  century,  poor  obscure 
BrotherS'Preachers,  Fra  Sisto,  Fra  Ristoro,  and  Fra  Giovanna,  built  in 
Florence  that  church  of  Santa  Maria  Novella,  which  Michael  Angelo 
went  to  visit  every  day,  and  said  that  it  was  lovely,  pure,  and  simple  as 
a bride — whence  the  name  still  given  it  by  the  Florentines,  the  sweet 
name  of  “ La  Sposa.”  The  native  and  the  stranger  alike  repeat  that 
praise  as  they  pass  that  church,  but  no  one  mentions  the  artists. 

Fra  Angelico. 

What  name  is  more  illustrious  in  painting  than  that  of  the 
Dominican,  Fra  Angelico  de  Fiesole.  “Fra  Angelico,”  says  Vasari, 
“ might  have  led  a happy  life  in  the  world,  but  as  he  had  set  the  salva- 
tion of  his  soul  above  all  price,  he  entered  the  order  of  St.  Dominic 
without  abandoning  his  art,  and  thus  united  with  the  care  of  his  eternal 
salvation,  the  acquisition  of  eternal  fame  among  men.”  Never  did  Fra 
Angelico  paint  the  images  of  Jesus  Christ  and  His  holy  Mother,  but  on 
his  knees,  and  tears  often  bedewed  his  cheeks,  attesting  the  sensibility 
of  the  artist  and  the  piety  of  the  Christian.  When  Michael  Angelo  saw 
in  the  church  of  St.  Dominic  at  Fiesole,  Fra  Angelico’s  picture  of  the 
Annunciation,  he  gave  vent  to  his  admiration  in  these  words  : “ A man 
cannot  have  painted  those  figures  without  having  seen  them  in  the 
skies.”  Summoned  to  Rome  by  Eugene  IV.,  Fra  Angelico  painted  in 
the  Vatican  the  grand  frescoes  representing  the  histories  of  St.  Stephen 
and  St.  Lawrence  ; and  the  Pope,  still  more  charmed  with  his  soul  than 
with  his  pencil,  offered  him  the  archbishopric  of  Florence,  his  native 
place.  This  was  a recompense  sometimes  granted  in  that  age,  and  the 
age  preceding,  for  merit  of  this  kind,  nor  was  an  architect  deemed  less 
worthy  of  an  archbishopric  than  a preacher,  for  both  of  them  say  the 
same  thing  with  the  same  faith,  though  each  in  a different  art ; but  Fra 
Angelico  obstinately  refused  the  archiepiscopal  crosier,  and  pointed  out 
as  more  worthy  than  himself.  Brother  Antoninus,  whom  Nicholas  V. 
afterwards  raised  to  the  see  of  Florence,  and  who  is  now  known  as  St. 
Antoninus. 

The  annals  of  painting  record  with  pride  the  triumphs  of  Fra  Bartolo- 
meo, whose  name  in  the  world  was  Baccio  de  la  Porta.  Closing  up  to 
twenty  years  of  age,  when  his  talent  was  becoming  known  to  himself 
and  others,  he  heard  the  preaching  of  Jerome  Savonarole,  and  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  reform  which  that  great  orator  labored  to  introduce  into 
Florence.  At  the  moment  of  his  master’s  arrest  he  was  in  the  cloister 
of  St.  Mark,  among  the  five  hundred  citizens  who  had  assembled  to 
defend  Savonarole,  and  he  was  so  thunderstricken  by  his  death  that  he 
at  once  took  the  habit  of  St.  Dominic  at  Prato,  resolved  to  bury  himself 
there  for  the  remainder  of  his  life,  and  never  more  to  put  pencil  to 
canvas. 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


647 


Neither  let  us  forget  Fra  Benedetto,  a miniature  painter  in  the  convent 
of  St.  Mark,  not  known  for  his  talent,  but  immortalized  by  the  fact  that 
on  the  day  of  Savonarole’s  arrest,  he  was  armed  cap-d-pie  to  defend 
him,  and  was  only  restrained  from  using  the  sword  by  the  remonstrances 
of  his  master,  who  told  him  a religious  should  have  no  other  arms  than 
those  of  the  spirit.  He  wished  at  least  to  accompany  him  and  suffer 
with  him ; but  Savonarole  kept  him  back  with  these  words : “ Brother 
Benedetto,  in  the  name  of  obedience  do  not  come,  for  I must  this  day 
die  for  the  love  of  Jesus  Christ.” 

Church  Dignitaries. 

The  order  of  Preachers  has  given  to  the  Church  a great  number  of 
bishops,  many  of  whom  played  an  important  part.  Six  hundred  years 
after  the  death  of  Dominic,  in  1825,  there  had  been  under  his  habit 
seventy  cardinals,  four  hundred  and  sixty  archbishops,  two  thousand  one 
hundred  and  thirty-six  bishops,  four  presidents  of  general  councils, 
twenty-five  legates  d latere,  eighty  apostolic  nuncios,  and  a prince  elector 
of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire.  Most  of  the  Friars-Preachers  thus  exalted 
had  been  simple  monks,  without  birth  or  fortune,  and  owed  to  their 
virtues  alone  the  choice  made  of  them  by  sovereign  pontiffs  and  tempo- 
ral princes.  The  Roman  Church  has  always  preserved  her  custom  of 
drawing  from  the  dust  of  the  cloister  poor  monks,  and  placing  them  at 
the  head  of  nations,  while  in  their  turn  men  of  eminent  rank  are 
advanced  to  the  same  place.  This  Church,  the  mother  and  mistress  of 
all  others,  has  no  exclusiveness  against  any  kind  of  superiority  ; she  ac- 
cepts alike  patricians  and  plebeians,  and  when  all  assist  at  the  sacred 
ceremonies,  you  see  under  the  same  sackcloth  or  under  the  same  purple 
all  ranks,  undistinguished  in  the  equality  of  merit  or  self-denial. 

More  than  one  Brother-Preacher  also  received  and  did  honor  to  the 
tiara.  The  first  was  Pierre  de  Tarantaise,  Archbishop  of  liyons,  thence 
translated  to  Tarantaise,  named  Cardinal  Bishop  of  Ostia  and  Vellitri, 
Grand  Penitentiary,  and  lastly  Pope  in  1276,  under  the  title  of  Innocent 
V.  Although  his  pontificate  lasted  only  five  months,  he  had  time  to 
reconcile  the  republics  of  Lucca  and  Pisa,  and  give  peace  to  Florence. 

The  pontificate  of  Nicholas  Boccasini,  elected  in  1303,  and  who  took 
the  name  of  Benedict  XL,  was  also  short,  but  remarkable  for  the  grave 
nature  of  the  circumstances  in  which  he  received  it,  and  to  which  he 
was  not  unequal.  No  sooner  was  he  elected  than  he  labored  for  the 
peace  of  the  Church  with  as  much  meekness  as  he  had  shown  firmness 
in  danger,  and  France  owes  to  him  her  extrication  from  a most  critical 
position  without  the  loss  of  one  drop  of  blood. 

In  1556,  Brother  Michael  Ghisleri,  called  the  Alexandrine  Cardinal, 
because  he  was  born  near  Alexandria  in  Piedmont,  was  elected  Pope, 
and  took  the  name  of  Pius  V.  He  crowded  so  many  illustrious  actions 
into  a reign  of  six  years,  that  his  death  was  followed  by  an  universal 
mourning.  No  one  is  ignorant  of  his  league  with  Venice  and  Spain 
against  the  Turks  in  1571,  the  result  of  which  was  the  famous  battle  of 
Lepanto,  where  the  Christian  arms  obtained  one  of  the  most  memorable 
and  timely  triumphs  that  has  ever  earned  the  gratitude  of  Europe. 


648 


ST.  DOMINIC  AND  THE  DOMINICANS. 


Benedict  XIII,,  elected  in  1724,  could  not,  like  Innocent  V.,  act  as 
mediator  between  Lucca  and  Pisa  ; nor,  like  Benedict  XL,  give  peace  to 
France ; nor,  like  St.  Pius  V,,  gain  the  battle  of  Lepanto ; nor  was  it  his 
fate  to  endure  the  imprisonment  and  exile  in  store  for  his  successors, 
Pius  VI.  and  Pius  VII.  His  day  was  marked  down  between  the  two 
epochs,  and  he  was  everything  that  a Pope  of  the  eighteenth  century 
ought  to  be — a man  of  worth,  a saint.  A member  of  the  illustrious 
family  of  Gravina  Orsini,  he  quitted  the  world  in  early  youth,  was 
always  a model  of  simplicity,  which  covered  with  an  amiable  veil  his 
other  virtues;  and  when  the  tiara  dropped  of  itself  upon  his  brow,  he 
loved  to  hide  it  from  the  gaze  of  men,  going  on  foot  to  visit  the  churches 
and  hospitals  of  Rome.  He  preferred  to  the  solemn  traditions  of  the 
apostolic  court,  sentiments  well-beseeming  the  heart  of  him  who  aban- 
doned the  palace  of  his  fathers  for  the  cell  of  the  Friar-Preacher. 

Personal  Sanctity. 

But  all  religious  orders,  whatever  be  the  peculiar  character  of  each, 
whatever  be  the  diversity  of  origin,  end,  and  means,  must  have  one 
rallying  point  where  all  can  meet,  and  that  is  sanctity.  To  this  must 
converge  everything  on  which  the  breath  of  God  has  breathed.  There 
assemble  all  those  who  have  given  their  lives  to  God  and  man,  under 
whatever  form  of  donation.  The  spotless  virgin,  the  Christian  mother, 
the  apostle,  the  doctor,  the  martyr  of  truth,  the  workman,  earning  his 
bread  by  a toil  abject  in  itself,  but  ennobled  by  its  intention  ; the  soldier 
who  has  fallen  with  a just  heart,  the  criminal  who  by  penance  has 
transformed  his  execution  into  a voluntary  immolation  of  self;  the 
religious  girded  with  the  cord  of  St.  Francis,  or  clad  in  the  sackcloth  of 
St.  Bruno,  if  the  cord  and  the  sackcloth  mortify  a devoted  flesh— in  a 
word,  every  body  and  every  soul  which  has  not  lived  for  itself,  but  for 
God  in  men,  for  men  in  God— all  congregate  in  sanctity.  This  sanctity, 
the  bond  of  all  moral  beings,  is  devotedness  derived  from  its  sublimest 
source.  Wherefore  sacrifice  is  by  excellence  the  act  of  religion  ; and 
the  cross,  the  present  and  future  symbol  of  Christianity,  wdll*  appear  at 
the  last  day  to  judge  the  living  and  the  dead.  Whoever,  then,  shall  be 
measured  by  the  cross  and  reach  the  standard,  shall  be  saved,  whoever 
shall  have  nothing  in  his  heart  or  members  conformable  to  the  cross 
must  perish.  Those  shall  go  to  the  kingdom  of  love,  these  to  the  king- 
dom of  self. 

The  order  of  St.  Dominic  has  swelled  with  innumerable  names  the 
venerable  list  of  men  whom  the  voice  of  nations  and  that  of  the  Church 
has  proclaimed,  even  from  this  earth,  citizens  of  heaven.  Every  day  the 
poor  man  crosses  his  hands  over  the  balustrade  encircling  the  shrine  or 
the  statue  of  some  Brother-Preacher,  and  refreshes  his  soul  with  the 
thought  of  a being  who  preferred  poverty  to  every  worldly  advantage. 

In  the  fourteenth  century,  Dante  recognized  in  the  founder  of  the 
Brothers-Preachers,  the  hero  of  his  age ; 

Sera>h  in  love,  and  c.iampion  in  the  fight 
Of  Faith,— ;o  all  her  loei*  abhorred. 

But  to  the  brethren  meek. 


ST.  FRANCIS  AND  THE  FRANCISCANS. 


MEMOIR. 

St.  Francis,  the  founder  of  the  Minorites,  Friars  Minors,  [Fratres 
Minores),  as  the  religious  Order  was  designated  by  himself,  or  the 
Franciscans,  as  they  were  generally  called,  was  born  1182,  in  the 
town  of  Assisi,  in  Umbria — in  the  family  of  Pietro  Bernadone,  a 
merchant,  rich  but  avaricious,  and  whose  wealth  the  son,  after  the 
age  of  twenty-five,  helped  to  spend  faster  than  was  agreeable  to  the 
father.  In  a military  expedition  of  his  townsmen  against  Assulia, 
Francisco,  who  was  in  the  military  service,  was  captured,  and  in 
prison  had  a mysterious  dream,  which  was  followed  by  another, 
and  both,  by  a change  of  life  and  plans,  which,  without  going  here 
into  details,  were  finally  matured  into  a renunciation  of  any  claims 
on  his  father  for  support,  or  any  patrimony  ; and,  before  the  bishop, 
divorced  himself  from  father,  mother,  and  kindred,  and  devoted 
himself  to  poverty  and  good  works.  On  one  occasion  he  was  out 
alone,  when  a wretched  leper  crossed  his  path,  from  whom  he  in- 
stinctively shrank,  but  suddenly  recollecting  that  his  object  was  to 
subdue  himself,  he  ran  after  the  leper, .seized  his  hand,  and  kissed 
it,  and  henceforth  adopted  the  care  of  these  poor  outcasts  as  a por- 
tion of  his  special  mission.  Feeling  a call  to  rebuild  a dilapidated 
church  (St.  Damian  of  Assisi),  in  the  garb  of  a mendicant  he 
begged  in  the  streets  of  his  native  town  for  money,  and  his  enthu- 
siasm and  sincerity  were  so  much  respected  that  he  not  only  suc- 
ceeded in  his  object,  but  repaired  another  church  edifice,  that  of 
St.  Mary,  of  Porzioncula.  One  day  while  attending  mass  in  this 
church,  the  words  of  the  gospel  read  in  his  ears,  ‘ Take  nothing 
for  your  journey,  neither  staves,  nor  scrip,  neither  bread,  nor  money, 
neither  have  two  coats  apiece,’  sank  deep  into  his  soul.  He  went 
out  of  the  church,  took  off  his  shoes,  laid  aside  his  staff,  threw 
away  his  wallet,  contented  himself  with  a small  tunic  and  a rope 
for  a girdle,  struck  out  for  the  strict  apostolic  rule,  and  endeavored 
to  persuade  others  to  follow  his  example. 

* Compiled  from  an  article  in  the  Dublin  University  Magazine. 

(649) 


650 


ST.  FRANCIS  AND  THE  FRANCISCANS. 


His  first  convert  was  a signal  instance  of  the  power  of  example. 
A man  of  wealth  and  repute  in  the  town  by  the  name  of  Bernard 
de  Quintavalle,  offered  to  give  up  his  property  and  follow  him  as  a 
companion  in  his  work.  The  two  resorted  to  the  church,  and  after 
mass  applied  to  the  priest  for  counsel.  The  Bible  was  opened,  and 
the  first  response  was,  ‘ If  thou  will  be  perfect,  go  and  sell  that  thou 
hast,  and  give  to  the  poor;’  when  opened  a second  time,  the  eye 
fell  on  the  words,  ‘ Take  nothing  for  your  journey and  the  third 
appeal  was  answered  thus,  ‘ If  any  man  will  come  after  me,  let 
him  deny  himself,  and  take  up  his  cross  and  follow  me.’  Bernard 
followed  these  leadings  of  Providence,  gave  up  all,  and  attached 
himself  to  Francisco,  and  thus,  without  intending  it,  was  laid  the 
foundation  of  the  Order  of  Minor  Brethren,  which  at  the  close  of 
the  18th  century,  numbered  115,000  monks,  in  7,000  convents. 

When  the  company  numbered  eight,  they  retired  to  a hut  in  the 
plain  of  Rivo  Torto,  where  the  natural  leader  from  his  more  clearly 
defined  purpose,  and  superior  qualities,  gave  his  companions  a sol- 
emn charge,  and  dismissed  them  by  twos,  in  different  directions,  to 
preach  the  gospel  of  peace  and  forgiveness.  They  reassembled, 
after  completing  the  assigned  circuit,  with  such  increase  of  num- 
bers, as  required  a rule  for  their  government.  The  first  rule  was 
substantially  that  of  St.  Benedict — to  live  in  obedience,  chastity, 
and  poverty.  They  were  to  call  no  one  ‘ prior,’  but  all  should  be 
termed  Minor  Brethren.  Their  clothing  was  to  be  of  the  poorest 
kind, — they  were  to  live  on  charity,  to  travel  on  foot,  except  in  the 
most  urgent  necessity  ; and  one  should  wash  the  other’s  feet. 

With  this  rule,  and  having  sent  his  recognized  companions 
on  their  several  missions,  Francis  himself  went  to  Rome  with  three 
companions,  to  procure  the  Pope’s  sanction  to  the  order.  They 
met  the  Pope  on  a terrace  of  the  Lateran  Palace,  and  threw  them- 
selves at  his  feet.  But  these  men,  with  bare,  unwa.shed  feet  and 
coarse  attire,  had  given  as  yet  no  outward  sign  of  apostleship,  and 
they  were  repulsed.  They  retired  to  pray ; and  the  next  morning 
they  received  a summons  from  the  Pope  to  his  presence,  who  gave 
his  sanction  to  the  order,  when  the  brethren  returned  to  Assisi, 
where  they  were  received  in  triumph,  and  many  left  their  homes 
and  business  to  participate  in  the  labors  which  the  rule  imposed. 

To  meet  the  wants  of  individuals  who  could  not  break  away  from 
the  ties  of  home  and  business,  St.  Francis  instituted  the  Order  of 
Penitents,  who  were  compelled  to  pray,  to  fast,  and  to  live  accord- 
ing to  certain  rules,  and  wear  beneath  the  ordinary  garb  the  peni- 
tential girdle.  This  order  included  both  sexes,  and  people  of  all 


ST  FRANCIS  AND  THE  FRANCISCANS. 


651 


classes.  One  member  of  this  order,  a daughter  of  the  house  of 
Ortolana,  who  had  been  brouglit  up  religiously  by  her  mother,  was 
so  carried  away  by  the  enthusiastic  eloquence  of  St.  Francis,  that 
she  retired  to  the  Church  of  St.  Damian,  which  he  had  rebuilt. 
That  edifice  was  soon  converted  into  a convent  for  Clara,  and  such 
as  were  disposed  to  join  her,  and  there  was  instituted  in  1209  the 
third  order  of  St.  Francis,  or  the  Damianistines,  of  which  Clara  was 
made  Abbess,  and  after  her  canonization,  they  were  also  called  the 
nuns  of  St.  Clara,  or  Poor  Ladies,  lie  subsequently  (1221)  estab- 
lished a third  order,  called  Terliarians^  of  persons  of  both  sexes, 
who  did  not  wish  to  renounce  the  world  and  its  avocations,  but 
desired  to  serve  the  church  by  good  works. 

In  the  sixth  year  after  his  conversion  he  resolved  to  preach  to  the 
Mohammedans  and  other  infidels,  and  for  this  purpose  embarked  for 
Syria,  and  being  forced  back  by  a tempest,  landed  on  the  coast  of 
Dalmatia,  and  subsequently  he  passed  over  to  Morocco,  and  thence 
into  Spain — everywhere  preaching  the  gospel,  and  establishing 
houses  of  his  order. 

In  1216,  the  first  general  council  of  the  order  was  held  in 
Porzioncula,  when  missions  were  assigned  for  his  principal  fol- 
lowers— he  selecting  France  as  his  own  field  of  operations.  Here 
the  Franciscan  first  met  Dominic,  the  founder  of  the  order  of  Friars- 
preachers.  In  1219,  the  famous  general  council  was  held,  called  of 
Matts,  because  the  company  was  too  numerous  to  be  assembled  in 
any  building,  met  in  booths  in  the  fields  to  the  number  of  5,000. 
When  asked  by  many  of  the  brethren  to  obtain  permission  of  the 
Pope  to  preach  everywhere,  without  permission  of  the  bishop,  the 
founder  charged  them  ‘to  abstain  from  asking  for  privileges,  but  to 
be  content^to  labor  with  all  humility  and  respect  for  their  superiors 
wherever  a soul  was  to  be  saved.’  Seeing  the  spirit  of  boasting 
which  such  large  assemblies  inspired,  he  dismissed  the  company  to 
their  several  missions,  reiterating  the  severity  of  the  rule  which 
forbade  all  dreams  of  glory  or  power, — he  seeking  the  crown  of 
martyrdom  by  joining  the  Christian  army  at  that  time  under  the 
walls  of  Damietta,  in  Egypt.  Burning  with  zeal  for  the  conversion 
of  the  Saracens,  he  passed  into  the  outposts  of  the  enemy,  and 
asked  to  be  taken  to  the  Sultan.  When  asked  his  errand  he  re- 
plied with  intrepidity,  ‘ I am  a Christian,  and  am  here  to  show  you 
and  your  people  the  way  of  salvation.’  Being  invited  to  stay,  St. 
Francis  replied  he  would  willingly  do  so  ‘ if  you  and  your  people 
will  be  converted  to  Christ.’  To  test  the  sincerity  of  the  Christian 
and  infidel  bishops,  he  requested  a fire  to  be  kindled,  and  chal- 


652 


ST.  FRANCIS  AND  THE  FRANCI.SCANS. 


lenged  the  chief  priests  to  walk  with  him  into  it — relying  on  the 
God  of  truth  to  protect  the  champion  of  the  right.  To  the  Sultan, 
who  said  ‘ he  did  not  think  any  of  his  priests  Avould  submit  to  the 
torture  for  the  sake  of  their  religion,’  he  remarked,  ‘ promise  me 
you  will  adopt  the  Christian  religion  if  I come  out  uninjured,  and  I 
will'  enter  the  fire  alone.’  The  Sultan  was  impressed  with  this 
singular  faith  and  sincerity,  and  it  is  among  the  traditions  of  the 
order,  that  he  was  baptized  just  before  his  death. 

On  his  return  from  Palestine  into  Italy,  he  found  that  Elias, 
whom  he  left  vicar  general  in  his  absence,  had  distinguished  himself 
by  a finer  habit.  He  at  once  deposed ' him,  and  placed  Peter  of 
Cortona  in  his  position. 

In  1223,  he  obtained  from  Pope  Ilonorius  III.,  at  Perugia,  the 
confirmation  of  the  indulgence  to  all  who  should  confess  their  sins 
in  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  of  the  Angels,  in  Porzioncula,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  annual  pilgrimages  from  all  parts  of  Italy  are  still 
made  to  this  spot.  At  the  same  time  he  secured  a written  con- 
firmation of  the  rule  of  his  order.  After  witnessing  the  rapid 
growth  of  his  order  in  different  countries,  and  receiving  the 
‘stigmata’  in  a vision,  he  died  at  Assisi,  Oct.  4,  1226,  and  was 
canonized  in  1228. 

FRANCISCANS  OR  MINORITES. 

The  rule  prescribed  by  St.  Fi:ancis  for  the  order  of  Minorites, 
and  sanctioned  by  the  Pope  orally  in  1210,  and  formally  in  1223, 
bound  its  members  to  absolute  poverty,  and  to  the  service  of 
preaching.  By  degrees  their  houses  were  permitted  to  hold  prop- 
erty, and  the  mendicant  brethren  became  distinguished  for  scholar- 
ship, opened  schools,  were  admitted  to  chairs  in  the  universities, 
and  filled  the  highest  offices  in  the  church.  Among  the  eminent 
scholars  and  teachers  who  followed  the  rule  of  this  order,  stand  the 
names  of  Adam  Marsh,  Bonaventura,  Duns  Scotus,  Roger  Bacon, 
Alexander  of  Hales,  and  others  scarcely  less  distinguished  in  the 
best  science  of  their  age,  as  well  as  in  the  scholastic  philosophy. 
In  the  list  of  popes  we  find  of  Franciscan  training,  Nicholas  IV., 
Alexander  V.,  Sextus  IV.  and  V.,  and  Clement  XIV. 

The  deviations  from  time  to  time  from  the  original  rules  of  the 
founder,  led  to  the  formation  of  other  fraternities — the  Conventuals 
and  Celestines  in  the  13th  century,  and  the  Spirituals  in  the  14th 
century,  united  with  the  Socrolanti  or  sandal  wearers  in  1363,  and 
constituted  the  Observantins  in  1517.  The  Cordeliers,  the 
Reformati,  and  the  Recollects  of  France,  and  the  Ali^ontarines  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  belong  to  the  Franciscan  order. 


iT.  FRANCIS  AND  THE  FRANCISCANS. 


653 


Labors  of  the  Order  in  England. 

At  the  second  general  chapter  held  by  St.  Francis,  at  Porzioncula,  in  the 
year  1219,  when  the  brethren  were  divided  into  parties  and  sent  out  on  their 
missions,  England  was  one  of  the  first  mission-stations  assigned.  France  was 
the  first,  then  came  England,  chiefly,  it  is  thought,  through  the  influence  of  an 
Englishman,  one  William,  who  was  a follower  of  St.  Francis.  The  honor  of 
leading  this  mission  was  assigned  to  Brother  Angnello  de  Pisa,  who  was  made 
minister-general  of  the  order  in  England.  His  authority  was  as  follows:  “ Ego 
Frater  Franciscus  de  Assisio  minister  generalis  praecipio  tibi  Fratri  Angnello  de 
Pisa  per  obedientiam,  ut  vadas  in  Angliam  et  ibi  facias  officium  ministeriatus. 
Yale.  Anno  1219.  Franciscus  de  Assisio.” 

They  were  also  fortified  with  letters  recommendatory  from  Pope  Honorius, 
addressed  to  all  “ archbishops,  bishops,  abbots,  priors,  and  other  prelates  of  the 
church,”  enjoining  them  to  receive  the  bearers  as  Catholics  and  true  believers, 
and  to  “ show  them  favor  and  courtesy.”  The  actual  date  of  their  landing  in 
England  is  disputed.  Eccle.ston  in  his  MSS.,  “De  Primo  Adventu  Minorum,” 
gives  the  year  1224,  but  the  more  probable  date  is  1220,  which  is  given  by 
Wadding,  the  annalist  of  the  Order,  and  confirmed  by  Matthew  Paris,  who 
under  the  year  1 243  speaks  of  tile  Friars  Minors,  “ who  began  to  build  their 
first  habitations  in  England  scarcely  twenty-four  years  ago.”  As  they  had  no 
money  of  their  own,  and  lived  upon  what  was  given  them,  they  were  trans- 
ported to  England  from  France  by  the  charity  of  some  monks  of  Fecamp. 
They  were  nine  in  number,  four  clergymen  and  five  laymen.  The  former  were 
Angnellus,  a native  of  Pisa,  Richard  de  Ingeworth,  Richard  of  Devonshire, 
and  William  Esseby.  The  laymen  were  Henry  de  Cernise,  a native  of  Lorn, 
bardy,  Laurence  de  Belvaco,  William  de  Florentia,  Melioratus,  and  James  Ul- 
tramontanus.  They  landed  at  Dover,  and  proceeded  to  Canterbury,  where  they 
were  hospitably  received,  and  staid  two  days  at  the  Priory  of  the  Holy  Trinity. 
Then  four  of  them  set  out  for  London  to  present  the  apostolical  letters  to  Henry 
HI.,  who  received  them  very  kindly,  which,  as  they  did  not  want  any  money, 
he  would  be  most  likely  to  do. 

The  other  five  were  housed  at  Canterbury  at  the  Priests’  Hospital,  where 
they  remained  until  a place  could  be  procured  for  them ; such  accommodation 
was  found  in  a small  chamber  beneath  the  school-hou.se,  where  they  remained 
shut  up  all  day,  and  at  evening,  when  the  scholars  had  gone  home,  they  entered 
the  room,  kindled  a fire,  and  sat  round  it.  The  four  monks  who  went  to  Lon- 
don were  kindly  received  by  the  Dominicans,  with  whom  they  staid  a fortnight, 
until  one  John  Travers  hired  a house  for  them  in  Cornhill,  which  they  divided 
into  cells  by  stuffing  the  interstices  with  straw. 

The  citizens,  at  the  instigation  of  one  Irwin,  who  afterward  became  a lay 
brother,  removed  them  to  the  butchery  or  shambles  of  St.  Nicholas,  in  the 
Ward  of  Farringdon-within,  close  to  a place  called  Stinking-lane,  where  they 
built  a convent  for  them.  The  foundations  were  laid  at  Christmas,  1220,  and  it 
was  five  years  in  course  of  building.  The  different  portions  were  built  by  dif- 
ferent citizens.  William  Joyner  built  the  choir,  William  Walleys  the  nave, 
Alderman  Porter  the  chapter-house,  Bartholomew  de  • Castello  the  refectory, 
Peter  de  Haliland  the  infirmary,  and  Roger  Bond  the  library ; even  in  those 
days  the  citizens,  when  they  did  any  thing  in  the  way  of  charity,  did  it  royally. 


654 


ST.  FRANCIS  AND  THE  FRANCISCANS. 


Two  brethren,  however,  were  sent  on  to  Oxford,  where  they  were  also  kindly 
received  by  Dominican  friars,  according  to  Eccleston ; but  a story  is  told  in  the 
annals  of  the  order  of  the  two  brethren  who  were  making  their  way  towards 
Oxford,  when  they  came  to  a sort  of  manor-house,  about  six  miles  from  Oxford, 
which  was  a cell  of  Benedictine  monks,  belonging  to  the  abbey  of  Abingdon. 

Being  very  hungry  and  tired,  they  knocked  at  the  gate ; and  the  monks, 
from  their  strange  dress  and  extraordinary  appearance,  taking  them  for  mas- 
queraders, admitted  them,  hoping  for  some  diversion.  But,  when  they  found 
they  were  a new  order  of  friars,  they  turned  them  out  of  doors;  but  one,  more 
gentle  than  the  rest,  went  after  them,  brought  them  back,  and  persuaded  the 
porter  to  let  them  sleep  in  the  hay-loft.  Both  versions  may  be  right,  as  the 
circum.stance  occurred  outside  Oxford ; and  Eccleston’s  account  commences 
with  their  advent  in  that  city  when  they  were  received  by  the  Dominicans, 
with  whom  they  remained  for  about  eight  days,  until  a rich  citizen,  Richard 
Mercer,  let  them  a house  in  the  Parish  of  St.  Ebbs.  Then  the  two  brethren 
go  on  to  Northampton,  where  they  were  received  into  an  hospital.  They  pro- 
cured a house  in  the  parish  of  St.  Giles,  over  which  they  appointed  one  Peter 
Hispanus  as  guardian. 

Then  they  went  to  Cambridge,  where  the  townspeople  gave  them  an  old 
synagogue,  adjoining  the  common  prison;  b#t  afterward,  ten  marks  being  given 
them  from  the  king’s  exchequer,  they  built  a rough  sort  of  oratory  on  a plot 
of  ground  in  the  cit3\  After  that  another  settlement  was  made  in  Lincoln,  and 
gradually  in  many  other  cities;  so'  that  in  thirty-two  years  from  their  arrival 
they  numbered  1,242  brethren  in  forty-nine  different  settlements.  Their  first 
convert  was  one  Solomon,  of  good  birth  and  connections. 

When  only  a novice,  lie  was  appointed  procurator  of  his  house;  that  is,  he 
had  to  go  out  to  beg  for  it.  The  first  place  he  went  to  was  the  residence  of  a 
sister,  who  gave  him  some  bread,  with  the  following  remark:  “Cursed  be  the 
hour  when  I ever  saw  thee!”  So  strict  was  their  poverty,  that  one  of  the 
brethren  being  ill,  and  they  having  no  means  to  make  a fire,  got  round  him, 
clung  to  him,  and  warmed  him  with  their  bodies,  “ sicut  porcis  mos  est.” 

They  walked  about  barefooted  through  the  snow,  to  the  horror  of  the  spec- 
tators. Brother  Solomon  injured  his  foot  so  severely  that  he  was  laid  up  for 
two  years ; and  whilst  ill  the  Lord  appeared  to  him,  accompanied  by  the  apos- 
tle Peter.  And  by  way  of  contrast,  we  are  told  shortly  after  that  the  devil  ap- 
peared to  one  Brother  Gilbert  de  Vyz,  when  he  was  alone,  and  said  to  him, 
“Do  you  think  to  avoid  me?  At  least  you  shall  have  this,”  and  threw  at  him 
a fistful  of  vermin,  and  then  vanished : et  projecit  super  eum  plenum  pugillum, 
suum  pediculorum  et  evanuit,”  so  states  Master  Eccleston. 

The  second  convert  was  William  of  London;  then  followed  Jocius  of  Corn- 
hill,  a clerk,  who  went  to  Spain,  labored,  and  died;  John,  another  clerk; 
Philip,  a priest,  who,  being  a good  preacher,  was  sent  to  Ireland,  and  died 
there.  Then  came  several  magistrates,  amongst  whom  were  Walter  de  Burg, 
Richard  Norman,  Vincent  of  Coventry,  Adam  of  Oxford;  but  one  of  the 
greatest  accessions  was  in  the  person  of  Adam  Marsh,  better  known  as  Adae 
de  Marisco,  who  was  destined  to  found  that  distinguished  school  at  Oxford 
which  boasts  such  names  as  Scotus,  Occam,  Roger  Bacon,  and  others.  Adam 
was  called  Doctor  Illustris.  After  him  came  John  of  Reading,  abbot  of 
Ozeneyae,  and  Richard  Rufus.  Then  came  some  military  men,  Dominus  R. 
Gobion,  Giles  de  Merc,  Thomas  Hispanus,  and  Henry  de  Walpole. 


ST.  FRANCIS  AND  THE  FRANCISCANS. 


655 


As  their  numbers  continued  to  increase,  people  built  churches  and  convents 
for  them  in  all  parts  of  tlie  country.  Tho  master  of  the  Priests’  Hospital  at 
Canterbury  built  tliem  a chapel ; Simon  de  Longeton,  archdeacon  of  Canterbury 
helped  them ; so  Henry  de  Sandwyg,  and  a certain  noble  lady,  Inclusa  de 
Baginton,  who  cherished  them  in  all  things,  as  a mother  her  sons. 

Angnellus  now  set  out  upon  an  inspection  of  the  different  settlements,  and, 
after  pausing  for  a time  at  London,  came  on  to  Oxford,  where,  as  things  were 
promising  and  converts  gradually  coming  in,  he  founded  a community,  over 
which  he  placed  William  Esseby  as  guardian  of  the  house,  which  Ingeworth 
and  Devonshire  had  hired.  Adam  of  Ovonia  joined  the  company,  and  then 
Alexander  Hales,  whom  St.  Francis,  it  is  thought,  admitted  in  the  j^ear  1219, 
as  Hales  passed  through  France  on  his  way  to  England.  Angnellus  then  con- 
ceived tlie  idea  of  having  a school  of  friars  at  Oxford,  and  built  one  near  their 
house,  which  was  taught  by  Doctor  Robert  Grostete,  one  of  the  most  distin- 
guished lecturers  in  the  university. 

And  now  Angnellus  was  instant  in  encouraging  the  brethren  to  attend  the 
lectures,  and  make  progress  in  the  study  of  the  Decretals  and  canon  law ; and 
as  he  found  them  very  diligent,  he  thought  he  would  honor  them  with  his 
presence  atone  of  their  meetings, ^and  see  how  they  progressed;  but  when  he 
arrived  there,  he  was  horrified,  to  hear  that  tlie  subject  under  discussion  by 
these  young  monks  was  whether  there  was  a God!!  Uteum  esset  Deus ! 
Frightened  out  of  liis  propriety,  the  good  man  exclaimed : “Alas!  alas!  sim- 
ple bretliren  are  penetrating  the  heavens,  and  the  learned  dispute  whether 
there  may  be  a God!”  It  was  with  great  difficulty  they  calmed  his  agitation. 
He  only  submitted  upon  their  promise  tliat,  if  he  sent  to  Rome  for  a copy  of 
the  Decretals,  they  would  avoid  such  mighty  questions,  and  keep  to  them. 

The  influence  of  the  studj"  of  Aristotle  was  telling  vitally  upon  the  theology 
of  the  schools.  At  first  his  writings  were  studied  through  very  imperfect  trans- 
lations made  from  the  Arabic,  w'ith  Arabic  commentaries — then  a mixture  of 
Neo  Platonism  was  infused,  and  the  devotees  of  scholastic  theology  at  Paris 
fell  into  such  errors  that  the  study  of  his  works  was  prohibited  by  the  synod 
of  that  place  in  the  year  1209.  Six  years  afterwards,  this  prohibition  was  re- 
newed by  the  Papal  Legate  ; but  as  men  began  to  find  that  there  was  a great 
difference  between  the  philosophy  of  Aristotle,  filtered  through  Arabic  commen- 
tators and  Arabic  translators,  and  Aristotle  himself,  a revival  took  place  iu 
favor  of  the  Stagyrite,  and  Gregory  IX.,  in  1231,  modified  the  restriction. 

A new  era  in  scholasticism  commenced  ; tho  two  rival  orders,  the  Dominicans 
and  Franciscans,  began  to  apply  the  Aristotelian  method  to  theological  ques- 
tions ; Albertus  Magnus  and  Thomas  Aquinas  taking  the  lead  in  the  former  or- 
der, in  opposition  to  the  teaching  of  Alexander  Hales,  the  Franciscan,  who 
learned  at  Paris.  Bonaventura  endeavored  to  amalgamate  scholasticism  with 
mysticism ; but  at  length  appeared  John  Duns  Scotus,  who  lectured  at  Oxford, 
Paris,  and  Cologne,  a Franciscan,  and  worthy  opponent  of  the  Dominican, 
Thomas  Aquinas.  We  must  not  omit  another  distinguished  member  of  the 
Oxford  school  who  flourished  at  the  same  time,  Roger  Bacon,  perhaps  the 
most  distinguished  man  of  the  age.  He  taught  at  Oxford.  He,  however,  saw 
the  prominent  errors  of  the  disputation  of  the  times,  and  has  left  on  record,  in 
the  preface  to  his  Opus  Majus,  the  following  criticism,  which  is  worthy  of  at- 
tention : “ There  never  was  such  an  appearance  of  wisdom,  nor  such  activity 
in  study  in  so  many  faculties,  and  so  many  regions,  as  during  the  last  forty 


656 


ST.  FRANCIS  AND  THE  FRANCISCANS. 


years ; for  eveu  the  doctors  are  divided  in  every  state,  in  every  camp,  and  in 
every  burgh,  especially  through  the  two  studious  orders  (Dominicans  and  Pran- 
ciscans),  when  neither,  perhaps,  was  there  ever  so  much  ignorance  and  error. 
The  mob  of  students  languishes  and  stupelies  itself  over  things  badly  trans- 
lated; it  loses  time  and  study;  appearances  only  hold  them,  and  they  do  not 
care  what  they  know  so  much  as  what  they  seem  to  know  before  the  insensate 
multitude.”  Again,  he  says : “ If  I had  power  over  the  books  of  Aristotle,  I 
would  have  them  all  burnt,  because  it  is  only  a loss  of  time  to  study  in  them,  a 
cause  of  error  and  multiplication  of  ignorance  beyond  what  1 am  able  to  ex- 
plain.” We  must  give  Roger  Bacon  the  credit  of  speaking  more  particularly 
of  the  wretched  translations  in  use,  though  his  view  of  Aristotelian  philosophy 
was  strangely  confirmed  centuries  afterward  by  his  still  greater  namesake.  Lord 
Bacon,  who  said,  after  many  years  devotion  to  A’ristotelianism,  th^t  it  fvns  “a 
philosophy  only  strong  for  disputations  and  contentions,  but  barren  of  the  pro- 
duction of  w'orks  for  the  benefit  of  the  life  of  man.”  Thus  were  ranged  under 
two  scliolastic  standards  the  two  great  orders  of  mendicant  friars,  the  Dominic- 
ans and  the  Franciscans;  the  former  called  Thomists,  and  the  latter  Scotists. 

In  the  year  1400,  England  maintained  and  included  sixty  convents;  and  at 
the  time  of  the  dissolution,  the  Franciscans  alone  of  the  mendicant  orders  had 
ninety  convents  in  England,  besides  vicarships,  residences,  and  nunneries. 

To  a generation  of  men  who  had  heard  no  preaching,  or,  if  any,  nothing  they 
could  understand,  the  enthusiastic  discourses  of  these  men  were  like  refreshing 
showers  on  a parclied  soil ; for  in  the  thirteenth  century  the  sermon  had  fallen 
into  such  disuse,  that  an  obscure  and  insignificant  preacher  created  a great  sen- 
sation in  Paris,  although  his  preacliing  was  rude  and  simple.  Both  doctors  and 
disciples  ran  after  him,  one  dragging  the  other,  and  saying,  “ Come  and  hear 
Fulco,  the  presbyter,  he  is  another  Paul.”  The  Franciscans  diligently  culti- 
vated that  talent,  and  from  the  general  favor  in  which  they  were  held  by  nearly 
all  classes  of  the  community,  especially  b}’-  the  common  people,  we  may  con- 
clude that  the  style  they  adopted  was  essentially  a popular  and  engaging  style, 
in  direct  contradistinction  to  the  scholastic  discourses  delivered  at  rare  inter- 
vals from  the  pulpits  of  the  churches.  Then,  a Franciscan  mingled  amongst  the 
poor ; he,  too,  was  poor,  one  of  the  poorest,  and  the  poor  saw  their  condition 
elevated  to  an  apostolic  sanctity ; his  raiment  was  coarse  like  theirs ; his  food 
also  as  coarse,  for  it  was  their  food  shared  often  with  him  at  their  own  tables; 
they  sat  at  his  feet  and  listened  to  him,  not  in  trembling  servitude,  as  at  the 
feet  of  one  whom  they  had  been  taught  to  regard  with  superstitious  awe,  but 
as  at  the  feet  of  a dear  brother,  one  of  themselves,  who  had  hungered  with 
them  and  sorrowed  with  them. 

Then,  the  Franciscan  preached  everywhere — at  the  street  corner,  in  the  fields, 
on  the  hill-side;  his  portable  altar  was  set  up,  the  sacrament  administered  to 
the  people,  and  the  gospel  preached  as  in  the  old  apostolic  times,  by  the  river- 
side, in  the  liigh  roads  and  by-ways,  under  the  bare  heavens.  No  wonder  that 
they  won  the  hearts  of  the  degraded  populations  of  the  countries  in  which  they 
settled,  that  the  poor  ran  to  them  and  flocked  round  them,  and  that  the  good 
and  great  were  soon  drawn  over  to  their  side ; it  was  the  revival  of  apostolic 
simplicity,  and  as  the  excited  crowds  were  swa3’-ed  under  their  fervent  elo- 
quence, and  tearful  eyes  were  turned  up  to  their  gaze,  it  was  like  the  miracle 
in  the  v/ilderness,  the  rock  had  been  smitten,  and  the  waters  gushed  forth. 


THE  JESUITS  AND  TaEIR  SCHOOLS. 


I.  HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT. 

It  is  impossible  to  estimate  rightly  the  schools  of  this  famous  Or- 
der without  some  knowledge  of  its  history.  All  its  institution!  both 
ecclesiastical  and  educational,  are  pervaded  by  one  spirit,  and  have 
reference  to  a single  and  clearly  defined  end,  the  “ conversion  of 
heretics,”  and  elevation  of  the  church  of  Rome.  We  must,  there- 
fore, begin  our  inquiries  with  a brief  historical  survey  of  the  circum- 
stances, that  called  the  Order  or  Society  of  Jesus  into  being,  and 
determined  the  character  of  its  development. 

Its  founder  was  Don  Inigo  Lopez  de  Recalde,  usually  known  as 
Ignatius  von  Loyola,  the  youngest  son  of  a noble  Spanish  family, 
and  born  in  1491.  Ilis  youth  was  spent  at  the  court  ofFerdinand 
the  Catholic,  and  he  was  early  distinguished  for  the  chivalric  tone  of- 
his  character,  and  his  reverence  for  holy  things,  as  well  as  for  his 
proficiency  in  martial  exercises,  and  for  his  courage.  Being  wounded 
at  the  seige  of  Pampelona  in  1521,  a wound  which  made  him  lame 
for  life,  he  was  taken  to  his  father’s  castle,  where  he  amused  the 
weary  hours  of  his  confinement  by  reading  tales  of  knightly  adven- 
tures. But  his  attention  was  soon  turned  to  the  Lives  of  the  Saints, 
and  the  records  of  their  holy  devotion,  and  heroic  self-sacrifice, 
awakened  in  him  a passionate  desire  to  walk  in  their  steps.  With 
all  the  energy  of  his  fiery  nature,  he  consecrated  himself  to  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  to  go  forth  as  her  champion  and  subdue 
the  heathen  to  the  obedience  of  the  faith.  At  this  time,  and  for 
many  years  later,  he  seems  to  have  looked  upon  Jerusalem  as  the 
fitting  field  for  his  activity.  So  soon  as  he  recovered  from  his  wound, 
he  clothed  himself  in  a beggar’s  garb,  and  wandered  over  Spain,  till 
reaching  Barcelona,  he  embarked  for  Jerusalem.  Here  he  was  not 
permitted  long  to  remain  ; and  we  soon  find  him  again  in  Spain,  en- 
deavoring to  supply  the  defects  of  his  education  by  the  study  of 
grammar  and  philosophy.  He  was  supported  by  alms,  and  devoted 
his  time  to  the  care  of  the  sick.  At  this  time  his  enthusiastic  char- 
acter, and  the  ecstacies  and  dreams  and  visions,  of  which  he  was 

42  657 


658 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


tlie  subject,  and  liis  zeal  in  teaching,  awakened  the  suspicions  of  the 
Inquisition  that  he  was  a member  of  some  heretical  sect,  and  he  was 
imprisoned  for  forty  days,  and  ordered  to  give  up  all  discourse  upon 
spiritual  matters,  for  four  years.  This  he  would  not  do,  and  leaving 
Spain  in  1 52  8,  fled  to  Paris.  Here  in  the  college  of  St.  Barbara,  he  re- 
newed his  studies ; and  here  he  gathered  around  him  those  disciples, 
whose  names  afterward  became  so  famous ; Xavier,  Faber,  Lainez, 
Salmeron,  Bobadillaand  Rodriguez.  These  he  bound  together  into  a 
little  society,  and  in  August  1534,  at  the  church  of  Montmartre,  they 
took  upon  themselves  the  oaths  of  poverty  and  celibacy,  and 
solemnly  bound  themselves  to  go,  after  the  expiration  of  their  studies, 
to  Jerusalem,  or  if  they  could  not  do  this,  to  put  themselves  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Pope,  to  go  where  he  might  choose  to  send  them. 
The  next  year,  (1535,)  Ignatius  returned  to  Spain. 

In  January  1537  the  new  society  reassembled  at  Venice,  strength- 
ened by  three  new  members.  A war  between  Venice  and  the  Turks 
making  it  impossible  for  them  to  go  to  Jerusalem,  they  employed 
themselves  in  the  hospitals  of  the  city,  showing  wonderful  self-denial 
and  patience,  and  in  vigorous  attempts  to  awaken  a higher  religi- 
ous life  in  the  hearts  of  the  clergy.  Here  they  received  admission 
to  the  offlce  of  priests.  After  a time,  leaving  Venice,  they  came  by 
different  routes  to  Rome.  Here  they  devoted  themselves  by  day 
to  the  same  labors  among  the  sick  and  poor  as  at  Venice,  and  at 
night  they  consulted  together  respecting  the  constitution  and  form 
of  the  new  order.  But  it  was  some  time  ere  the  Pope  was  willing  to 
give  them  the  needed  permission,  it  being  then  a question  in  the 
papal  councils  whether  the  number  of  monkish  institutions  should 
not  rather  be  diminished  than  increased.  It  was  not  till  August, 
1540,  that  the  Society  of  Jesus  was  formally  authorized  and  estab- 
lished by  a papal  bull.  The  number  of  members  was  at  first  limited 
to  sixty,  but  this  restriction  was,  three  years  later,  removed.  The 
first  step  of  the  new  order  was  the  choice  of  a General  or  Chief,  and 
all  votes  were  given  to  Ignatius.  It  is  a remarkable  fact  that  he  im- 
mediately after  devoted  himself,  for  several  weeks,  with  all  the  ardor 
of  his  nature,  to  the  personal  instruction  of  children  of  the  church. 
The  office  of  General,  Ignatius  held  to  his  death  in  1556. 

Before  examining  the  internal  organization  of  this  society,  let  us 
follow  a little  way  its  external  history.  The  labors  of  the  Jesuits 
embraced  three  departments,  preaching,  confession,  and  education. 
Of  the  latter,  Ranke  remarks ; “ To  this  they  thought  of  bind 
ing  themselves  from  the  first  by  a special  clause  in  their  vows,  and 
although  that  was  not  done,  they  made  the  practice  of  this  duty  im- 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


659 


perative  by  the  most  cogent  rules.  Their  most  earnest  desire  was 
to  gain  the  rising  generation.”  So  small  in  its  beginnings,  the  order 
very  rapidly  increased  in  numbers  and  influence.  At  the  time  of 
Loyola’s  death  it  had  established  itself  in  thirteen  Provinces,  of  which 
seven  were  in  Spain  and  her  colonies,  and  three  in  Italy.  Their 
schools  and  colleges  were  very  soon  found  in  most  of  the  chief  cities 
of  Catholic  Christendom.  The  Collegium  Romanum  was  estab- 
lished at  Rome  in  1550,  and  the  Collegium  Gerrnanicum  for  the 
education  of  German  youth,  in  1552.  Other  national  colleges  of  the 
same  general  character  soon  followed,— *-one  for  the  English,  one  for 
the  Greeks,  one  for  the  Hungarians,  &c.  In  1551,  Ferdinand  estab- 
lished a college  at  Vienna;  in  1554,  one  Avas  founded  at  Coimbra 
in  Portugal ; in  1556,  one  in  Bavaria  in  1559,  one  in  Munich. 
Pope  Gregory  XIII,  (1572 — 1585,)  was  very  active  in  this  way, 
and  it  is  said  that  twenty-two  Jesuit  colleges  owed  their  origin  to 
him.  In  a very  few  years  the  education  of  the  higher  classes,  and 
of  the  leading  minds  in  all  the  parts  of  Europe  that  yielded  allegi- 
ance to  the  Roman  pontiff,  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

But  this  activity  was  not  confined  to  education.  Their  members 
were  busy  in  every  part  of  Protestant  Christendom  to  which  they 
could  get  access,  striving  to  bring  back  the  people  to  the  old  faith. 
And  their  missionaries  went  forth  into  all  parts  of  the  heathen  world, 
converting  idolaters,  and  establishing  churches.  In  every  depart- 
ment of  religious  enterprise,  they  were  conspicuous  among  their 
brethren,  and  in  most,  the  recognized  leaders. 

The  rapid  increase  of  the  Order  in  numbers,  and  in  educational 
influence,  may  be  seen  from  the  fact,  that,  beginning  with  a mem- 
bership limited  to  sixty,  in  the  year  1626  they  numbered  more  than 
fifteen  thousand,  divided  into  thirty-nine  Provinces,  and  possessing 
803  houses,  467  colleges,  and  thirty-six  seminaries.  In  1710,  they 
had  612  colleges,  and  twenty -four  universities,  besides  a multitude 
of  lower  schools.  In  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  their 
number  amounted  to  more  than  22,000,  with  669  colleges,  and  176 
seminaries,  and  in  France  alone,  they  had  almost  700  schools. 

But,  though  thus  successful, -the  Society  of  Jesus  met,  from  the 
first,  strong  Catholic  opposition  in  many  quarters.  Several  of  the 
other  orders,  especially  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans,  looked 
upon  it  with  great  jealousy  and  dislike.  Many  of  the  universities 
regarded  their  colleges  as  rival  institutions,  and  Avere  angry  at  the 
great  favor  showed  them  by  the  Pope,  and  princes,  and  nobility. 
And  some  of  the  Popes,  even,  feared  its  growing  poAver  and  popu- 
larity. Very  early,  Paul  IV,  demanded  that  the  General  should  hold 


660 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


his  office  only  for  three  years,  and  not  for  life  as  the  constitution 
appointed,  but  the  Jesuits  resisted,  and  his  successors  yielded  the 
point.  Still  it  was  felt  by  the  papal  councils  that  the  power  in  his 
hands  was  excessive,  and  it  was  feared  that  it  might  be  wielded  to 
dangerous  ends,  a fear  that  time  showed  to  be  just. 

To  trace  in  detail  the  history  of  the  Order  would  be  foreign  to 
our  present  purpose.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  as  it  became  numerous, 
rich  and  powerful,  it  lost  in  some  measure  its  early  religious  char- 
acter, and  became  ambitious  and  worldly.  Its  members  drew  upon 
themselves  the  hatred  of  kings  and  statesmen  by  their  continual 
intcrmedling  in  political  affairs,  and  by  their  attempts  to  make  the 
authority  of  the  church  dominant  over  that  of  the  state.  For  this 
cause  they  were  banished  from  the  territories  of  the  Republic  of 
Venice,  as  early  as  1606.  AVith  increasing  wealth  came  luxury, 
and  many  of  the  lay  members  engaged  in  traffic  and  commerce  ; the 
extensive  ramifications  of  the  order  giving  them  great  facilities  for 
the  successful  prosecution  of  commercial  enterprises.  The  Society 
thus  became  the  owner  of  large  factories  in  many  parts  of  the  world, 
from  which  rich  revenues  were  derived.  The  richly  endowed  col- 
leges became  often  banks  of  exchange.  As  the  interests  of  the  Or- 
der were  held  paramount  to  all  other  interests,  they  did  not  hesitate, 
notwithstanding  the  vows  of  obedience,  to  array  themselves  against 
the  Pope,  when  they  found  it  for  their  advantage.  Thus  gradually 
they  lost  the  favor  of  all  parties,  and  toward  the  close  of  the  eight- 
eenth century,  the  Society  was  driven  out  of  all  the  Catholic  king- 
doms of  Europe.  Russia  alone,  moved  by  considerations  of  the  ed- 
ucational advantages  derived  from  them,  offered  them  an  asylum.  In 
1773,  Pope  Clement  XIV,  suppressed  the  Order.  But  though  thus 
formally  dissolved,  the  Society  still  kept  up  its  organization  in  secret, 
and  its  members,  though  under  other  names,  labored  incessantly  to  re- 
gain their  former  position.  It  was  not,  however,  till  1814,  under  Pope 
Gregory,  that  the  decree  of  dissolution  was  repealed.  Its  history  from 
that  time  has  been  varied,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  slowly  but  stead- 
ily gaining  in  numbers  and  influence.  In  1844,  the  number  of  mem- 
bers was  estimated  at  4,133,  in  1855,  at  5,510,  in  1860,  at  7,144.  This 
latter  number  was  thus  divided  ; in  France  2,181,  in  Belgium  531,  in 
Holland  205,  in  Spain  680,  in  Austria  455,  in  Prussia  527,  in  Eng- 
land 379,  in  America  444,  in  Italy  1,742,  and  more  than  1,000  at 
different  missionary  stations. 

II.  INTERNAL  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  SOCIETY. 

AVe  turn  now  to  the  internal  organization  of  the  Society.  This  is 
simple  and  admirably  adapted  to  the  ends  it  had  in  view.  All 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SC-I!OOUS. 


661 


power  is  concentrated  in  the  hands  of  the  head  or  General,  [Prae~ 
positns  Generalis^^  who  liolds  his  office  for  life.  lie  is  elected  by  the 
ineinbcrs  of  the  ordei’,  represented  by  delegates  in  General  Congre- 
gation. This  body  can  give  him  advice  in  particular  cases,  but  can 
not  control  him  in  his  actions.  lie  is  to  the  Order,  what  the  Pope 
is  to  the  church,  the  representative  of  God.  “ In  him  should  Christ 
be  honored  as  present  in  his  person.”  The  ultimate  decision  rests 
with  him  alone,  and  only  in  case  of  some  very  flagrant  and  gross 
abuse  of  his  authority,  can  the  General  Congregation  interfere  to 
depose  him.  It  should  be  said  that  hitherto  no  such  deposition 
has  ever  taken  place.  This  possession  for  life  of  almost  absolute 
power,  lifts  the  General  above  all  fear  of  those  under  him,  and  makes 
it  unnecessary  to  seek,  by  favoritism,  or  weak  concessions  to  faction, 
a transient  popularity.  In  the  hands  of  a strong,  sagacious  man,  it 
gives  a stable  character  to  the  policy  of  the  Order,  and  a unity  and 
energy  of  action  attainable  in  no  other  way.  But  his  knowledge 
of  the  characters  and  capacities  of  its  members  must  be  commen- 
surate wit^i  his  power  over  them,  to  enable  him  to  emplo}- them  with 
wisdom,  and  to  this  end  he  is  the  ultimate  depository  of  all  the  se- 
crets of  the  confessional.  Thus  he  knows  what  is  passing  in  the 
hearts  of  all  under  him,  and  can  wisely  choose  his  instruments,  and 
adapt  his  measures  to  the  end  to  be  attained. 

Under  the  head  of  the  Order  stand  the  chiefs  of  various  pro- 
vinces, or  the  Provincials,  [Praepositus  Provincmlis^  who  in  their 
several  jurisdictions  represent  him,  and  are  responsible  only  to  him. 
These  hold  their  offices  for  three  years.  After  them  come  the 
heads  of  Houses,  the  rectors  of  Colleges,  and  the  superiors  of  the 
Besidences,  who  also  all  hold  their  offices  for  three  years. 

Aside  from  these  official  distinctions,  the  members  of  the  society 
are  divided  into  four  classes,  the  Professed,  Coadjutors,  Scholastics, 
and  Novices.  The  latter  are  those  who  have  souixlit  admission  to 
the  order,  and  been  accepted,  and  placed  in  one  of  the  houses  estab- 
lished for  them,  there  to  spend  the  twm  years  of  their  novitiate  in 
meditation  and  prayer,  and  in  the  performance  of  various  specified 
labors,  under  the  care  of  the  master  of  the  novices,  {maghter  novi- 
tiorurn.)  Having  successfully  passed  this  period  of  probation,  the 
novice  enters  into  one  of  the  colleges  of  the  society,  and  becomes  a 
scholastic.  ' Here  he  gives  five  or  six  years  to  the  study  of  grammar, 
and  rhetoric,  and  philosophy,  &c;  and  having  completed  the  course, 
enters  upon  the  work  of  teaching.  As  a teacher,  he  begins  with  the 
lower  elass,  and  teaches  it  in  the  same  order  of  studies  through  which 
he  himself  has  just  passed.  After  five  or  si^  years  thus  spent,  he 


662  • 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


enters  upon  the  study  of  theology,  to  wliich  four  or  six  years  are 
given.  Then  a year  is  spent  in  the  repetition  of  the  spiritual  exer- 
ciscs,  and  the  probation  of  the  novitiate;  and  at  length  at  the  age 
of  30 — 32,  he  is  admitted  into  the  priesthood. 

Becoming  a priest,  the  scholastic  takes  the  oath  either  as  a coad~ 
jutor  spiritualise  or  as  a professed.  The  distinction  between  these 
two  classes  is  this,  that  the  former  promises  to  devote  himself  with 
all  zeal  to  the  work  of  education,  while  the  latter  binds  himself  to 
execute  any  mission  the  Pope  may  intrust  to  him.  Banke  in  his 
History  of  the  Popes,  thus  explains  the  way  in  which  the  distinction 
arose.  “ As  the  professed  members  had  bound  themselves  by  the 
fourth  vow  to  continual  travel  on  the  service  of  the  Pope,  it  was 
inconsistent  to  assign  to  them  so  many  colleges  as  were  now  required, 
establishments  that  could  only  flourish  through  their  constant  pres- 
ence. Ignatius  soon  found  it  necessary  to  constitute  a third  class, 
between  the  professed  and  the  novices,  spiritual  coadjutors,  priests 
like  the  others,  possessed  of  requisite  learning,  and  who  ^xpressly 
engaged  themselves  to  the  duty  of  instructing  youth.  These  coad- 
jutors were  allowed  to  settle  themselves  in  the  several  localities,  be- 
come residents,  gain  influence,  and  control  education.”  The  pro- 
fessed constitute  the  smaller  class,  and  are  really  the  aristocracy  of  the 
order,  since  from  their  ranks  only,  can  the  General  and  the  provin- 
cials be  taken,  and  they  are  the  authorized  members  of  the  General 
Congregation.  Thus  under  the  General,  the  law  making  power,  and 
the  chief  otfices,  are  in  their  power.  When  not  employed  in  the 
service  of  the  Pope,  they  reside  in  houses  especially  appi^priated 
to  their  use. 

The  coadjutors,  who  are  divided  into  several  classes,  some  engaged 
in  preaching  and  teaching,  coadjutores  spiritualeSe  some  in  secular  pur- 
suits, coadjutores  tcmporaleSe  constitute,  with  the  scholastics,  the  largest 
and  most  laborious  part  of  the  order.  The  care  of  the  colleges,  and 
of  the  schools,  is  almost  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  spiritual  coadju- 
tors, the  lay  coadjutors  fulfilling  other  duties.  By  bull  of  Paul  III, 
the  society  was  authorized  to  elect  lay  members,  to  be  employed  in 
various  kinds  of  secular  labor,  but  who  were  not  permanent  members, 
the  relation  ceasing  when  their  work  was  done. 

There  are  two  or  three  features  in  the  constitution  of  this  Order 
which  at  once  arrest  our  attention,  and  which  we  must  take  into 
account  if  we  would  explain  its  success,  or  understand  the  character 
and  working  of  its  institutions.  The  first  of  these  is  the  principle 
of  implicit  obedience.  In  none  of  the  monkish  orders  is  the  prin- 
ciple carried  so  far  as  here.  Each  member  must  obey  his  superior 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


C63 


as  lie  would  oboy  God.  So  long  as  a command  docs  not  involve 
manifest  sin,  it  is  binding  upon  the  conscience.  Superioris  vocem  ac 
jussu  non  secus  ac  Chris ti  vocem.  The  members  must  be  in  the  hands 
of  the  chiefs  as  passive  as  if  dead,  {ac  si  essent  cadaver^  or  as  a stick 
that  yields  without  resistance  to  every  motion  of  the  hand  that  bears  it. 
Not  only  the  will,  but  the  understanding  was  so  to  be  brought  into 
subjection,  that  the  obedience  should  be  both  instantaneous  and 
unquestioning.  To  obey,  and  not  to  reason,  was  a fundamental 
principle.  By  thus  making  one  will  to  pervade  the  body,  it  was  be- 
lieved that  there  might  be  perfect  unity  in  purpose  and  action,  and 
the  result  showed  the  correctness  of  this  belief.  The  boast  of  Caesar 
that  he  had  no  soldier  who  would  not  leap  into  the  sea  at  his  bid- 
ding, might  be  truly  made  by  the  Generals  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus,  but  with  this  essential  distinction,  that  the  former  obeyed  from 
personal  love  to  his  chief,  the  latter  because  the  command  came 
clothed  with  divine  authority. 

The  second  feature  to  be  noticed,  is  that  each  member  was  made 
to  feel  that  the  interests  of  the  Order  were  paramount  to  every  other 
interest.  This  had  claims  upon  him  superior  to  those  of  kindred, 
and  friends,  and  country.  He  was  taught  to  say,  not  “I  have  par- 
ents, and  brothers,  and  sisters,”  but,  “ I had  parents,  and  brothers, 
and  sisters,  now  I have  them  no  more.”  It  is  said  of  Faber,  one  of 
Ignatius’  early  converts,  that  on  reaching  his  native  town  after  an  ab- 
sence of  some  years,  he  would  not  stop  to  visit  his  kindred  and 
friends,  but  passed  on.  This  was  deemed  a highly  meritorious  act. 
He  was  to  be  dead  to  all  other  relationships  of  life,  and  alive  only 
to  those  which  bound  him  to  the  Society,  He  must  be  a true  cosmo- 
politan, a sojourner,  as  he  might  be  sent  in  any  country,  but  a citi- 
zen of  none.  To  the  prosperity  of  the  Order  he  consecrated  all  his 
energies,  to  it  all  things  were  made  subordinate.  It  stood  to  him 
instead  of  all  other  objects  of  affection,  of  family,  of  kindred,  of 
country.  Of  course  this  entire  devotion  pre-supposed  that  in  serving 
the  Order  he  believed  himself  to  be  serving  the  church,  and  God. 
Only  thus  believing,  was  it  possible  that  such  complete  self-abnega- 
tion could  so  have  gained  the  mastery. 

It  needs  no  observation  to  show  that  a body  of  men  so  wholly 
under  the  will  of  their  chiefs,  so  dead  to  all  considerations  but  that 
of  the  success  of  their  Order,  must  have  been  potent  allies,  and  dan- 
gerous enemies.  All  historians  agree  that  their  efforts  stayed  the 
progress  of  the  Reformation,  and  rolled  back  the  tide  of  conquest 
that  threatened  to  sweep  over  all  the  Catholic  countries  of  Europe. 


664 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


III.  EDUCATIONAL  INSTITUTES. 

We  turn  now  to  tlie  subject  which  especially  interests  us,  the  ed- 
ucational institutions  of  the  Jesuits.  As  we  have  seen,  from  the 
very  first  existence  of  the  Order,  the  instruction  of  the  young  had 
been  made  a cardinal  point.  Wherever  its  members  went,  schools 
and  colleges,  and  universities,  were  rapidly  established.  In  a short 
time  the  number  of  pupils  under  their  care,  in  all  parts  of  Europe, 
was  very  large.  This  rapid  and  great  popularity  was  doubtless  in 
considerable  measure,  owing  to  their  zeal  and  energy,  and  to  the  fact 
that  the  existing  schools  were  very  imperfect,  and  far  below  the  exi- 
gences of  the  times ; but  something  is  also  to  be  ascribed  to  the 
intrinsic  excellence  of  the  system  of  education  they  adopted.  This 
system  received  its  definite  and  permanent  form,  under  *Acquaviva, 
the  fifth  General  of  the  order,  who  held  office  from  1581  to  1615,  and 
a man  highly  distinguished  for  his  administrative  ability.  The 
Congregation  that  elected  him,  recommended  that  a commission 
should  be  appointed  of  six  fathers  from  the  various  Catholic  king- 
doms, who  should  draw  up  a plan  of  study,  based  in  part,  upon  that 
followed  in  the  Collegium  Romanum.  This  commission  was  sub- 
sequently enlarged,  and  in  1599,  made  its  report.  The  order  of 
studies  as  then  adopted,  continued,  with  a few  additions,  to  be  the 
order  till  the  dissolution  of  the  society,  in  Ills.  After  its  restora- 
tion in  1814,  a new  commission  was  appointed  to  revise  it;  but  it 
was  determined  in  General  Congregation  in  1820,  that  the  former 

'Claudius  Acquaviva,  the  fiftli  General  of  the  order,  was  born  in  the  province  of  Bari,  in 
southern  Italy,  on  Sept.  I4th,  1543.  He  was  of  a noble  family,  several  members  of  which  had 
highly  distinguished  themselves  both  in  the  service  of  the  state,  and  of  the  church.  A bright 
career  was  open  before  him,  but  he  preferred,  at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  to  enter  into  the  Order 
of  Jesus.  Here  he  soon  distinguished  himself  by  his  talents  and  learning,  and  was  early  made 
a Provincial,  first  at  Naples,  and  then  at  Rome.  He  was  elected  General  in  1581,  at  the  age 
of  thirty-seven.  It  is  said  that  the  selection  of  so  young  a man,  excite'd  the  surprise  of  the  Pope, 
but  it  w'as  justified  by  the  great  abilities  of  Acquaviva,  and  the  skill  with  wdiich  he  managed  af- 
fairs. His  first  care  was  to  secure  to  the  Order  good  leaders,  not  only  virtuous  men,  but  such 
as  understood  their  position,  and  avoided  extremes.  The  times  were  stormy,  and  he  had  to 
reconcile  internal  dissensions,  and  ward  off  attacks  from  without.  His  relations  to  Pope 
Sextus  V,  were  often  delicate,  and  he  had  need  of  the  utmost  caution  not  to  bring  about  an 
open  rupture.  Sextus  wished  to  change  the  constitution  of  the  order,  and  make  it  more  demo- 
cratic, and  less  under  the  direction  of  the  General,  and  also  to  withdraw  the  promised  sub- 
sidies. By  adroit  managment,  Acquaviva  pacified  the  Pope,  till  his  death  freed  the  Order  from 
the  impending  danger.  He  had  also  much  difficulty  in  making  the  Spanish  members  of  the 
Order  obedient  to  his  authority. 

It  is,  liowever,  as  the  author  of  the  famed, ratio  studiorum,  that  Acquaviva  is  best  known. 
He  named  in  1584,  a commission  of  .seven  persons  of  various  nations,  the  result  of  whose 
labors,  is  that  course  of  study  which  remains  in  substance,  in  use  to  day  in  all  the  Jesuit 
schools. 

Acquaviva  died  on  the  31st,  January,  IG15,  after  a Generalship  of  thirty-four  years.  Accord- 
ing to  d’  Alembert  the  Society  of  Jesus  owes  more  to  him  than  to  any  of  its  chiefs  for  its 
success  in  after  times.  The  work  which  he  did  seems  to  have  been  this— that  he  harmonized 
the  religious  and  political  elements,  and  made  the  Order  what  it  has  continued  to  be. 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS, 


665 


order  should  not  be  essentially  changed.  Little,  however,  seems  to 
have  been  done  in  the  matter  down  to  1830,  when  * Koothaan,  the 
General  at  that  time,  appointed  a new  commission.  The  changes 
made  by  this  commission  had  reference  mainly  to  the  higher  depart- 
ments of  study  , theology,  philosophy,  mathematics  and  physics.  The 
ancient  course  of  instruction  in  the  lower  departments  was  left  un- 
changed, except  in  regard  to  modern  languages  and  history.  The 
reasons  given  for  thus  retaining  a system  which  had  seemingly  be- 
come antiquated,  will  appear  in  the  sequel. 

So  far  as  regards  the  external  organization  of  the  Jesuit  schools, 
we  find  them  to  partake  of  the  general  character  of  all  the  institu- 
tions of  the  Order.  No  one  not  a member  was  permitted  to  teach, 
unless  in  some  cases  in  the  lowest  schools.  As  has  been  already 
stated,  every  member  after  spending  five  or  six  years  in  study,  was 
required  to  devote  a like  period  to  teaching.  Tims  all  the  teachers^ 
were  not  only  members  of  the  society,  but  had  been  educated  by  it, 
and  were  familiar  with  its  methods  of  instruction.  And  in  the 
giving  of  instruction,  nothing  was  left  to  the  choice  or  will  of  the 
individual  teacher.  Every  thing,  even  to  the  details,  was  prescribed 
by  the  laws,  and  from  these  there  could  be  no  departure.  And  the 
same  principle  of  implicit  obedience  ruled  here  as  elsewhere.  As  it, 
was  a rule  of  the  Order  that  it  would  not  accept  any  college  which 
did  not,  in  addition  to  a dwelling,  a school  edifice,  and  a church,  possess 
an  endowment  in  money  or  lands  sufficient  for  the  support  of  at 
least  fourteen  persons,  it  was  thus  raised  above  the  necessity  of  adapt- 
ing its  methods  of  instruction  to  popular  tastes,  or  of  imitating 
the  schools  around  them.  This  enabled  them  also  to  make  their  in- 
structions gratuitous,  a circumstance  that  naturally  tended  much  to 
their  popularity.  The  care  of  these  endowments,  as  of  all  merely 
business  matters,  belonged  to  the  lay  brethren. 

Colleges. 

The  colleges  were  of  three  classes,  according  to  the  number  of 
teachers.  The  first  must,  as  a rule,  have  twenty,  the  second,  thirty^ 
the  third,  which  ranked  as  a university,  seventy.  The  general 
supervision  of  each  college  was  given  to  an  officer  called  a rector, 
usually  taken  from  the  ranks  of  the  older  teachers,  but  who  himself 
took  no  part  in  the  work  of  instruction.  To  him  it  belonged  to 
appoint  the  teachers  under  him,  to  note  the  progress  of  the  pupils, 

* Roothaan  was  born  at  Amsterdam,  Nov.  23(1,  1785,  elected  General  of  the  Order,  1829, 
and  died  8th  May,  1853.  His  activity  was  especially  directed  to  three  points;  1,  Foreign  Mis- 
sions; 2,  the  promotion  of  scientific  studies;  3,  the  more  strict  practice  of  the  exercises 
of  igra'.  us. 


666 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


and  to  watcli  over  all  that  concerned  the  prosperity  and  usefulness  of 
tjie  institution.  lie  wi^s  appointed  by  the  General,  or  his  plenopoten- 
tiary,  and  held  his  office  for  three  years,  and  all  must  render  obedienee 
to  him  as  to  the  representative  of  Christ.  Under  him  were  several 
officers  who  had  special  charge  of  the  studies,  and  discipline  of  the 
pupils,  and  who  were  like  himself,  taken  from  the  ranks  of  the 
spiritual  coadjutors.  With  the  colleges  were  generally  united  pen- 
sions, or  boarding  schools,  in  which  pupils,  especially  those  of  rich 
and  noble  families,  were  received  for  a moderate  compensation  ; and 
sometimes  also  seminaries  for  the  education  of  priests.  There  were 
also  in  some  cases  day  sehools  attended  by  youth,  who  boarded  at 
home,  and  these  were  open  to  the  children  of  Protestants  under 
certain  restrictions. 

The  course  of  study  in  these  institutions  divided  itself  into  higher 
ifnd  lower;  studia  miKriora  et  inferiora.  The  smaller  colleges  lim- 
ited themselves  to  the  latter,  and  to  these  we  shall  mainly  here  con- 
fine ourselves.  The  lower  course  of  study  occupies  six  years,  which 
are  thus  divided : the  first  year  is  occupied  with  the  school  Latin, 
or  the  rudiments ; the  second,  with  grammar  in  its  first  elements ; 
the  third  with  syntax;  all  these  are  called  the  grammatical  classes, 
The  fourth  year  is  occupied  with  philology  and  poetry,  and  the  fifth 
and  sixth  years  with  rhetoric  ; the  latter  two  are  ealled  the  humanity 
classes.  The  subjects  of  study,  the  books  to  be  used,  the  amount 
of  time  to  be  daily  spent,  and  the  methods  of  instruction,  are  all 
accurately  prescribed,  and  can  not  be  departed  from. 

The  character  of  this  course  of  study  can  be  understood  only  by 
keeping  in  view  the  fact,  that  the  knowledge  of  the  Latin  tongue 
was  regarded  by  the  Jesuits  as  of  the  first  importance,  and  that  all 
other  knowledge  was  made  subordinate  to  this.  The  ability  to  speak 
it  and  write  it  with  correctness  and  fluency,  is  constantly  held  up 
before  the  pupils  as  the  chief  end  of  their  eftbrts.  The  Latin  has 
always  been  greatly  honored  in  the  Romish  church,  as  the  language 
of  the  ritual,  and  of  the  larger  part  of  her  theological  literature,  but 
to  the  members  of  the  Order  the  mastery  of  the  language  had  a 
special  value,  since  it  enabled  the  natives  of  different  countries  to 
converse  freely  with  each  other  whenever  they  met,  and  served  them 
as  a secret  tongue,  when  they  wished  their  conversation  to  be  un- 
known. And  the  prominent  place  given  it  under  Acquaviva,  it 
retains  even  to  our  own  day.  The  present  General  of  the  Order, 
(Peter  Peck,  chosen  1853,)  writing  to  the  minister  of  education 
of  Austila,  says,  “ Since  the  Latin  tongue  is  the  tongue  of  the  church, 
the  tongue  of  Christian  tradition,  and  since  in  this  tongue  the  scientific 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


667 


treasures  of  all  ages  and  of  all  nations  are  preserved,  and  no  other 
has  so  developed  itself  for  the  expression  of  faith  and  science,  the 
Society  of  Jesus  has  for  this  tongue  a special  love,  and  makes  use  of 
it  for  the  purpose  of  giving  instruction  in  its  schools.” 

As  the  chief  object  in  this  study  of  the  Latin  language  is  to  get 
the  mastery  of  it  as  of  a living  language,  and  to  make  it  available 
for  practical  ends,  it  follows  that  the  classics  are  read  more  for  their 
style  than  for  their  ideas,  and  for  this  reason  considerable  portions 
of  them  are  committed  to  memory  in  order  to  give  the  pupils  com- 
mand of  words  and  phrases.  The  lowest  class  begins  with  the  rudi- 
ments of  the  language,  and  learns,  during  the  first  year  the  declen- 
sions and  conjugations,  with  some  of  the  simplest  rules  of  syntax; 
gradus  hujus  scholce  est  rudimentorum  perfecta,  syntaxis  inckoata^ 
cognitio.  Easy  passages  are  selected  for  reading,  attention  being 
paid  chiefly  to  the  construction  of  the  sentences.  A beginning  is 
also  made  in  the  practice  of  composition,  and  in  committing  to 
memory  short  sentences,  as  a foundation  for  speaking,  for  the  latter 
purpose  use  being  made  of  the  so  called  “ Amalthea,”  of  Pomey,  a 
curious  miscellany  of  odds  and  ends.  The  age  of  members  of  this 
class  was  from  nine  to  twelve. 

The  second  class  continued  the  study  of  grammar,  following  the 
method  already  indicated.  The  object  aimed  at  being  a general 
knowledge  of  its  rules  and  principles,  special  attention  was  given  to 
the  syntax.  Of  the  authors  read,  Cicero  and  Ovid  were  the  chief, — 
some  of  the  epistles  of  the  former,  some  of  the  simplest  poems  of 
the  latter.  Sometimes  also  some  of  the  Eclogues  and  Georgies  of 
Virgil  were  studied. 

The  third  class — the  age  of  the  pupils  being  from  thirteen  to  fif- 
teen years — completed  the  Latin  syntax,  and  the  grammar  generally, 
and  began  the  study  of  prosody.  Among  the  works  studied  were 
the  more  difficult  letters  of  Cicero,  and  some  of  his  didactic 
wTitings ; and  passages  of  the  poets,  of  Ovid,  Virgil,  Catullus,  and 
Tibullus.  The  latter,  however,  were  not  read  at  random,  but  only 
certain  selected  and  expurgated  portions ; selectee  aliquee  et  purgatce. 
Parts  of  the  “ Amalthea,”  were  also  committed  to  memory. 

During  these  three  years  the  Greek  was  studied  with  the  Latin, 
and  the  same  general  method  of  instruction  pursued,  but  it  held  a 
very  subordinate  place,  as  appears  both  from  the  very  little  time 
daily  allotted  to  it,  and  from  the  few  authors  read.  In  Greek  the 
compendium  of  Gretser  was  used  ; in  Latin  the  same  grammar  which 
was  adopted  in  1581, — the  Grammatica  Emmanuelis,  prepared  b}) 
Emmanuel  Alvarus, — continues,  for  the  most  part  unaltered,  in  use 
to  the  present  day. 


668 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


Besides  these  two  ancient  languages,  nothing  is  spoken  of  in  the 
early  plan  of  studies,  ratio  stiidiorum,  hut  “ religion,”  by  which 
term  was  meant  the  learning  by  heart  the  little  catechism  of  Peter  Ca- 
anisius,  and  of  the  Latin  Gospel ; and  “ Erudition,”  comprising  some 
facts  respecting  sacred  history,  an  outline  of  the  four  great  mon- 
archies and  of  the  present  kingdoms  of  the  world.  Of  arithmetic, 
of  geography,  of  history,  as  distinct  departments  of  knowledge,  noth- 
ing is  said.  Nor  was  any  instruction  given  at  first,  in  these  institutions 
respecting  the  mother  tongue  of  the  pupils ; but  this  omission 
causing  great  complaint,  it  was  determined  in  lYOS,  that  they  should 
be  taught  it,  although  the  teaching  seems  to  have  been  fragmentary 
and  imperfect.  Nor  was  any  attention  given  to  the  modern  lan- 
guages till  the  revision  of  the  studies  in  1832,  when  some  concessions 
were  made  in  this  point  to  the  spirit  of  the  age. 

The  two  higher  classes,  distinguished  as  the  “ poetical  ” and  “ rhe- 
torical,” quarta  poetica,  quinta  rhetorica,  had  as  their  goal,  eloquence, 
or  the  art  of  writing  and  speaking  well.  The  foundation  of  this 
art  was  laid  in  the  studies  of  the  fourth  class,  prcpparare  veluti  solum 
eloquenticB — which  were  directed  to  the  knowledge  of  the  structure 
of  the  language,  and  of  the  rules  of  rhetoric,  and  to  the  acquisition 
of  general  information.  The  studies  of  the  fifth  class,  embracing 
two  years,  were  not  well  defined ; gradus  hujus  scholice  non  facile 
certis  quibusdam  terminis  definiri  potest^  but  had  reference  more  or 
less  direct  to  oratory,  iliOifacultas  oratoria.  The  methods  of  study 
followed  were  essentially  the  same  as  in  the  lower  classes.  Some 
selected  portions  of  an  author  are  read  in  the  morning,  such  as 
treat  of  eloquence,  tropes,  figures,  &c.,  and  in  the  afternoon,  such  as 
treat  of  the  art  of  poetry.  The  Latin  classics  are  used  mainly  with 
reference  to  style,  that  the  pupils  may  learn  to  express  themselves 
with  fluency  and  propriety.  The  favorite  author  is  Cicero,  whose 
works  are  studied  at  all  stages  of  the  course,  the  orations  being 
reserved  to  the  last.  Of  the  historians,  Caesar,  Sallust,  Livy,  are 
read  ; of  the  poets,  Virgil,  Horace,  Ovid,  Martial ; care  being  taken 
in  all  cases  that  any  thing  immodest  is  first  expurgated. 

In  these  two  classes,  as  in  the  earlier,  the  Greek  is  taught  with  the 
Latin,  and  continues  to  hold  a subordinate  place ; but  while  the  other 
classes  devote  but  an  half  hour  to  it  each  day,  the  fifth  class  devotes 
an  hour.  The  scholars  study  some  of  the  easier  prose  writers,  and 
some  of  the  early  Christian  poets.  The  Rhetoric  of  Aristotle  is 
studied,  not  in  the  original,  but  in  the  Latin.  In  both  languages, 
the  object  is,  throughout,  to  gain  such  knowledge  of  them  as  to 
enable  the  pupil  to  speak  and  write  them.  But  in  regard  to  the 
Greek,  this  was  never,  or  at  least  very  rarely,  attained.  The  Latin, 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


669 


however,  being  constantly  used  in  the  school  as  the  medium  of 
instruction,  and  by  the  pupils  of  the  higher  classes  in  their  conver- 
sation with  each  other,  became  by  degrees  very  familiar,  and  was 
spoken  and  written  with  great  fluency,  if  not  always  correctly,  or 
often  with  elegance.  How  many  Greek  authors  were  actually  read, 
it  is  difficult  to  say.  The  list  given  of  those  to  be  perused  in  the 
last  year,  embraces  Demosthenes,  Plato,  Thucydides,  Homer, 
Hesiod,  Pindar,  and  others  of  the  ancients,  together  with  Gregory 
of  Nazianzen,  Basil,  and  Chrysostom,  It  is  apparent,  however,  that 
only  very  small  portions  of  these  could  possibly  have  been  read.  It 
is  to  be  remembered  that  the  pupil  ended  the  course,  as  a rule,  at  the 
age  of  flfteen  or  sixteen,  and  then  proceeded  to  ■ the  higher  course, 
studiis  superioribus,  during  which  no  special  attention  was  given 
to  philology. 

Aside  from  the  Greek  and  Latin,  the  instruction^of  the  pupils  in 
other  departments  of  knowledge  was,  in  the  higher,  as  in  the  lower 
classes,  very  fragmentary  and  imperfect.  'As  a religious  text-book  the 
catechism  of  Canisius  was  used,  and  the  Gospels  in  Greek,  or  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  or  the  Panegyrics  of  Chrysostom,  read  and  ex- 
plained. Besides  this,  there  was  a very  miscellaneous  and  undeflned 
fleld  embraced  in  the  phrase  eruditio,  points  of  archaeology,  and 
history,  symbols,  proverbs,  inscriptions,  architecture,  remarkable 
facts,  and  the  like,  but  as  instruction  was  given  upon  these  multi- 
farious points  only  upon  the  weekly  holiday,  it  is  apparent  that  much 
real  knowledge  could  not  have  been  acquired.  It  is  not  a little 
remarkable  that  arithmetic  is  mentioned  only  once,  and  incident- 
ally, and  that  the  only  time  given  to  it  was  in  the  last  week  of  each 
term,  when  the  severer  studies  were  ended.  To  the  physical  sciences 
no  time  was  devoted  except  in  the  brief  interval  between  the  exam- 
ination and  the  division  of  the  prizes,  and  that  mainly  to  amuse  the 
pupils  with  entertaining  experiments.  But  w^e  must  add  that  the 
Society,  yielding  to  the  demands  of  the  times,  does  now  give  much 
fuller  instruction  in  history,  geography,  mathematics,  and  the  mother 
tongue.  Still,  even  now  it  must  be  said  that  the  instruction  in  these 
branches  is  very  imperfect.  The  study  of  the  Latin  and  Greek  con- 
tinues to  be,  as  it  has  ever  been,  the  chief  object  of  attention,  and 
casts  all  else  into  the  shade. 

In  regard  to  text-books,  changes  are  permitted  very  slowly  and 
cautiously,  the  old  being  retained  as  long  as  possible,  and  great  care 
is  taken  that  none  of  them  contain  any  thing  contrary  to  the  Cath- 
olic faith  and  dogmas.  Only  expurgated  editions  of  the  classics  are 
used,  and  such  as  can  not  be  purged,  as  Terence,  are  not  read  at  all. 


670 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


The  pupHs  are  permitted  to  read  no  books  in  private  which  have 
not  been  examined  and  approved  of  by  the  teachers,  nor  to  bring 
them  into  the  school,  or  have  them  in  their  possession.  The  time 
devoted  to  each  branch  of  study  was  very  precisely  marked  out,  and 
30uld  not  be  departed  from.  The  whole  time  given  each  day  was 
five  hours,  two  and  a half  in  the  morning,  and  the  same  in  the  after- 
noon, except  in  the  highest  class,  which  was  four,  making  for  the 
week  in  the  former  case,  twenty-seven  hours,  in  the  latter  from 
twenty-one  to  twenty-two;  no  allowance  being  made  here  for  the 
feast  and  fast-days,  which  limited  the  school  time  still  more. 

The  order  of  exercises  each  day  is  substantially  as  follows:  At 
six  and  three  quarters  A.  M.,  the  bell  is  rung,  and  the  pupils  begin 
to  assemble ; at  seven,  all  go  together  to  mass,  and  at  seven  and  a 
half  the  school  opens  with  a short  prayer,  both  pupils  and  teachers 
kneeling  with  Uncovered  heads ; and  closes  in  the  same  way.  Be- 
fore beginning  to  read,  the  teacher  makes  the  sign  of  the  cross ; a 
half  hour,  is  given  to  collecting  and  correcting  the  written  tasks, 
hearing  recitations  from  memory,  &c.  From  eight  to  nine  the  les- 
sons of  the  preceding  day  are  repeated,  then  a new  passage  is  read 
and  explained;  at  nine,  matter  is  dictated  for  a new  composition  in 
Latin  or  Greek,  which  is  always  so  brief  that  it  can  be  written  and 
corrected  within  an  hour  ; in  the  lower  classes  two  or  three  lines  suf- 
fice. Whilst  the  scholars  are  occupied  in  this  labor  the  master  gives 
help  to  the  more  backward  pupils.  In  the  afternoon  the  school  be- 
gins at  one  and  a half  and  follows  the  same  general  order.  At  its  close 
the  teacher  gives  thanks  to  God.  On  Tuesdays  and  Thursdays  the 
order  is  somewhat  varied,  and  on  the  weekly  holiday  the  morn- 
ing school  is  shortened  half  an  hour,  and  the  afternoon  session 
omitted. 

The  prescriptions  which  are  very  minute,  respecting  the  studies 
not  only  of  each  day,  but  of  each  month,  and  for  the  discipline  of 
the  school  and  its  management,  we  here  pass  by. 

Characteristic  Features. 

From  what  has  been  said,  it  is  not  difficult  to  point  out  the  char- 
acteristic features  of  the  Jesuit  schools.  They  may  be  summed  up 
in  these  points : first,  the  limitation  of  the  course  of  study  to  a few 
subjects  ; second,  the  culture  of  the  memory  by  the  practice  of  repeti- 
tion ; and  third,  the  awakening  of  the  ambition  of  the  pupils  by 
constant  appeals  to  the  feeling  of  emulation. 

The  one  central  thing  in  the  course  of  study,  is  the  knowledge  of 
the  Latin  and  Greek  languages,  especially  of  the  former.  In  the 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


en 

original  plan,  ratio  studiorum^  scarce  any  thing  else  was  mentioned ; 
and  although  within  a few  years  the  course  has  been  enlarged,  still, 
these  languages  retain  their  high  position.  This  concentration  of 
the  time  and  labor  of  the  scholar  upon  a single  point,  brings  with 
it  some  very  decided  advantages.  What  is  learned  is  usually  learned 
thoroughly,  and  the  mind  is  thus  made,  in  its  measure,  clear  and 
strong,  and  the  danger  of  great  superficiality,  of  knowing  a little 
of  many  things  and  nothing  well,  is  guarded  against.  Yet  on  the 
other  hand,  the  Jesuits,  as  has  been  remarked,  attach  a value  to  the 
Latin  tongue,  which  most  in  our  day  will  regard  as  exaggerated. 
To  speak  it  and  write  it  fluently,  is  an  acquisition  hardly  worth  its 
cost.  We  do  not  here  intend  to  enter  at  all  into  the  discussion 
respecting  the  comparative  value  of  the  study  of  language  and  of 
science  as  a means  of  mental  discipline.  We  speak  only  of  the  fact 
that,  to  attain  this  mastery  over  the  Latin,  not  only  science  in  almost 
all  its  departments,  but  also  modern  languages  and  literature,  must 
be  neglected.  Six  years,  from  the  age  of  ten  to  sixteen  being  thus 
spent,  and  in  this  period  only  the  merest  smattering  of  mathematics, 
or  history,  or  geography,  having  been  acquired,  it  will,  we  think,  be 
rightly  judged  that  the  time  could  have  been  more  profitably 
employed. 

As  to  the  mode  in  which  the  Latin  is  studied,  there  may  be  an 
objection  taken,  and  we  think  a just  one,  in  that  the  object  is  not  to 
enable  the  pupil  to  enter  into  the  genius  of  the  language,  and  to  im- 
bibe its  spirit  as  the  deepest,  truest  expression  of  national  life,  but  to 
obtain  a verbal,  external  command  over  it  as  a vehicle  of  communica- 
tion. The  study,  therefore,  becomes  a mechanical  one,  and  serves 
rather  to  discipline  the  memory,  than  to  develop  the  higher  facul- 
ties of  the  mind. 

A second  characteristic  is  the  cultivation  of  the  memory  by  the 
frequent  repetition  of  the  lessons.  In  the  lower  classes,  besides 
words  and  grammatical  rules,  passages  from  Cicero  are  selected  and 
learned  by  heart,  and  care  is  taken  that  these  shall  be  short,  not  more 
than  four  to  seven  lines.  The  catechism  is  also  committed  to 
memory.  In  the  higher  classes,  and  especially  in  the  highest,  there 
are  frequent  declamations,  that  what  has  been  learned  may  be  fittingly 
expressed.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  teacher  to  explain  the  lesson,  and 
illustrate  it  by  examples,  and  the  next  day  the  pupil  must  repeat  the 
illustrations  in  substance,  or  verbatim.  Sometimes  the  remarks  of 
the  teacher  are  written  down  by  the  pupils  and  next  day  repeated 
from  recollection.  That  the  lessons  may  not  be  beyond  the  grasp 


672 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


of  an  ordinary  memory  they  are  made  very  short,  and  being  often 
repeated  can  not  be  easily  forgotten. 

That  complete  command  may  be  attained  over  the  Latin,  not 
only  is  it  used  by  the  teachers  of  the  higher  classes  in  their  instruc- 
tions, and  in  all  their  intercourse  with  the  scholars,  but  the  scholars 
themselves  are  required  to  use  it  in  their  private  intercourse  with 
one  another.  The  use  of  the  mother  tongue  is  visited  with  censure, 
and  some  mark  of  disgrace.  By  this  continual  practice  the  lan- 
guage soon  becomes  very  familiar,  at  least  in  its  colloquial  forms. 

The  third  characteristic  is  the  intense  emulation  which  is  aroused 
among  the  pupils.  The  teacher  is  directed  to  appeal  to  this  princi- 
ple in  every  possible  way.  “ He,  who  knows  how  skillfully  to  awaken 
emulation,  has  the  most  efScient  means  at  his  command,  and  in  it- 
self a sufficient  means,  to  attain  success  in  his  office.  Let  him  there- 
fore value  this  weapon  highly,  and  diligently  inquire  how  he  can 
attain  with  it  the  greatest  results.”  Among  the  means  to  this  end 
always  employed,  are  the  establishment  of  different  offices  with 
Latin  titles,  Praetors,  Censors,  Decurions,  among  the  pupils,  who 
are  chosen  according  to  the  results  of  the  monthly  studies — skill  in 
composition  being  most  highly  prized.  Those  who  have  written 
the  best,  receive  the  highest  dignity,  and  others  according  to  their 
merits.  Frequently  the  school  is  divided  into  two  parties,  called 
now,  Romans  and  Carthagenians,  now,  Greek  and  Trojans,  under 
like  officers,  who  contend  with  each  other  which  shall  best  answer 
the  questions  put  by  the  master ; or  they  put  questions  to  one  an- 
other. Sometimes  an  officer  challenges  another  to  a trial  of  knowl- 
edge and  skill,  or  a private  may  challenge  an  officer,  and  if  he  over- 
comes him,  takes  himself  the  office,  or  receives  some  badge  of  his 
triumph.  The  highest  in  rank,  called  a dictator,  wears  upon  his 
breast  a gilded  key  upon  a rich  ribbon,  and  a costly  bound  register,  in 
which  are  inscribed  the  names  of  the  dictators.  These  contests 
take  place  regularly  at  fixed  times.  Besides  these  contests  various 
artifices  are  used  to  awaken  the  ambition  of  the  scholars,  as  the 
writing  down  the  name  of  one  who  has  distinguished  himself  upon 
a public  table,  or  the  public  mention  of  his  name  each  month ; as 
on  the  other  hand,  a great  offense  is  entered  in  the  censor’s  book, 
and  the  name  of  the  offender  publicly  proclaimed. 

But  in  addition  to  these  ordinary  means,  great  importance  is 
given  to  the  yearly  examination  and  the  distributions  of  prizes.  After 
the  feast  of  the  Assumption  of  Mary,  the  pupils  begin  their  prepa- 
rations for  examination,  which  occupies  nearly  a month.  The  cere- 
mony of  distributing  the  prizes  at  the  end  of  the  school  year  in 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


673 


September,  is  publicly  commemorated  and  numerously  attended. 
The  names  of  the  victors  are  announced  to  the  audience,  and  com- 
ing forward  they  receive  their  premiums  before  the  assembly.  Often 
a comedy,  prepared  by  one  of  the  teachers,  is  acted,  and  poems  re- 
peated. Each  teacher  also  gives  little  presents,  images,  and  books, 
or  posts  of  honor,  to  such  as  have  in  any  way  distinguished  them- 
selves. 

From  these  characteristic  features  of  the  mode  of  instruction  in 
the  Jesuit  scliools,  let  us  consider  the  principles  that  lie -at  the  basis 
of  their  whole  educational  system ; and  the  first  and  fundamental 
one  is  that  education  must  be  religious.  The  pupils  must  be  edu- 
cated for  God  and  the  church,  and  every  thing  must  be  adapted  to 
this  end  and  subordinate  to  it.  But  religion  and  morality  are  not 
matters  of  the  intellect  merely;  they  can  not  be  so  much  learned  as 
practiced.  Hence  great  stress  is  laid  upon  pious  practices,  as  pil- 
grimages, hearing  of  mass,  adoration  of  images,  saying  of  prayers, 
and  the  like.  It  does  not  appear  that  very  much  instruction  was 
early  given  to  the  pupils  about  religious  dogmas.  The  catechism  of 
Canisins,  summa  doctrince  christiance^  was  committed  to  memory, 
but  this  seems  to  have  been  as  much  to  teach  them  Latin  as  theo- 
logy. So  the  Gospels  in  Greek  and  Latin  were  read  and  explained. 
Beyond  this  no  special  dogmatic  religious  instruction  was  given. 
But  the  pupils  were  made  daily  to  attend  mass,  and  accustomed  to 
offer  certain  prescribed  prayers  to  God  and  the  saints  ; sometimes 
from  a book,  sometimes  from  memory.  They  were  to  pray,  not 
only  at  the  opening  and  close  of  the  school  but  at  other  times,  as 
Avhenever  the  clock  struck ; and  at  the  beginning  of  his  written  ex- 
ercise, the  pupil  kneeling,  addressed  a petition  to  the  Holy  Spirit. 
He,  who  distinguished  himself  by  the  strict  performance  of  these 
pious  practices,  was  praised  and  rewarded,  but  he  who  neglected 
them  was  punished  by  being  compelled  to  attend  more  masses,  or 
repeat  more  prayers. 

In  order  more  effectually  to  accomplish  the  end  and  stimulate  the 
scholars  to  outward  acts  of  devotion,  special  means  were  resorted 
to.  The  pupils,  who  distinguished  themselves  by  their  piety,  were 
received  into  the  Congregation  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  a society  which 
had  its  origin  in  the  Collegium  Romanum,  but  had  extended  itself 
widely  in  most  Catholic  countries.  The  rite  of  confession  also 
played  a most  important  part  in  promoting  these  external  observ- 
ances, since  in  this  Avay  it  was  easily,  ascertained  who  of  the  pupils 
neglected  his  religious  duties.  It  deserves  to  be  noted  that  the  fa- 
ther-confessor of  the  pupils  is  not  one  of  the  teachers,  or  one  having. 


674 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


any  direct  connection  with  the  school,  but  a priest  of  the  Order, 
specially  commissioned  to  this  duty.  It  need  scarcely  be  said  that 
the  original  abhorrence  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  against  all  heresy 
was  implanted,  so  far  as  possible,  in  the  hearts  of  their  pupils,  and 
it  is  a curious  fact,  and  not  a little  suggestive,  that  while  they  were 
forbidden  to  attend  public  executions,  there  was  an  express  exception 
with  regard  to  the  execution  of  heretics.  That  they  almost  univer- 
sally became  most  zealous  defenders  of  the  Roman  church  and  op- 
ponents of  the  Reformation,  followed,  of  course. 

As  religion  constituted  a prominent  part  of  education  in  the 
Jesuit  schools,  so  also  did  morality.  How  far  the  accusations 
brought  against  the  moral  teachings  of  the  Order  by  Pascal,  and  so 
often  repeated  since,  are  true,  we  can  not  here  inquire.  That  they 
have  had  general  credence  is  sufficiently  shown  by  the  current  use 
of  the  term  Jesuitical.  That,  however,  they  watched  over  the 
morals  of  their  pupils  with  care,  and  trained  them  to  virtuous  habits, 
we  see  no  good  reason  to  doubt.  But  some  of  the  principles  adopted 
by  them  and  applied  in  their  schools  seem  justly  open  to  exception. 
Among  them  is  that  of  implicit  obedience,  an  obedience  which  em- 
braced not  only  the  act,  but  the  will ; for  as  we  have  seen,  every  mem- 
ber of  the  Order  was  to  be  in  the  hands  of  his  superior,  as  a corpse. 
He  was  to  obey  the  commands  given  him  without  hesitation  or  reflec- 
tion. Only  when  they  manifestly  involved  sin  could  they  refuse  ; 
quce  cum  peccato  manifesto  covjunctoe  non  sint.  In  all  other  cases 
his  obedience  must  be  instantaneous  and  blind.  The  command  was 
binding  upon  his  conscience.  This  principle  of  the  Order  naturally 
ruled  in  the  schools.  The  instructions  of  the  teacher  were  in  no 
case  to  be  questioned,  but  received.  What  he  said  in  explanation 
or  interpretation  of  the  lessons  was  not  to  be  examined  or  reasoned 
upon,  but  to  be  remembered  and  repeated  and  believed.  In  this 
way  all  mental  independence  must  soon  cease,  and  the  pupil,  forbid- 
den to  exercise  his  own  judgment,  would  become  the  mere  passive 
recipient  of  the  ideas  of  others.  Men  so  trained  might  be  excellent 
members  of  the  Order,  but  could  scarcely  be  expected  to  be  pioneers 
in  yet  unexplored  realms  of  thought,  neither  acute  critics  of  old 
dogmas,  nor  propounders  of  new. 

In  its  moral,  as  well  as  in  its  intellectual  bearings,  this  principle 
of  implicit  obedience  is  fraught  with  danger.  If  it  be  true  that  the 
church  of  God,  rightly  constituted  and  guided  by  the  Holy  Spirit, 
is  infallible,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  the  will  of  the  individual 
members  is  to  be  held  in  abeyance,  and  that  a blind,  unquestioning 
obedience  is  to  be  paid  to  ecclesiastical  rulers.  All  service  rendered 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


675 


to  God  should  be  reasonable,  voluntary,  and  free,  and  while  there  is 
proper  submission  to  authority,  there  should  be  at  the  same  time 
no  coercion  of  the  conscience.  We  can  not  throw  the  responsibility 
of  our  moral  acts  upon  others,  and  to  do  this  destroys  the  sense  of 
right  and  wrong,  and  disorders  the  whole  spiritual  nature.  In  so 
far,  therefore,  as  the  Jesuits  taught  their  pupils  that  all  disobedience, 
except  when  the  command  is  flagrantly  immoral,  is  mortal  sin,  they 
undermined  that  sense  of  individual  responsibility  which  is  essential 
to  true  manhood,  and  without  which  human  actions  have  no  moral 
character,  and  morality  itself  no  real  existence.  To  obey  unques- 
tioningly  is  an  excellent  rule  for  the  soldier,  since  military  evolutions 
rarely  involve  points  of  ethics,  but  not  for  the  Christian  warrior 
whose  duty  it  is  to  have  always  a conscience  void  of  offense  toward 
God  and  toward  men,  and  whose  first  question  respecting  every  act 
must  be,  is  it  rijrht? 

But  while  we  must  protest  against  the  principle  of  implicit  obedi- 
ence, and  regard  its  application  to  education  as  highly  injurious  to 
the  nobler  forms  of  moral  character,  in  the  external  discipline  and 
government  of  the  Jesuit  schools  we  find  no  reason  to  believe  that 
there  was  over  much  rigor  and  severity.  Indeed,  at  their  first  insti- 
tution they  seem  to  have  favorably  contrasted  with  most  of  the 
schools  of  that  period,  in  this  respect.  There  was  comparatively 
little  of  corporal  punishment,  or  of  punishment  of  any  kind,  and 
complaints  were  sometimes  made  that  the  better  class  of  pupils  were 
allowed  too  great  liberty.  It  was  a rule  that  the  teacher  should  get 
hold  of  the  pupil  rather  by  mildness  and  kindness  than  by  sternness, 
and  that  youth  is  better  led  by  the  excitements  of  honor  and  by  fear 
of  shame,  than  by  rough  punishments.  When  it  was  necessary  to 
inflict  bodily  chastisement,  a “ corrector  ” was  appointed  for  this 
pui-pose,  and  care  was  taken  that  he  should  not  be  a member  of  the 
Order.  A chief  means  of  preserving  good  conduct  at  all  times  was 
the  supervision  to  which  every  pupil  was  constantly  exposed.  At  all 
hours  and  in  every  place  a teacher,  or  some  officer,  was  present,  at 
study  and  at  play,  by  day  and  by  night,  in  the  play-room  and  the 
sleeping-room,  and  upon  all  walks  and  excursions  ; and  more  than 
this ; it  was  a rule  that,  so  far  as  possible,  a pupil  should  never  be 
left  alone.  Two  must  go  in  company,  both  to  school  and  to  church, 
in  their  walks  and  amusements.  To  this,  in  itself,  although  an  ex- 
cess of  caution,  there  is  little  to  object;  but  it  merits  severest  repro- 
bation, if,  as  is  charged,  the  purpose  was  to  make  each  a spy  upon 
the  other,  to  note  and  report  at  the  confessional,  or  to  the  superiors, 
every  offense.  Such  a system  was  destructive,  not  merely  of  private 


676 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


friendship,  which  indeed  the  society  never  favored,  teaching  that 
Christian  love  embraced  all  alike,  but  of  all  youthful  sincerity  and 
nobleness. 

To  manners  and  deportment  special  attention  was  paid  ; the  pupils 
were  taught  to  speak  distinctly  and  elegantly,  to  write  a clear  and 
handsome  hand,  to  walk  with  an  erect  and  easy  carriage,  and  to  con- 
form to  all  those  external  forms  that  distinguished  the  gentleman. 
To  aid  them  in  gaining  ease  and  assurance  of  manner  and  readiness 
of  address,  much  was  made  of  dramatic  representation ; both  trag- 
edies and  comedies  were  frequently  acted,  but  all  in  Latin.  At 
first  the  time  of  each  representation  was  limited  to  one  and  a 
half  hours,  and  much  expense  and  display  were  forbidden,  but  later 
much  more  time  was  given  them,  and  the  preparations  were  often 
on  a magnificent  scale.  The  people  who  came  were  admitted  gratu- 
itously, and  great  crowds  often  assembled.  The  plays  were  not 
unfrequently  written  by  one  of  the  scholastics,  taking  as  the  ground- 
work a legend  out  of  the  history  of  the  martyrs,  or  some  event  of 
contemporaneous  history.  Of  course  these  reflected  the  ruling  feel- 
ing of  the  day,  and  were  sometimes  both  gross  and  fantastic. 

Besides  the  acting  of  plays,  most  forms  of  amusement  were 
encouraged,  and  such  gymnastic  exercises  as  tended  to  promote 
bodily  strength  and  grace.  The  pupils  were  taught  to  ride,  to  dance, 
to  row,  to  fence,  and  to  divert  themselves  with  all  proper  games. 
Almost  every  college  had  a spacious  farm-house  where  they  were 
taken  upon  holidays  in  the  summer.  Especial  care  was  taken  that 
the  site  of  the  school  should  be  healthy,  and  the  rooms  airy.  The 
food  was  wholesome  and  well  prepared,  and  beyond  the  watchings 
and  fastings  required  by  the  church,  there  was  no  undue  asceticism. 
In  short,  to  every  thing  that  pertained  to  the  physical  and’external 
prosperity  of  their  schools,  the  Jesuits  seem  to  have  given  much 
care,  and  to  have  been  very  successful.’ 

Before  attempting  to  estimate  the  comparative  merits  and  demer- 
its of  the  Jesuit  schools  from  the  data  before  us,  let  us  consider  the 
opinions  that  have  been  expressed  respecting  them  by  various  emi- 
nent scholars.  Among  their  commenders  is  that  very  able  man  and 
competent  judge.  Lord  Francis  Bacon.  In  his  work  “De  augment. 
Scient.”  he  writes ; “As  to  psedagogy,  it  may  briefly  be  said,  con- 
sult the  schools  of  the  Jesuits,  for  there  is  nothing  better  than  these.” 
Elsewhere,  also,  he  expresses  his  approbation  in  strong  terms,  praising 
the  practice  of  gathering  the  pupils  in  colleges,  as  giving  a better 
field  to  dramatic  representations,  and  awakening  emulation,  and 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS.  677 

commending  the  short  lessons,  and  the  gradual  progress  from  the 
easier  to  the  harder  branches  of  study. 

Another  distinguished  philosopher,  Descartes,  gives  the  same 
commendation,  which  is  the  more  valuable  since  he  was  himself 
educated  at  one  of  these  schools.*  One  of  the  special  advantages 
of  which  he  speaks  is,  the  mingling  together  and  intercourse  of  so 
many  youth  taken  from  all  parts  of  the  land,  supplying  the  place  in 
a good  degree  of  foreign  travel ; and  the  equality  upon  which  all 
are  placed. 

One  of  the  warmest  encomiasts  is  Chateaubriand,  who  affirmed 
that  in  the  suppression  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  Europe  had  suffered 
an  irreparable  loss,  and  that  education  had  never  recovered  from  the 
blow  it  then  sustained.  He  praises  especially  the  skill  with  which 
the  teachers  knew  howto  bind  the  pupils  to  themselves,  and  declares 
that  the  Jesuits  had  brilliantly  distinguished  themselves  in  every 
department  of  knowledge,  as  chemists,  botanists,  mathematicians, 
mechanicians,  astronomers,  poets,  historians,  translators,  archseolo 
gists,  and  journalists. 

In  the  praises  of  the  French  Catholics,  many  Protestant  writers  have 
joined,  though  not  without  some  qualification.  Macaulay  observes : 
“ No  religious  community  could  produce  a list  of  men  so  variously 
distinguished.  There  was  no  region  of  the  globe,  no  walk  of  spec- 
ulation or  of  active  life,  in  which  Jesuits  were  not  to  be  found. 
They  guided  the  counsels  of  kings.  They  deciphered  Latin  in- 
scriptions. They  observed  the  motions  of  Jupiter’s  satellites.  They 
published  whole  libraries,  controversy,  casuistry,  history,  treatises 
on  optics,  alcaic  odes,  editions  of  the  fathers,  madrigals,  cate- 
chisms, and  lampoons.  The  liberal  education  of  youth  passed  al- 
most entirely  into  their  hands,  and  was  conducted  by  them  with 
conspicuous  ability.  They  appear  to  have  discovered  the  precise 
point  to  which  intellectual  culture  can  be  carried  without  risk  of 
intellectual  emancipation.  Enmity  itself  was  compelled  to  own 
‘that  in  the  art  of  managing  and  forming  the  tender  mind,  they  had 
no  equals.  Meanwhile  they  assiduously  and  successfully  cultivated 
the  eloquence  of  the  pulpit.  With  still  greater  assiduity  and  still 
greater  success  they  applied  themselves  to  the  ministry  of  the  con- 
fessional. Throughout  Catholic  Europe  the  secrets  of  every  gov- 

' According  to  Lewes  ; “Biographical  History  of  Philosophy,”  Descartes,  on  leaving  the 
college  of  La  Fleche,  “ declared  that  he  had  derived  no  other  benefit  from  his  studies  than 
that  of  a conviction  of  his  utter  ignorance,  and  a profound  contempt  for  the  systems  of 
philosophy  in  vogue.”  Still  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  he  highly  valued  the  education  he 
had  received  at  La  Fleche. 


678 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


ernment,  and  of  almost  every  family  of  note  were  in  their  keeping.” 
To  the  darker  shades  in  Macaulay’s  picture  we  need  not  advert. 

Ranke  in  his  “History  of  the  Popes,”  speaking  of  their  peda- 
gogical success,  thus  explains  it : “ The  Jesuits  were  more  systematic 
than  the  earlier  teachers.  They  divided  the  pupils  into  classes,  and 
the  instruction  of  all  from  highest  to  lowest  was  carried  on  in  the 
same  spirit.  They  took  good  care  of  their  morals,  and  formed  well 
educated  people.  One  thing  they  had  which  especially  distinguished 
them  ; ut  was  method.  Every  thing  was  designed,  every  thing  had 
its  end.” 

In  the  same  strain  Hallam  remarks  in  his  “ Literature  of  Europe.” 
“It  was  one  of  the  first  great  services  which  the  Jesuits  performed^ 
to  get  possession  of  the  universities,  or  to  found  other  seminaries 
for  education.  In  these  they  discarded  the  barbarous  school-books 
then  in  use,  put  the  rudimentary  study  of  the  languages  on  a better 
footing,  devoted  themselves,  for  the  sake  of  religion,  to  those  accom- 
plishments which  religion  had  hitherto  disdained ; and  by  giving  a 
taste  for  elegant  literature,  with  as  much  solid  and  scientific  philos- 
ophy as  the  knowledge  of  the  times  and  the  prejudices  of  the  church 
would  allow,  both  wiped  away  the  reproach  of  ignorance,  and  drew 
forth  the  native  talents  of  their  novices  and  scholars.  They  taught 
gratuitously,  which  threw,  however  unreasonably,  a sort  of  discredit 
upon  salaried  professors ; it  was  found  that  boys  learned  moi’e  from 
them  in  six  months  than  in  two  years  under  other  masters ; and, 
probably  for  both  these  reasons,  even  Protestants  sometimes  with- 
drew their  children  from  the  ordinary  gymnasia  and  placed  them  in 
Jesuit  colleges.  No  one  will  deny  that,  in  their  classical  knowledge, 
particularly  of  the  Latin  language,  and  in  the  elegance  with  which 
they  wrote  it,  the  order  of  the  Jesuits  might  stand  in  competition 
with  any  scholars  in  Europe.” 

Of  recent  German  writers  both  Stahl  and  Hahn  speak  of  the 
many  merits  of  these  schools.  Hahn  says:  “It  is  customary  to 
represent  the  instruction  as  exceedingly  superficial  and  defective,  . 
and  as  injurious  to  the  intellect.  I believe  that  in  this  we  do  the 
Jesuits  injustice,  at  any  rate  so  far  as  concerns  their  earlier  history, 
when  their  schools  were  inferior  to  the  universities  in  their  variety 
of  learning,  but  not  inferior  to  them  in  method  and  result.  The 
Jesuits  took  great  care  to  make  study  agreeable  to  their  pupils. 
This  has  caused  their  opponents  to  bring  many  charges  against  them, 
as  if  the  knowledge  thus  gained  was  necessarily  both  partial  and 
superficial.  It  is  however  to  be  remarked  that  the  pedagogical  efforts 
of  that  day  are  not  to  be  judged  of  by  the  principles  which  only 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


679 


within  a few  years  have  found  currency.  That  the  Jesuits  with  their 
more  pleasing  modes  of  instruction  reached  as  high  results  as  the 
universities  with  their  drier  and  more  scholastic  methods,  is  satis- 
factorily shown  by  the  lists  of  their  scholars  whose  names  hold  hon- 
orable places  upon  the  pages  of  French  literature,  and  in  political  and 
ecclesiastical  history.  They  count  among  them  the  famous  warriors, 
Conde,  Bouillon,  Rohan,  Luxembourg,  Montmorency,  Villars,  Broglie ; 
The  prelates,  Flechier,  Bossuet,  Fleury,  Tericin ; the  lawyers,  Lam- 
oignon,  Argenson,  Montesquieu ; the  philosophers  and  poets, 
Descartes,  Corneille,  Cubillon,  Fontenelle,  Moliere  and  Voltaire. 
Not  all  of  these  pupils  have  remained  faithful  to  the  principles  of  the 
Order  that  educated  them,  but  the  very  enumeration  shows  both 
that  the  Jesuit  schools  had  a wide  sphere  of  action,  and  that  they 
did  not  stupify  and  benumb  the  intellect.” 

To  these  friendly  judgments  of  Protestant  writers  we  may  oppose 
the  severe  strictures  of  many  Catholics,  even  of  some  educated  in  the 
Jesuit  schools.  The  author  of  a recent  treatise  entitled,  “The  Gym- 
nasia of  Austria  and  the  Jesuits,”  thus  sums  up  the  matter:  “The 
method  of  Jesuit  instruction  appears  upon  impartial  consideration, 
only  as  a melancholy  proof  of  pedagogical  error,  and  of  rigid  per- 
sistence in  antiquated  ways.  The  system  as  originally  devised  in 
the  ratio  studiorurnj  answers  less  and  less  to  the  necessities  and  de- 
mands of  the  times.  AVe  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  if  great  and 
important  provinces  of  the  German  empire  have  presented  in  our 
days  the  image  of  intellectual  stagnation,  we  explain  this  fact  by  the 
defective  character  of  Jesuit  education.  We  do  by  no  means 
assert  that  single  members  of  this  Order  have  not  rendered  important 
services  to  science.  But  this  is  not  due  to  their  method  of  educa- 
tion. We  repeat,  what  was  said  in  the  last  century,  that  if  we  com- 
pute the  numbers  of  the  Order  from  its  institution  to  the  year  1774. 
at  150,000,  which  is  a very  moderate  estimate,  one  need  not  wonder 
that  out  of  so  many,  some  fifteen  or  twenty  should  be  good  Latin 
scholars.  In  general  what  the  Jesuits  have  done  for  science  is  very 
small.  In  philosophy  scarcely  a single  work  can  be  named  which 
has  had  any  decided  influence  upon  the  progress  of  thought.  Even 
in  historical  labors,  in  which  they  have  won  most  praise,  they  have 
been  greatly  surpassed  by  the  Benedictines  of  St.  Maur.  The  defi- 
ciency in  original  investigation,  which  is  so  conspicuous  in  their 
schools,  is  manifest  in  all  the  after  life  of  the  pupils.  There  is  often 
a poverty  of  thought  in  their  writings  which  contrasts  strangely  with 
their  industry  in  compilation.  The  numerous  sources  of  informa- 
tion wliich  we  have  examined  respecting  the  educational  labors  of 


680 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


the  Jesuits,  enable  us  confidently  to  affirm  that  their  whole  system 
is  not  only  antiquated,  but  wrong  in  character,  and  has  no  internal 
vitality.  Its  continuance,  whether  upheld  by  authority  or  artifice, 
endangers  both  the  church  and  the  state,  since  it  educates  men  who* 
can  not  understand  their  age,  and  have  learned  nothing  which  ena- 
bles them  to  meet  its  needs.” 

A much  earlier  writer  (1625,)  says:  “Into  no  Order  enters  so 
many  good  minds,  and  none  study  more  industriously.  Neverthe- 
less only  few  members  of  it  become  really  learned  men.  It  can 
show  us  no  distinguished  preacher,  no  great  theologian,  or  humanist. 
That  in  Spain  so  great  barbarism  rules  is  especially  to  be  ascribed 
to  its  educational  system.  If  men  knew  to  what  these  evils  were 
owing,  they  would  chase  the  Jesuits  out  of  the  schools.” 

It  is  apparent  from  this  brief  survey  of  opinions,  that  the  educational 
system  of  the  Jesuits  has  both  its  merits  and  defects,  and  that  it  can 
not  be  commanded  or  condemned  in  the  gross.  Here,  as  so  often 
elsewhere,  religious  prejudices  strongly  influence  our  judgments. 
No  Protestant  can  be  expected  to  look  with  favor  upon  the  schools  of 
an  Order  whose  vigorous  efforts  stayed  the  progress  of  the  Reform- 
ation, and  won  back  for  the  church  of  Rome  large  teiritories  that 
the  reformers  had  looked  upon  as  permanently  their  own.  Nor  can 
it  be  forgotten  that  the  Jesuits  owed  the  success  of  their  efforts  in 
good  measure  to  their  zeal  in  educating  the  young.  In  their  schools 
they  molded  the  minds  of  the  children,  and  reared  up  a generation 
that  hated  heresy  with  a double  hatred,  and  honored  the  Pope  with 
double  honor.  Looked  upon  as  a chief  means  of  making  proselytes, 
and  of  training  defenders  of  the  Romish  church,  a Protestant  would 
naturally  see  nothing  in  them  to  commend.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Catholic  would  find  a system  that  produced  such  results,  both  ad- 
mirable in  its  character  and  excellent  in  its  details.  Let  us,  as  edu- 
cators, try  to  lay  aside  the  prejudices  of  both,  and  judge  the  system 
impartially  both  as  to  its  principles,  and  its  practical  working. 

There  are  two  points  of  view  from  which  we  may  examine  the 
Jesuit  school : first,  as  compared  with  the  schools  of  their  times ; 
second,  as  tried  by  the  established  principles  of  education. 

The  schools  existing  when  the  Order  of  Jesus  was  founded,  had 
many  and  palpable  defects.  The  best  of  them  were  those  of  the 
Ilieronymians,*  “ the  scholarly  fraternity,” /ra^m  scholares.  But  the 
range  of  studies  was  very  narrow,  Gerard  the  founder  of  the  Fraternity, 
caring  little  for  any  learning  that  had  not  a directly  religious  char- 
acter. “ Spend  no  time  ” he  said,  “ either  on  geometry,  arithmetic, 


* For  an  account  of  this  Order  see  “ Barnard’s  German  Teachers  and  Educators.”  p.  65. 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


681 


rhetoric,  logic,  grammar,  poetry,  or  jiidici.al  astrology.”  Yet  great 
importance  was  attached  by  him  to  the  Latin  tongue,  and  in  the 
houses  of  the  brethren  was  the  Latin  alone  used.  Still  they  were 
,very  zealous  that  the  people  should  read  the  scriptures  in  their 
native  tongue. 

The  repeated  attempts  made  in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  cen- 
turies to  revive  the  cloister-schools,  had  resulted  in  little,  and  they 
had  fallen  very  low  in  public  estimation  ; the  spirit  of  the  age  was 
not  favorable  to  monastic  isolation.  The  religious  impulses  which 
the  outbreak  of  the  Reformation  gave  to  all  institutions,  was  not 
unfelt  by  these  schools,  but  was  not  lasting.  Indeed  it  was  impos- 
sible that  they  could  give  such  culture  as  should  meet  the  wants  of 
the  time.  Nor  were  these  wants  met  by  the  town  or  city  schools. 
Doubtless  here  and  there  were  many  excellent  teachers,  who  were 
very  useful,  but  the  course  of  study  was  very  meager,  and  poorly  cal- 
culated to  rouse  into  internal  activity  the  youthful  mind.  Skill  in  ver- 
bal disputation  was  the  end  of  education.  The  classics  were  stud- 
ied not  that  they  might  be  understood,  but  for  the  words  and  phrases 
they  supplied,  and  therefore  the  orators  and  rhetoricians  were  stud- 
ied, and  the  poets  and  historians  neglected.  Homer  was  little  read, 
or  Livy,  or  Tacitus,  or  Sallust.  Luther  referring  to  his  early  studies, 
says : “ How  often  do  I lament  my  own  case,  in  that  1 read  so  few 
of  the  poets  and  historians  when  I was  young,  and  that  there  was 
no  one  to  direct  me  to  them.  But  in  this  place  I was  compelled  to  • 
flounder  in  all  manner  of  vain  philosophic  and  scholastic  trash,  true 
Serbonian  bogs  of  the  devil,  and  with  much  cost  and  care,  and  vast 
detriment  besides,  so  that  I have  had  enough  to  do  ever  since  in  4 
undoing  the  harm  they  did  me.”  In  all  schools  a knowledge  of  the 
Latin  was  the  Alpha  and  Omega.  In  this  respect  the  system  of 
Acquaviva  had  nothing  peculiar.  It  was  the  scholastic  feature  of 
that  day.  In  the  famous  school  of  the  Lutheran,  Sturm,  at  Stras- 
bourg, where  many  thousand  scholars  were  gathered  of  all  ranks, 
including  princes,  of  the  nine  years  spent  in  the  gymnasium,  seven 
were  given  to  the  acquisition  of  Latin  words,  idioms,  &c,  and  two 
to  the  acquisition  of  an  elegant  style ; and  the  five  subsequent  colle- 
giate years  were  spent  in  learning  to  speak  and  write  with  fluency 
and  elegance.  A certain  mastery  was  thus  gained  over  Latin  words, 
but  the  language  itself  was  not  learned. 

So  far  as  regards  the  methods  of  study,  the  early  Jesuit  schools 
do  not  seem  to  have  differed  much  from  the  best  schools  of  the  day. 

In  both  was  the  same  careful  cultivation  of  the  memory  by  the  prac- 
tice of  continual  repetition;  in  both,  instruction  was  confined  to  very 


682 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 

few  branches,  and  thus  made  thorough ; in  both,  mathematics  were 
greatly  neglected,  and  the  students’  native  tongue.  In  one  respect 
the  Jesuit  schools  seem  to  have  had  the  advantage  ; they  resorted  but 
little  to  corporeal  punishment.  Luther  speaks  of  the  schools  of  his 
day,  as  “ being  no  longer  hells  and  purgatories  as  they  once  were, 
where  a boy  learned  nothing,  absolutely  nothing,  by  reason  of  cease- 
less hogging,  trembling,  woe,  and  anguish.”  The  Jesuit  teacher 
made  great  use,  as  did  Sturm,  of  the  principles  of  emulation,  and 
resoited  only  in  extreme  cases  to  bodily  chastisement. 

In  general,  comparing  the  schools  of  the  Jesuits,  soon  after  the 
establishment  of  the  Order,  with  the  schools  of  their  day,  we  may  say 
that  if  there  was  nothing  distinctively  new  in  their  method  of  in- 
struction, still  they  were  ready  to  use  all  the  information  they  could 
gain  from  any  quarter,  and  were  not  bound  to  old  ways.  But  the 
secret  of  their  success  and  popularity  was  in  the  zeal  and  energy 
with  which  all  the  institutions  of  the  new  Order  were  inspired.  In 
the  hands  of  men  burning  with  religious  ardor,  any  system  would 
have  been,  at  least  for  the  time,  successful.  The  society  had  a 
specific  work  before  it,  and  it  addressed  itself  to  the  education  of 
the  young,  to  make  them  its  own,  to  fill  them  with  its  ideas,  with  an 
earnestness  and  resolution  without  parallel  in  the  history  of  teaching. 
Of  course,  in  the  lapse  of  time,  this  intensity  of  zeal  passed  away, 
and  the  schools  were  left,  in  good  part,  to  stand  or  fall  according  to 
their  intrinsic  merits. 

If  we  try  these  schools  by  those  principles  of  education  now  gen- 
erally recognized  among  us,  we  find  both  marked  advantages  and 
defects.  1.  By  limiting  the  studies  to  a few  branches,  what  was 
learned  was  learned  W’ell.  It  was  wrought  into  the  mental  being  of 
the  pupil,  and  made,  so  to  speak,  a part  of  him  ; and  in  this  way  the 
memory  was  greatly  strengthened.  2.  The  scholars  were  not  men- 
tally overtasked  ; the  terms  of  study  were  brief.  3.  Much  attention 
was  given  to  physical  culture,  to  bodily  health,  and  to  exercise  and 
amusement.  Perhaps  an  undue  importance  was  attached  to  gentle- 
manly accomplishments,  to  a graceful  carriage,  and  easy  address.  4. 
The  uniform  working  of  the  system,  giving  completeness  to  the 
training  of  the  pupil.  Nothing  was  left  to  the  caprice  of  teachers, 
but  he  was  led  on,  step  by  step,  in  a fixe  1 order,  till  the  course  was 
mastered.  Thus  was  there  a unity  in  the  process  in  itself  favorable 
to  mental  discipline. 

On  the  other  hand  we  find  some  palpable  defects.  1.  The  course 
of  study  was  too  narrow.  It  was  chiefly  confined  to  Latin  and 
Greek.  History,  geography,  mathematics,  and  the  vernacular 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


683 


tongue,  were  almost  wholly  omitted.  How  far  this  omission  is  now 
rectified,  we  can  not  say,  but  it  is  certain  that  the  study  of  the  two 
languages,  especially  of  the  Latin,  continues  to  be  the  chief  thing,  to 
which  all  else  is  made  subordinate.  2.  The  method  of  studying  the 
Latin  and  Greek  is  defective.  The  great  end  is  to  get  control  of  them 
as  spoken  languages,  or  at  least  the  former,  and  to  make  it  the  vehi- 
cle of  verbal  communication.  This,  under  certain  circumstances, 
may  be  a desirable  acquisition,  but  to  most  is  not  worth  the  cost. 
It  may  be  done,  and  yet  one  not  penetrate  into  the  spirit  of  a 
language,  or  ev^en  be  able  to  understand  its  authors.  Many  more 
things  are  necessary  to  make  a classical  scholar  than  mere  knowledge 
of  words.  Besides,  sufficient  time  was  not  given.  The  pupils  fin- 
ished, for  the  most  part,  their  studies  when  sixteen  years  of  age,  be- 
fore the  judgment  was  sufficiently  matured  to  appreciate  the  authors 
they  had  read.  3.  The  attention  was  too  much  directed  to  exter- 
nals, to  fluency  and  grace  of  speech,  and  an  elegant  style.  Elo- 
quence was  placed  in  manner  rather  than  in  matter.  The  pupil 
was  not  taught  to  think  profoundly,  but  to  express  himself  hand- 
somely. 4.  To  awaken  diligence,  the  principle  of  emulation,  was 
unduly  appealed  to.  The  pupils  were  converted  into  rivals,  and 
made  jealous  and  unsocial ; eavesdropping  and  tale-bearing  were  its 
natural  fruits.  5.  As  the  object  of  the  Order  was  to  restore  the  past, 
and  to  resist  all  innovating  tendencies  in  religion  and  theology,  this 
feeling  gave  character  to  their  educational  system.  It  aimed  to  re- 
produce the  old.  In  style,  Cicero  was  the  model ; in  theology, 
Thomas  Aquinas.  Hence  the  pupil  was  taught  to  imitate,  to 
copy,  to  repeat.  He  was  to  receive  what  he  was  taught,  not  to  think 
any  thing  new.  Hence  it  is  that  of  the  distinguished  members  of 
the  Order  of  Jesus,  few  have  been  prominent  in  any  department  of 
knowledge  where  investigation  is  demanded.  The  training  of  the 
school  does  not  prepare  them  for  original  inquiry.  6.  The  final 
end  of  all  school  instruction  was  to  make  the  pupil  a faithful 
son  of  the  Church.  Its  whole  bearing  is  ecclesiastical.  It  is  assumed 
that  the  church  is  in  possession  of  the  truth,  and  that  it  is  infallible, 
and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  all  her  children  not  to  investigate  or  ques- 
tion, but  to  believe  and  obey.  In  upholding  unity,  individuality  is 
destroyed.  The  Christian  is  swallowed  up  in  the  church,  the  man 
in  the  order,  the  boy  in  the  school.  Through  the  confessional,  the 
superior  becomes  possessed  of  the  inmost  secrets  of  the  * scholar’s 
heart.  Hence  there  results  an  obliteration  of  what  is  peculiar,  or 
distinctive  in  character ; all  appear  stamped  with  a common  stamp  ; 


684 


THE  JESUITS  AND  THEIR  SCHOOLS. 


obedience  has  in  it  a tinge  of  servility ; and  the  young  student  is 
changed  into  an  unquestioning  zealot. 

Such  in  few  words  are  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  the 
Jesuit  schools  regarded  simply  from  an  educational  point  of  view. 
As  ecclesiastical  missions  of  the  church,  each  one  will  approve  or 
condemn,  according  to  his  religious  opinions.  From  this  point  of 
view  it  is  not  our  place  to  consider  them. 

Note. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  foregoing  article,  use  has  been  made  of 
the  Ratio  atque  Institutio  Studiorum  Societatis  Jesu.  Paris.  1850. 
Of  the  articles,  Jesuiten^'^  and  Jesuitenschulen^''  in  Schmidt’s 
“ Envyklo'padie^''  “ Jesuitenorden,''  in  Herzog’s  “ Real  Encyklopadie^'* 
and  '■'‘Jesuiten  ” in  the  “ Kirchen  Lexicon  ” of  Wetzer  and  Welle. 
Some  use  has  been  made  of  Ravignan  “ De  L Institut  des  Jesuits'' 
of  Ranke’s  ^^History  of  the  Popesf  and  of  Maynard  “ On  the 
Studies  and  Teaching  of  the  Jesuits."  The  writer’s  aim  is  historical 
not  controversial. 


■ THE  HIERONYMIANS. 


FROM  THE  GERMAN  OF  KARL  VON  RAUMER. 

(Translated  by  L.  W.  Fitch.] 


Before  Italy  had  begun  to  exert  any  influence  upon  German  culture, 
there  existed  in  the  Netherlands  an  order  called  the  brotherhood  of  the 
Hieronymians.  Its  founder  was  Gerard  Groote,  better  known  as  Gerard 
the  Great,  who  was  born  in  the  year  1340,  at  Deventer.  From  1355 
to  1358,  he  pursued  his  studies  atParis^  where,  in  addition  to  the  ordi- 
nary branches,  he  gave  his  attention  to  the  unhallowed  arts  of  magic, 
astrology,  and  necromancy.  But,  during  a dangerous  illness,  he  sent 
for  a priest  and  gave  him  all  his  books,  pertaining  to  these  arts,  to 
burn.  On  his  return  from  Paris  he  was  chosen  a canon,  both  in  Aix- 
la-Chapelle  and  Cologne  ; and,  in  the  latter  place,  he  taught  scholastic 
philosophy  and  theology,  and  lived  respectably  but  not  in  extravagance. 
Once,  while  diverting  himself  with  looking  at  certain  games,  a person 
accosted  him  thus  : “ Do  not  waste  your  time  upon  these  vanities : 
but  change  your  course  and  become  a different  man.”  Soon  after  he 
entered  Monikhausen,  a Carthusian  monastery  at  Arnheim,  the  prior 
of  which  had  been  his  father-confessor  at  Paris.  Here  for  three 
years,  he  led  a life  of  }>enitence  and  self-mortiflcation,  studying  the 
Holy  Scriptures  before  all  other  books.  He  then  began  his  career  as 
a preacher,  and,  as  Thomas-a-Kempis  relates,  he  preached  in  the 
spirit  and  the  power  of  John  the  Baptist.  No  church  was  large 
enough  to  hold  the  throngs  that  ffocked  to  hear  him  ; and  he  often 
held  his  audience  spell -bound  for  three  hours  together.  The  impres- 
sion that  he  made  was  the  greater,  inasmuch  as  he  did  not  speak  in 
unintelligible  Latin,  but  in  his  native  Belgian.  But  these  sermons  of 
his  drew  upon  him  the  wrath  of  the  begging  friars,  whose  proffigate 
life  he  had  exposed  ; and  the  Bishop  of  Utrecht,  at  their  instance, 
interdicted  him  from  preaching. 

In  the  year  1367  he,  with  John  Cole,  Rector  of  Zwoll,  paid  a visit 
to  the  venerable  octogenarian  mystic,  Ruysbroeck,  prior  of  the 
monastery  of  Grunthal,  near  Brussels.  Ruysbroeck  made  a profound 
impression  upon  him,  as  he  had  done  upon  Tauler  before  him,  and  he 
was  specially  edified  by  the  pious  and  benignant  demeanor  which  the 
old  man  observed  toward  the  brethren  under  his  charge. 

Returning  to  Deventer,  he  gathered  around  him  a circle,  chiefly 
685 


686 


THE  HIERONYMIANS. 


composed  of  students  from  the  seat  of  learning  at  that  place,  with 
whom  he  read  good  books.  These  all,  while  with  him,  earned  their 
livelihood  principall)’  by  copying ; for  he  forbade  them  to  beg. 

About  this  time  Florentius  Radewin  filled  the  office  of  canon  at 
Utrecht.  He  was  born  in  1350,  at  Leerdam,  in  South  Holland,  and 
had  studied  at  Prague.  When  he  heard  of  Gerard’s  influential  career 
at  Deventer,  he  gave  up  his  canonicate,  became  vicar  of  the  church 
of  St.  Lebuin  in  Deventer,  and  an  intimate  friend  of  Gerard.  One 
day  he  addressed  Gerard  as  follows:  “Dear  master,  where  would  be 
the  harm,  should  I and  those  clerkly  priests  of  yours,  those  brethren 
of  a good  will,  (bonce  voluntatis,)  form  a common  fund  of  the  moneys 
that  we  have  hitherto  weekly  expended,  and  live  in  common,  (in 
communiV')  Gerard  replied:  “The  begging  friars  would  set  them- 
selves against  us  with  every  resource  in  their  power.”  But,  when 
Florentius  urged  the  point,  saying,  “ It  can  do  no  harm  to  begin  ; per- 
haps God  will  crown  the  undertaking  with  success,”  Gerard  yielded, 
adding  the  promise  that  he  would  take  immediate  measures  to  carry 
out  the  plan. 

Such  was  the  origin  of  that  fraternity,  which,  taking  its  name  from 
the  words  of  Florentius,  was  known  as  the  “ brotherhood  of  good 
will,”  or  the  “ brotherhood  of  a common  life.”  They  were  also 
called,  from  Hieronymus  and  Gregory  the  Great,  both  of  whom  they 
regarded  as  patrons,  Hieronymians  and  Gregorians. 

Their  first  f ratrum  clomus  so-called,  was  erected  about  the 

year  1384,  at  Deventer.  There  these  brethren  lived  together;  and,  by 
the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  a chain  of  such  houses  had  extended 
from  Cambray  in  the  Netherlands,  through  the  whole  of  Northern 
Germany,  to  Culm  in  West  Prussia ; from  the  Scheldt  to  the  Vistula. 
And  all  this  was  the  blessed  fruit  of  Rade win’s  inspired  suggestion. 

Gerard  only  survived  to  witness  the  first  beginnings  of  the  institu- 
tion : he  died  in  1384  of  the  plague.  Dying,  he  appointed  Florentius 
his  successor,  for  he  could  choose  none  worthier.  His  last  words  were 
these  : “ Behold,  the  Lord  is  calling  me  ; the  hour  of  my  redemption 
is  close  at  hand  : Augustine  and  Bernard  are  waiting  at  the  door.’’ 

Thomas-a-Kempis  depicts  Gerard  as  a man,  who  worked  out  the 
salvation  of  his  soul  with  the  same  severe  asceticism  that  had  charac- 
terized Augustine  and  Bernard.  He  denied  himself  every  worldly 
pleasure,  even  the  most  innocent,  wore  coarse  garments,  ate  his  food 
burnt  and  unsalted,  and  avoided  all  female  society. 

His  views  of  knowledge,  I give  in  his  own  words.  “ Make  the  gos- 
pels, first  of  all,  the  root  of  all  your  studies  and  the  mirror  of  your  life, 
for  in  them  is  portrayed  the  character  of  Christ;  then  the  lives  and 


THE  HIERONYMIANS. 


687 


opinions  of  the  fathers,  the  acts  and  deeds  of  the  apostles,  and  tne 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  to  which  you  may  add  the  devotional  w'orks  of 
Bernard,  Anselm,  Augustine,”  <fec. 

Ilis  curriculum  of  study  was  accordingly  contracted  within  very 
narrow  limits,  “ Spend  no  time,”  he  continues,  “ either  on  geometry, 
arithmetic,  rhetoric,  logic,  grammar,  poetry  or  judicial  astrology. 
All  these  branches  Seneca  rejects;  how  much  more,  then,  should  a 
spiritually-minded  Christian  pass  them  by,  since  they  subserve  in  no 
respect  the  life  of  faith  ! Of  the  sciences  of  the  pagans,  their  ethics 
may  not  be  so  scrupulously  shunned,  since  these  were  the  special 
field  of  the  w’iser  among  them,  as  Socrates  and  Plato.  That  which 
does  not  better  a man,  or  at  least  does  not  reclaim  him  from  evil,  is 
positively  hurtful.  Neither  ought  we  to  read  pagan  books,  nor  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  to  penetrate  into  the  mysteries  of  nature  by  the 
means.”  All  literary  fame,  and  the  gloss  and  show  of  learning  alike, 
Gerard  utterly  despised. 

He  evidently  prized  those  things  alone,  which  promoted  holiness; 
and  all  that  did  not  work  for  this  result,  even  were  it  speculative 
theology,  (dogmatics,)  to  say  nothing  of  other  sciences  and  the  arts, 
he  thrust  into  the  back-ground.  With  such  sentiments,  the  higher 
studies  of  course  found  no  favor  in  his  eyes;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
he  devoted  himself  with  zeal  to  the  cause  of  popular  education. 

Let  us  now  return  to  Florentius  and  his  brotherly  unions.  In  the 
ascet’c  severity  of  his  character,  he  resembled  Gerard,  though  consti- 
tutionally he  w^as  more  cheerful,  and  endow'ed  with  more  practical 
abilities.  By  the  powder  of  the  purest  and  the  most  unselfish  love,  he 
exerted  a wonderful  influence  over  those  with  whom  he  had  to  do, 
and  especially  over  his  disciples,  who  revered  and  loved  him.  Says 
Thomas  a-Kempis,  “he  was  filled  with  all  spiritual  wisdom,  and  a 
knowledge  of  God  in  Christ.  And  though  he  survived  Gerard  but 
fifteen  years,  yet  in  this  brief  time  he  founded  many  brotherly  unions.” 
The  establishment  at  Deventer,  over  which  he  himself  presided,  was, 
according  to  Thomas,  modeled  upon  the  humility  of  the  apost  les,  and 
formed  a mirror  of  piety,  all  the  brethren  being  of  one  heart  and  one 
mind,  self-denying,  devout  and  full  of  mercy.  With  regard  to  the  in- 
ternal economy  of  these  houses  or  unions,  the  number  of  the  brethren 
thus  living  together  was  about  twenty,  and  they  had  a common  table 
and  purse.  Each  house  usually  had  four  officiating  priests,  while  the 
rest  of  the  inmates  were  either  students  of  divinity  or  laymen.  The 
students  were  similar  to  monks,  yet  with  this  difference,  that  they  dis- 
pensed with  all  strict  rules  and  inexorable  vows.  The  brethren  were 
industrious,  maintaining  themselves  by  handicrafts,  especially  by 


688 


THE  HIERONYMIANS. 


copying.  And,  on  the  invention  of  printing,  it  was  the  Hieronymians 
at  Gouda  who  set  the  first  types  in  Holland. 

Pursuant  to  the  injunctions  of  Gerard,  Florentius  founded,  in  the 
year  1386,  at  Windesheim,  near  Gouda,  a monastery  of  regular  canons, 
“which,  both  for  counsel  and  for  action,  should  be  a rallying  point  for 
the  entire  ‘ Union  of  the  Common  Life.’”  This  was  soon  followed  by 
the  establishment  of  another  on  Mount  St.  Agnes,  at  Zwoll ; and,  by  the 
year  1430,  there  were  forty-five  such  monasteries  in  existence.  Their 
inmates  became  most  industrious  copyists,  and  they  would  appear  at 
times  to  have  carried  their  occupation  to  excess.  And  because  many 
of  them,  through  too  great  abstinence,  became  crazed,  the  question 
was  put  to  new  applicants  at  the  monastery  of  Windesheim,  “ Do  you 
eat  and  sleep  well,  and  do  you  obey  with  alacrity  ? ” for  on  these  three 
points  their  perseverance  in  piety  was  thought  to  depend.^ 

After  a blissful  life,  such  as  falls  to  the  lot  of  few,  Florentius  died  in 
the  year  1400,  at  the  age  of  fifty  years. 

After  him  and  Gerard  the  Great,  a third  person  exerted  a vast 
influence  among  the  Hieronymians.  This  was  Gerard  Zerbolt,  com- 
monly styled,  from  the  place  of  his  birth,  Gerard  of  Zutphen.  He 
was  born  in  the  year  1367.  His  unremitting  efforts  were  given  to 
the  cause  of  the  “ diffusion  and  the  use  of  the  Bible  in  the  vernacular, 
as  well  as  the  employment  of  this,  (i.  e.,  the  vernacular,)  on  all  relig- 
ious and  ecclesiastical  occasions.”  He  wrote  a book  called  “ De 
libris  Teutonicalibus,”  in  which  he  expressly  insists  that  the  laity  should 
read  the  Bible  in  their  native  tongue.  “The  books  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,”  he  says,  “ were  originally  composed  in  the  native  tongue 
of  those  for  whom  they  were  immediately  designed ; and  for  all 
others  they  should  be  translated.  And  the  Vulgate  version  was  in 
Latin  for  this  reason  alone,  namely,  that,  when  it  was  made,  the  Latin 
tongue  was  spoken  over  the  whole  of  the  great  Roman  empire. 
And  the  Holy  Spirit  conferred  the  gift  of  tongues  upon  the  apostles, 
in  order  that  they  might  be  enabled  to  preach  to  all  the  different  na- 
tions in  their  difterent  languages.”  And  he  closes  by  quoting,  from 
the  most  distinguished  fathers  of  the  church,  expressions  confirmatory 
of  his  own  views.  Prayer  likewise,  he  contended,  should  be  offered  in 
the  native  tongue  of  the  petitioner.  So  ceaseless  and  unresting  were 
his  labors,  that  his  early  death,  in  the  year  1398,  when  he  was  but 
thirty-one  years  of  age,  is  to  be  traced  directly  to  over-much  study. 

We  should  also  speak  in  this  connection  of  a man,  whose  name  has 
penetrated  into  all  the  world ; and  that  man  is  Thomas-a-Kempis. 


* Delprat  and  Ulman  both  quote  this  question,  but  without  the  nnotive  annexed,  and  base 
upon  it  the  charge  of  epicureanism.  But  the  “ Lives”  of  Thomas-^-Kempis  leave  no  room 
to  doubt  of  the  excessive  abe.tjt»ence  of  the  monks. 


THE  niERONYMlANS. 


689 


Born  in  1380,  at  thirteen  he  entered  the  school  of  Deventer,  and 
there  became  known  to  Florentius,  who  aided  him  in  many  ways  and 
that  riglit  heartily.  Seven  years  after,  or  in  1400,  he  joined  the  Mount 
St.  Agnes  raonasterj^,  above  mentioned,  and  there  for  the  long  period 
of  seventy-one  years  he  passed  a serene  and  contemplative  life,  dying, 
in  1472,  at  the  age  of  ninety-two  years.  Thomas  has  sketched  for 
us  the  lives  of  both  the  Gerards,  of  Florentius,  and  of  many  other 
distinguished  Ilieronymians  likewise,  besides  composing  many  devo- 
tional books.  One  of  these  latter,  the  “ Imitation  of  Christ,”  has 
been  read  more  than  any  other  book  of  devotion  in  the  world.  It  has 
been  translated  into  very  many  different  languages ; the  Latin 
original  has  passed  through  more  than  2000  editions, — the  French 
translation,  more  than  1000.* 

The  hostile  machinations  of  the  begging  friars,  which  Gerard  the 
Great  experienced,  followed  the  Ilieronymians  after  his  death.  Gra- 
bow,  a Saxon  Dominican,  brought  a most  insidious  accusation  against 
them  before  Pope  Martin  V.,  and  was  thereby  instrumental  in  placing 
them  under  ban.  But  Chancellor  John  Gerson  pronounced  a decis- 
ion at  the  Council  of  Constance  against  this  accusation,  as  follows, 
namely  : “ that  the  accusatory  document,  since  it  was  heretical,  should 
be  committed  to  the  flames.”  And  accordingly  Grabow  was  com- 
pelled to  retract  his  charge.  Thus  the  Hieronymians  obtained  a 
formal  recognition  both  from  Pope  and  Council ; for  a Bull  of  Pope 
Eugene  IV.,  in  1437,  and  a second  of  Sixtus  IV.,  in  1474,  invested 
them  with  full  privileges,  and  Pius  II.  likewise  shewed  himself  favora- 
ble to  them: 

In  the  year  1505  the  last  union,  that  at  Cambray,  was  established. 
The  greatest  efficiency  of  the  brotherhood  dates  in  the  16th  century. 
As  the  Reformation  was  inaugurated,  many  of  their  number  gave  in 
their  adhesion  to  it ; and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Jesuits  gradually 
absorbed  many  of  their  establishments. 

After  this  cursory  glance  at  the  brotherhood  and  its  founders,  let 
us  examine  its  educational  efficiency.  For,  because  of  their  activity  in 
promoting  education,  the  brethren  w^ere  also  called  the  “scholarly 
fraternity,”  '■^fratres  scholares^ 

And  yet  it  is  not  an  easy  task  to  characterize  this  activity,  for  it 
bore  a very  different  impress  according  to  times  and  circumstances. 

* There  has  been  much  controversy  as  to  whether  Thomas  a- Kempis  were  really  its  author 
Delprat  mentions  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  different  treatises  adverse  to  his  claim.  But 
ITlman  decides  in  his  favor  on  sufficiently  weighty  grounds.  The  “ Imitatio  Christi  ” was 
translated  into  Latin  by  Castellio,  the  same  who  translated  the  Vulgate  into  Latin.  “ This  lit- 
tle book,”  says  Castellio,  “ I have  deemed  worthy  to  be  turned  from  Latin  into  Latin,  that  is 
from  a rustic  dialect  into  more  elegant  and  polished  language.” 

44 


690 


THE  HIERONYMIANS 


The  view  wliich  Gerard  the  Great  took  of  knowledge  we  have 
already  seen.  It  was  the  view  of  a man,  who,  satiated  with  scholastic 
studies,  burned  his  books  of  magic  also,  thus  bidding  a final  adieu  to 
all  unprofitable  sciences,  to  strive  alone  after  the  one  thing  needful. 
If  he  had  before  toilsomely  pursued  shadowy  theories,  he  now  so  much 
the  more  applied  his  whole  soul  to  the  substantial  and  the  practical, 
resolutely  refraining  from  all  knowledge  except  that  which  had  a 
direct  bearing  upon  a holy  life. 

With  liim,  the  pious,  contemplative  Thomas-a-Kempis  fully  coin- 
cided. Such  expressions  as  the  following  abound  in  the  writings  of 
the  latter  : “ Cease  from  an  inordinate  desire  for  knowledge,  for  this 
brings  great  perplexity  and  delusion  with  it.  Learned  men  crave  the 
notice  of  the  world,  and  wish  to  be  accounted  wise.  But  there  is 
much  knowledge  which  adds  little  or  nothing  to  the  welfare  of  the 
soul.  And  that  man  is  surely  most  foolish,  who  strives  after  any 
thing  which  does  not  advance  his  own  supreme  good.” 

With  these  sentiments,  he  applied  himself,  as  we  might  naturally 
expect,  principally  to  the  study  of  the  Bible.  So  also  did  the  two 
Gerards.  And  the.'^c  men  w^ere  all  prompted  by  their  love  for  souls  to 
use  every  energy  to  make  the  book  of  salvation  accessible  to  the  un- 
learned. Gerard  of  Zutphen,  especially,  was  untiring  in  his  endeavors 
to  give  the  people  a Bible  that  they  could  read. 

And  this  is  the  beginning  and  the  foundation  of  a Christian  popular 
education.  If  you  give  the  Bible  to  the  peojde,  they  must  learn  to 
read  it,  and  writing  is  linked  to  reading,  following  close  upon  its 
footsteps.  The  germ  that  began  to  sprout  here,  sprang  uj),  in  the 
Reformation,  into  a broad  and  vigorous  growth. 

The  Ilieronymians  devoted  themselves,  however,  not  merely  to 
popular  instruction,  but  to  the  higher  branches  of  learning.  This  we 
may  gather  with  certainty  from  the  fact  that  distinguished  scholars 
were  formed  in  their  schools. 

It  is  nevertheless  hard  to  decide  what  schools  we  are  to  regard  as 
theirs.  For  in  some  places  the  brethren  themselves  were  principals, 
superintending  every  department  of  instruction;  in  others  again,  they 
gave  assistance  in  schools  already  existing,  teaching  in  a subordinate 
capacity,  but  yet  taking  much  interest  in  the  scholars.  In  the  houses 
of  the  brethren,  reading,  writing,  singing,  and  Latin  conversation  and 
declamation  were  taught;  and  there  would  appear  to  have  been 
boarding-scholars  at  all  of  them.  In  the  house  at  Deventer,  Latin 
speaking  was  carried  to  such  an  extent,  that  a penalty  was  laid  upon 
the  scholar  who  should  utter,  even  through  a slip  of  the  tongue, 
a word  of  Dutch.  Yet  the  style  of  Latin  which  they  aimed 


THE  HIERONYMIANS. 


691 


to  impart  was  mediaeval  and  barbarous,  such  as  the  clergy  were  then 
accustomed  to  employ. 

The  Latinity  of  the  early  Hieronymians,  and  even  that  of  Thoinas- 
a-Kempis,  was  very  far  from  cbissical.  But  a new  era  dawned  upon 
these  schools,  when  the  Italians  exerted  a direct  influence  upon  tliera 
through  such  of  the  Netherlandei-s  and  Germans  as  had  in  part 
been  molded  in  them,  and  had  afterward  visited  Italy.  How  wide 
a diflerence  there  was  between  the  Hieronymians  in  their  earlier 
years  and  the  Italians  of  the  14th  and  15th  centuries,  we  need 
but  a hasty  comparison  to  determine.  Those  as  truly  as  these  re- 
jected the  divinity  of  the  schools  ; but  how  diverse  their  motives ! 
For  the  Italians,  fascinated  by  the  beauties,  the  poetry  and  the  elo- 
quence of  the  pagan  classics,  conceived  an  aversion  for  the  hideous 
jargon  of  the  school-dialecticians,  even  when  these  were  Christian. 
The  Hieronymians,  on  the  other  hand,  turned  away  from  scholasticism, 
because  it  did  not  profit  them  ; nay  more,  because  it  stood  directly  in 
the  w\ay  of  all  earnest  self-consecration,  and  the  salvation  of  souls. 
And  hence  it  was,  that  they  pursued  with  so  much  eagerness  the 
study  of  the  Bible,  while  the  Italians  scarce  gave  so  much  as  a thought 
to  it.  And  still  less  did  these  latter  think  of  circulating  the  Bible,  or 
of  promoting  popular  education,  which  cause  was  so  dear  to  the  breth- 
ren ; but  when,  like  Guarino  and  Vittorino  di  Feltre,  they  turned  their 
thoughts  to  education,  they  devoted  themselves  chiefly  to  the  instruc- 
tion of  princes  or  nobles. 

But  when  a love  for  the  classics  was  awakened  among  the  Germans 
and  Netherlanders,  they  still  preserved  the  Christian  element,  as  the 
ground  of  all  mental  culture  and  instruction,  and  despite  their  admi- 
ration of  pagan  authors,  that  pagan  bias,  [paganitas^)  which  Erasmus 
reproves  in  the  Italians,  was  ever  an  abomination  to  them. 

“ Thomas-a-Kerapis  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  flower  of  the  ascetic 
piety  which  the  institution  of  the  ‘ Common  Life  ’ fostered  ; Agricola, 
Alexander  Hegius,  and,  if  you  will,  Erasmus  also,  of  its  philosophic 
learning;  and  Wessel,  of  its  theological  science.” 


692 


HI FROXYMIANS— REVIVAL  OF  LETTERS. 


In  process  of  time  the  Brethren  of  Common  Life  spread  over  Flanders,  Franee, 
and  Germany,  and  the  schools  they  founded  multiplied  and  flourished.  They 
were  introduced  into  the  University  of  Paris  by  John  I'i'tandonch,  a doctor  of 
the  Sorbonne,  who  gave  into  their  direction  the  college  de  Montaigu,  of  which 
he  was  their  prineipal,  and  established  them  hi  Cambray,  Valenciennes,  Mech- 
lin, and  Louvain.  lie  drew  up  statutes  for  their  use,  which  are  supposed  by 
Du  Boulay  to  have  furnished  St.  Ignatius  with  the  first  notions  of  his  rule,  an 
idea  which  receives  some  corroboration  from  the  fact  that  the  saint  studied  at 
the  college  dc  Montaigu  during  his  residence  at  the  University  of  Paris.  Stan- 
donch  himself  received  the  habit  of  the  Poor  Clerks,  as  they  were  now  often 
called,  and  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  more  than  300  good  scholars  issue 
from  his  schools,  many  of  whom  undertook  the  direction  or  refonn  of  other 
academies.  In  1430  the  Institute  numbered  forty-five  houses,  and  thirty  years 
later  the  numbers  were  increased  threefold.  The  Deventer  brethren  were  far 
from  being  mere  mystics  and  transcribers  of  books.  The  aim  of  their  founda- 
tion was  doubtless  to  supply  a system  of  education  which  should  revive  some- 
thing of  the  old  monastic  discipline,  but  they  cultivated  all  the  higher  branches 
of  learning,  and  their  schools  were  among  the  first  of  those  north  of  the  Alps, 
which  introduced  the  revived  study  of  classical  literature.  One  of  their  most 
illustrious  scholars  was  Nicholas  of  Cusa,  or  Cusanus,  the  son  of  a poor  fisher- 
man, who  won  his  doctor’s  cap  at  Padua,  and  became  renowmed  for  his  Greek, 
Hebrew,  and  mathematical  learning.  Eugenius  IV.  appointed  him  his  legate, 
and  Nicholas  V.  created  him  cardinal,  and  bishop  of  Brixen,  in  the  Tyrol.  Ilis 
personal  character  won  him  the  veneration  of  his  people,  but,  according  to  Ten- 
nemann,  his  love  of  mathematics  led  him  into  many  theological  extravagances. 
He  was  strongly  inclined  to  the  views  of  the  Neo-Platonists  ; he  considered, 
moreover,  that  all  human  knowledge  was  contained  in  the  ideas  of  numbers, 
and  attempted  to  explain  the  mystery  of  the  Holy  Trinity  on  mathematical  prin- 
ciples. He  was  undoubtedly  a distinguished  man  of  science,  and  was  the  first 
among  moderns  to  revive  the  Pythagorean  hypothesis  of  the  motion  of  the  earth 
round  the  sun.  Cusanus  had  studied  at  most  of  the  great  universities,  but  held 
none  of  them  in  great  esteem,  for  he  professed  a sovereign  contempt  for  the 
scholastic  philosophy  which  still  held  its  ground  in  those  academies.  At  his 
death  he  left  his  wealth  to  a hospital  which  he  had  founded  in  his  native  village, 
and  to  Avhich  he  attached  a magnificent  library.  DcA^enter  could  boast  indeed 
of  being  the  fruitful  mother  of  great  scholars,  such  as  Ilcgius,  Langius,  and 
Dringeberg,  all  of  Avhom  afterwards  took  part  in  the  restoration  of  letters. 

The  Brethren,  moreover,  displayed  extraordinary  zeal  in  promoting  the  new 
art  of  printing,  and  one  of  the  earliest  Flemish  presses  was  set  up  in  their  col- 
lege. And  in  1475,  when  Alexander  Hegius  became  rector  of  the  schools,  he 
made  the  first  bold  experiment  of  printing  Greek.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
such  a revolution  as  that  which  Avas  brought  about  in  the  Avorld  of  letters  by  the 
ncAv  invention  could  fail  of  producing  CA'ents  of  a mixed  character  of  good  and 
evil.  WhateA'er  was  fermenting  in  the  minds  of  the  people  now  found  expres- 
sion through  the  press,  and  Ilallam  notices  ‘the  incredible  host  of  popular  relig- 
ious tracts  poured  forth’  before  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  most  of  them 
of  a character  hostile  to  the  faith.  The  first  censorship  of  printed  books  ap- 
pears to  have  been  established  in  1480,  by  Berthold,  archbishop  of  Mentz.  Avho 
explained  his  reasons  for  taking  this  step  in  a mandate,  Avhercin  he  complains 
of  the  abuse  of  the  ‘ divine  art  ’ of  printing,  Avhereby  perverse  men  have  turned 


UIEROXYMIANS— REVIYAL  OF  LETTERS. 


C93 


that  to  the  injury  of  mankind  which  was  designed  for  their  instruction.  Spe- 
cially he  alludes  to  those  unauthorized  and  faulty  translations  into  the  vulgar 
tongue  of  the  Scriptures,  and  even  the  canons  of  the  Church,  w^herein  men  of 
no  learning  or  experience  have  taken  on  them  to  invent  new’^  w'ords  or  use  old 
ones  in  erroneous  senses,  in  order  to  express  the  meaning  of  the  original,  ‘a 
thing  most  dangerous  in  the  sacred  Scriptures.’  He  therefore  forbids  any  such 
translations  to  be  thenceforward  published  without  being  approved  by  four 
doctors,  under  pain  of  excommunication,  desiring  that  the  art  which  was  first 
of  all  discovered  in  this  city,  ‘ not  without  divine  aid,’  should  be  maintained  in 
all  its  honour. 

This  mandate  w'as  only  directed  against  the  faulty  translations  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  No  opposition  was  offered  to  the  multiplication  of  correct  versions, 
both  of  the  Latin  Vulgate,  and  its  various  translations.  The  Cologne  Bible, 
printed  in  1479,  had  before  this  appeared,  with  the  formal  approbation  of  the 
university.  The  very  first  book  printed  by  Gutenburgand  Faust  in  1453,  was 
the  Latin  Bible,  and  among  the  twenty-four  books  printed  in  Germany  be- 
fore the  year  1470  we  find  five  Latin  and  two  German  editions  of  the  Bible. 
Translations  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  into  varioifs  tongues  were  among  the  very 
first  books  issued  from  the  press;  as  the  Bohemian  version  in  1475,  the  Italian 
in  1471 — which  ran  through  eleven  editions  before  the  close  of  the  century, 
the  Dutch  in  1477,  and  the  Frendi  in  the  same  year.  The  admirers  of  Luther 
have  therefore  fallen  into  a strange  error,  wdien  they  represent  him  as  the  first 
to  unlock  the  Scriptures  to  the  people,  for  twenty-four  editions  of  the  German 
Bible  alone  had  been  printed  and  published  before  his  time. 

It  was  in  the  year  1476  that  a little  choir-boy  of  Utrecht  entered  the  college 
of  Deventer,  and  gave  such  signs  of  genius  and  industry  as  to  draw  from  his 
masters  the  prediction  that  he  would  one  day  be  the  light  of  his  age.  He  was  a 
namesake  of  the  founder,  but,  after  the  fashion  of  the  day,  adopted  a Latin  and 
Greek  version  of  his  Flemish  name  of  Gerard,  and  was  to  be  known  to  posterity 
as  Dcsiderius  Erasmus.  Like  Thomas  a Kempis,  he  passed  from  the  schools  of 
Deventer  to  the  cloisters  of  the  canons  regular,  a step  which,  he  assures  us,  was 
forced  on  him  by  bis  guardians,  and  never  had  his  own  assent.  A happy  acci- 
dent enabled  him  to  visit  Koine  in  the  suite  of  the  Bishoji  of  Carnbray ; and, 
once  released  from  the  Avearisdme  discipline  of  convent  life,  he  never  returned  to 
it,  but  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  w^andering  from  one  to  another  of  the  capitals  of 
France,  Italy,  and  England,  teaching  for  a livelihood,  courted  by  all  the  literary 
and  religious  parties  of  the  day,  and  satirising  them  all  by  turns ; indisputably 
the  literary  Coryphaeus  of  his  age,  but  penetrated  through  and  through  wdth  its 
scoffing  and  presumptuous  spirit.  It  w'as  an  age  fruitful  in  pedants  and  human- 
ists, w'hose  destiny  it  was  to  help  on  the  revolution  in  Faith  by  a revolution  in 
letters.  Schools  and  professors  multiplied  throughout  Germany.  At  the  very 
time  w'hcn  Hegius  was  teaching  the  elements  of  Greek  to  Era.smus,  his  old  com- 
rades Langius  and  Dringeberg  were  presiding  over  the  schools  of  Munster  and 
Schelstadt.  Kodolph  Langius  exerted  himself  strenuously  in  the  cause  of  polite 
letters,  and  whilst  superintending  his  classes  occupied  spare  moments  in  correct- 
ing the  text  of  almost  every  Latin  w'ork  which  at  that  time  issued  from  the 
press,  and  in  making  deadly  war  on  the  scholastic  philosophy.  His  rejection  of 
the  old-fashioned  school-books  and  his  innovations  on  time-honoured  abuses 
raised  against  him  the  friars  of  Cologne,  and  a controversy  ensued  in  which 
Langius  won  so  much  success  as  enabled  him  to  fix  the  stigma  of  barbarism  on 


694 


UIERONYMIANS— REVIVAL  OF  LETTERS. 


his  opponents.  Ilis  friend  and  namesake  Rodolph  Agricola,  who  had  studied  a'i 
Ferrara  under  Theodore  of  Gaza,  and  was  held  by  his  admirers  superior  in  eru- 
dition to  Politian  himself,  at  this  time  presided  over  the  school  of  Groningen. 
Besides  his  skill  in  the  learned  tongues  he  "v^s  a poet,  a painter,  a musician,  an 
orator,  and  a philosopher.  Such  a multitude  of  accomplishments  won  him  an 
invitation  to  the  court  of  the  Elector  Palatine  at  Heidelberg,  where  a certain 
learned  academy  had  been  founded,  called  the  Rhenish  Society,  for  the  encour- 
agement of  Greek  and  Hebrew  literature,  the  members  of  which,  says  Hallam, 
‘did  not  scorn  to  relax  their  minds  with  feasting  and  dancing,  not  forgetting  the 
ancient  Gennan  attachment  to  the  flowing  cup.’  This  is  a polite  way  of  ren- 
dering a very  ugly  passage,  which  in  the  original  tells  us  plainly  that  the  l^he- 
nish  academicians  were  addicted  to  excessive  inebriety  and  other  disgraceful 
vices.  It  is  somewhat  remarkable,  however,  that  Agricola,  who  died  three  years 
after  his  removal  to  Heidelberg,  received  on  his  death-bed  the  habit  of  those  very 
friars  whom,  during  life,  he  and  his  friend  Langius  had  done  their  best  to  hold 
up  to  popular  contempt. 

About  the  same  time  Reuchlin  was  studying  at  Paris,  where,  in  I4.'i8,  Greg- 
ory of  Tiferno  had  been  appointed  Greek  professor.  Reuchlin  visited  Rome, 
and  translated  a passage  from  Thucydides,  in  the  presence  of  Argyrophilus, 
with  such  success  that  the  Greek  exclaimed,  in  a transport  of  delight  (and  pos- 
sibly of  surprise,  at  such  an  achievement  on  the  part  of  a Northern  barbari;in), 
‘our  banished  Greece  has  flown  beyond  the  Alps  ! ’ Reuchlin  was  a Hebrew 
scholar,  a circumstance  which,  in  the  end,  proved  his  ruin  ; for,  embracing  the 
Cabalistic  philosophy,  he  abandonded  classics  and  good  sense  in  the  pursuit  of 
that  absurd  mysticism.  In  this  strange  infatuation  he  had  many  companions. 
Not  a fcAV  of  those  who  had  shown  themselves  foremost  in  deriding  the  scholas- 
tic philosophy,  ended  by  substituting  in  its  place  either  o])en  scepticism  or  the 
philosophy  of  magic.  A few  years  later,  the  wild  theories  of  Cornelius  Agrip- 
pa,  Paracelsus,  and  Jerome  Cardan,  found  eager  adherents  among  those  who 
conceived  it  a proof  of  good  scholarship  to  despise  St.  Thomas  as  a Goth. 
Reuchlin,  whilst  ])Ouring  forth  his  bitter  satires  agaiijst  the  old  theologians,  was 
printing  his  treatise  on  the  Cabala,  entitled  ‘ De  Verbo  Mirijico,’  wherein  magic 
is  declared  to  be  the  perfection  of  philosophy,  which  work  was  formally  con- 
demned at  Rome.  However,  all  the  French  savants  of  the  Renaissance  were 
not  Cabalists,  nor  did  all,  when  they  introduced  the  study  of  Greek,  forget  that 
it  was  the  language  of  the  Gospels.  The  real  restoration  of  Greek  studies  in 
France  must  be  ascribed  to  Budaeus,  who  made  up,  by  the  piety  and  indefatiga- 
ble studies  of  his  later  years,  for  a youth  of  wild  irregularity.  He  had  studied 
under  Lascaris,  and  though  he  had  reached  a very  mature  age  before  he  devoted 
himself  to  letters,  he  soon  became  as  familiar  with  the  learned  tongues  as  with 
his  native  idiom.  His  treatise  on  the  Ancient  Money  first  rendered  his  name  fli- 
mous,  and  secured  him  the  friendship  of  Francis  I.  He  profited  from  the  favor 
shown  him  by  that  monarch,  to  solicit  from  him  the  foundation  of  the  Royal 
College  of  France,  for  the  cultivation  of  the  three  learned  tongues,  and  thus 
fairly  introduced  the  ‘ Cecropian  Muse’  into  the  University  of  Paris.  If  we 
may  credit  the  authority  of  a grave  rector  of  that  university,  this  momentous 
change  Avas  advantageous,  not  merely  to  the  minds,  but  also  to  the  morals 
of  her  students.  St.  Jerome,  as  we  know,  imposed  upon  himself  the  study  of 
Hebrew  as  an  efficacious  means  of  taming  the  passions ; and  Rollin  affirms  that 
many  who,  in  former  years,  had  been  nothing  but  idle  men  of  pleasure,  when 


HIERONYMIANS-REVIVAL  OF  LETTERS. 


G95 


once  they  began  to  read  the  Greek  authors  flung  their  vices  and  follies  to  the 
winds,  and  led  the  simple  and  austere  manner  of  life  that  becomes  a scholar. 
He  quotes  a passage  from  the  manuscript  Memoirs  of  Henry  de  Mesmes,  which 
gives  a pleasant  picture  of  the  college  life  of  those  days,  and  may  be  taken  as 
an  example  of  the  sort  cf  labour  imposed  on  a hard-working  law  student  of  the 
sixteenth  century  : — 

‘ My  father  gave  me  for  a tutor  John  Maludan  of  Limoges,  a pupil  of  the 
learned  Durat,  who  was  chosen  for  the  innocence  of  his  life  and  his  snitalde  age 
to  preside  over  my  early  years,  till  I should  be  old  enough  to  govern  myself. 
With  him  and  my  brother,  John  James  de  INIesmes,  1 was  sent  to  the  college  of 
Burgundy,  and  was  put  into  the  third  class,  and  I afterwards  spent  almost  a 
year  in  the  first.  My  father  said  he  had  two  motives  for  thus  sending  me  to  the 
college  : the  one  was  tlie  cheerful  and  innocent  conversation  of  the  boys,  and  the 
other  was  the  school  discipline,  bv  which  he  trusted  that  we  should  be  weaned 
from  the  over-fondness  that  had  been  .shown  ns  at  home,  and  purified,  as  it 
were,  in  fresh  w:iter.  Those  eighteen  months  I passed  at  college  were  of  great 
service  to  me.  I learnt  to  recite,  to  dispute,  and  to  speak  in  public ; and  I be- 
came acquainted  with  .“^ev  ral  excellent  men,  many  of  whom  are  still  living.  I 
learned,  moreover,  the  frugality  of  the  scholar’s  life,  and  how  to  portion  out  my 
day  to  advantage  ; so  that,  l.y  the  time  I left,  I had  repeated  in  public  abundance 
of  Latin,  and  two  thousand  Greek  verses,  which  I had  written  after  the  fashion 
of  boys  of  my  age,  and  I could  repeat  Homer  from  one  end  to  the  other.  I was 
thtis  well  received  by  the  chief  men  of  my  time,  to  some  of  whom  my  tutor  in- 
troduced me.  In  1545,  I was  sent  to  Toulouse  with  my  tutor  and  brother,  to 
study  law  tinder  an  old  grey-haired  professor,  who  had  travelled  half  over  the 
world.  There  we  remained  for  three  years,  studying  severely,  and  under  such 
strict  rules  as  I fancy  few  persons  now-a-days  would  care  to  comply  with.  We 
roje  at  four,  and,  having  said  our  prayers,  went  to  lectures  at  five,  with  our  great 
books  under  our  arms,  and  our  inkhorns  and  candlesticks  in  our  h inds.  We  at- 
tended all  the  lectures  until  ten  o’clock,  without  intermission  ; then  we  went  to 
dinner,  after  having  hastily  collated  during  half  an  hour  what  our  master  had 
written  down.  After  dinner,  by  way  of  diversion,  we  read  Sophocles,  or  Aristo- 
phanes, or  Euripides,  and  sometimes  Demosthenes,  Tally,  Virgil,  and  Horace. 
At  one,  we  were  at  our  studies  again,  returning  home  at  five  to  repeat  and  turn 
to  the  places  quoted  in  our  books,  till  past  six.  Then  came  supper,  after  which 
we  read  some  Greek  or  Latin  author.  On  feast  days  we  heard  mass  and  vespers, 
and  the  rest  of  the  da}^  we  were  allowed  a little  music  and  walking.  Sometimes 
we  went  to  see  our  friends,  who  invited  us  much  oftener  than  we  iverc  jiermitted 
to  go.  The  res*t  of  the  day  we  spent  in  reading,  and  we  generally  had  with  us 
some  learned  men  of  that  time.’ 

We  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  the  frugal  and  laborious  training  of 
Henry’s  early  life  was  the  means  of  forming  a manly  and  Christian  character. 
Nor  is  the  portrait  less  pleasing  which  the  biographer  of  Budacus  has  left  us  of 
the  domestic  life  of  that  great  man,  who,  though  he  had  visited  the  court  of  Leo 
X.,  in  quality  of  ambassador  of  France,  and  was  the  chief  lion  of  the  French 
Avorld  of  letters,  retained  to  his  dying  day  those  simple  tastes  and  habits,  which 
we  are  assured  resulted  from  no  affectation  of  laconic  manners,  but  a certain 
genuine  sentiment  of  humility.  His  secretary  and  constant  fellow-labourer  was 
his  wife,  who  sat  in  his  study,  found  out  passages  in  his  books  of  reference,  cop- 
ied his  papers,  and  withal  did  not  forget  his  domestic  comfoi't.  Budajus  needed 
some  such  good  angel  by  his  side,  for  he  belonged  to  that  class  of  scholars  who 
are  more  familiar  with  the  Latin  As  than  with  the  value  of  louis  d’ors.  His 
mind  was  in  his  books,  and  whilst  busy  with  the  doings  of  the  Greeks  and  Ro- 
mans he  could  not  always  call  home  his  absent  thoughts.  It  is  to  be  regretted, 
that  with  a character  in  many  respects  so  amiable,  Budaeus  should  have  permit- 
ted his  love  of  Greek  to  lead  him  to  take  part  with  the  Humanists  in  the  ferocious 
onslaughts  which  they  directed  against  the  adherents  of  the  mediaeval  learning. 


EMINENT  TEACHERS  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS, 


PRIOR  TO  1500. 

TROM  THE  GERMAN  OP  KARL  TON  RAUMER. 
[Translated  by  L.  W.  Fitch] 


JOHN  WESSEL. 

John  Wessel  was  a baker’s  son,  and  was  born  in  1420,  at  Groningen. 
Here  he  received  his  early  education,  after  which  he  went  to  Zwoll,  to 
the  school  of  the  Hieronyniians,  where  Thomas-a-Keinpis  exerted  a 
powerful  influence  upon  him.  He  then  studied  in  Cologne, — and 
about  the  year  1452  went  to  Paris,  where  he  made  the  acquaintance 
of  Bessarion  and  Francis  de  Novera,  afterward  Pope  Sixtus  IV.  In 
1470  he  made  a journey  to  Italy.  Already  won  over  to  Platonism 
by  Bessarion,  his  stay  in  Florence  wedded  him  more  closely  to  it. 
When  in  Rome,  Pope  Sixtus  IV.  bade  him  ask  a favor  of  him,  and 
Wessel  accordingly  besought  hiii^,  for  a Greek  and  a Hebrew  Bible 
from  the  Vatican  Library.  Returning  to  Paris  in  1473,  Reuchlin, 
then  18  years  old,  made  his  acquaintance,  and  he  appears  to 
have  given  a great  impetus  to  the  philosophical  and  humanistic 
studies  of  Reuchlin.  His  fellow-countryman.  Agricola,  was  likewise 
with  him  at  Paris;  and  was  persuaded  by  Wessel  to  the  study  of 
the  Hebrew. 

In  his  later  years  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  and  lived  at 
times  in  the  Mount  St.  Agnes  Monastery,  at  Zwoll,  where  Tliomas-a- 
Kempis  also  passed  his  long  and  peaceful  life.  lie  spent  likewise  much 
time  in  the  monastery  Edward,  or  Edouard,  two  hours  distance  from 
Groningen,  and  in  a convent  at  Groningen.  He  died  a peaceful  death 
on  the  4th  of  October,  1489,  in  his  69tli  year,  and  was  buried  in  that 
Groningen  convent. 

His  contemporaries  called  him  Lux  mundi^'^  also  “ Magister  c 'on- 
the  last  epithet  he  owed  to  his  many  philosophical 
and  theological  discussions.  His  philosophy  was  originally  realism  , 
but  later  he  became  a nominalist,  as  were  all  the  reformers  with  the 
exception  of  Huss. 

His  theological  abilities  were  recognized  by  Luther.  “ Had  I known 
Wessel  or  read  his  books  earlier,”  says  Luther,  “my  adversaries 
would  have  fancied  that  I had  obtained  this  thing  or  that  from  Wes- 
sel ; so  much  do  our  sentiments  harmonize.  It  gives  me  peculiar  joy 
and  strength,  and  removes  every  doubt  that  I might  have  had  of  the 
soundness  of  my  doctrine,  to  find  that  he  agrees  everywhere  with  me, 


JOHN  WESSEL. 


697 

both  in  thought  and  opinion,  expressing  himself  frequently  even  in 
the  same  words,  though  at  a different  era,  when  another  air  was  over 
us,  and  another  wind  blew,  and  he  too  was  accustomed  to  another 
fashion  and  to  other  junctures.”  In  another  place  Luther  says  : 
“Wessel  manages  matters  with  great  moderation  and  truth.”  On 
this  account  it  was  that  Erasmus,  who  so  dearly  loved  and  prized 
peace,  thus  writes:  “Wessel  has  much  in  common  with  Luther;  but 
in  how  much  more  modest  and  Christian  a manner  he  conducts 
himself  than  do  they,  or  most  of  them !” 

Besides  Latin,  Wessel  understood  both  Greek  and  Hebrew.  The  nar- 
row limits  of  learning,  as  we  find  them  laid  down  by  the  earlier  Ilierony- 
mians,  Wessel  far  exceeded.  His  long  residence  at  Paris,  and  the 
journey  to  Italy,  had  widened  his  intellectual  horizon  ; for  it  was  only 
after  a busy,  active  life  in  foreign  lands,  that  a longing  was  created  in 
his  breast  for  his  own  land,  and  for  the  contemplative  quiet  that 
could  be  alone  secured  by  a return  among  his  kindred. 

Greek  he  learned  from  Bessarion  and  other  Greek  scholars  in  Italy  ; 
but  who  taught  him  Hebrew  we  are  nowhere  informed. 

His  clearness  of  thought  especially  qualified  him  to  teach.  “ The 
scholar,”  he  says,  “ is  known  by  his  ability  to  teach.” 

His  instructive  intercourse  appears  to  have  had  a very  marked  in- 
fluence on  many,  as  we  have  seen  that  it  did  on  Reuchlin  and  Agri- 
cola. Especially  must  the  frequent  converse  of  many  distinguished 
men  with  the  aged  Wessel,  as  in  the  monastery  of  Edward,  have 
been  very  edifying,  both  in  a literary  and  in  a religious  aspect. 

Goswin  of  Halen,  earlier,  Wessel’s  scholar,  and,  at  the  close  of  the 
15th  and  the  commencement  of  the  16th  century,  head  of  the  broth- 
erly union  at  Groningen,  writes  of  this  converse  to  a friend  as  follows  : 
“ I have  known  Edward  for  more  than  forty  years ; but  then  it  was 
less  a monastery  than  a college.  Of  this,  could  Rudolph  Agricola 
and  Wessel  bear  me  witness,  if  they  were  now  living,  as  also  Rudolph 
Lange,  of  Munster,  Alexander  Hegius,  and  others,  who  all  have 
passed  whole  weeks,  yea,  whole  months  at  Edward,  to  hear  and  to 
learn,  and  to  become  daily  more  learned  and  better.”  “ To  become 
better,”  says  Goswin,  for  the  earnestness  of  a Christian  morality 
animated  all  the  studies  of  Wessel,  a depth  of  thought  which  was 
radically  opposed  to  the  aesthetic  pleasurableness  of  so  many  Italians. 
And  this  was  why  he  studied,  as  well  as  he  was  able  to  do,  the  Old 
Testament  in  the  original. 

We  can  not  better  present  to  our  view  the  love  and  the  well-directed 
labors  of  Wessel,  than  in  these  words  of  his  own : “ Knowledge  is 
not  our  highest  aim,  for  he  who  only  knows  how  to  know,  is  a fool ; 


698 


JOHN  WESSEL. 


for  he  has  no  taste  of  the  fruit  of  knowledge,  nor  does  he  understand 
how  to  order  his  knowledge  with  wisdom.  The  knowledge  of  truth 
is  its  own  glorious  fruit,  when  it  meets  with  a wise  husbandman ; for 
by  this  truth  he  may,  out  of  his  clear  knowledge,  come  to  God,  and 
become  God’s  friend  ; since  through  knowledge  he  unites  himself  to 
God,  and  progresses  step  by  step  in  this  union,  until  he  tastes  how 
gracious  the  Lord  is,  and  through  this  taste  becomes  more  desirous, 
yea,  burns  with  desire,  and  amid  this  glow  God  loves  him  and  lives  in 
him,  until  he  becomes  wholly  one  with  God.  This  is  the  true,  pure, 
earnest  fruit  of  an  earnest  knowledge,  which  in  very  truth  all  men  by 
nature  do  rather  desire  to  possess  than  mere  memory,  that  is  to  say, 
than  knowledge,  in  and  for  itself.  For,  as  unsettled  and  wavering 
opinions  are  empty  without  knowledge,  so  knowledge  is  unfruitful 
without  love.” 

To  this  brief  sketch  of  Wessel  I add  a passage  from  Goswin.  It 
gives  us  a view  of  the  nature  of  the  studies  that  men  and  youth  in 
Wessel’s  vicinity  were  accustomed  to  pursue  at  Zwoll,  Edward,  and 
other  famous  schools  of  that  period,  and  likewise  what  writings  people, 
molded  by  such  influences,  would  chiefly  read  and  prize.  “ You  may 
read  Ovid,”  Goswin  remarks,  “ and  vvriters  of  that  stamp  through,  once  ; 
but  Virgil,  Horace,  and  Terence  are  to  be  studied  with  more  attention, 
and  oftener,  because  in  our  profession  we  need  to  bestow  especial 
study  upon  the  poets.  But,  above  all,  I will  that  you  read  the  Bible 
constantly.  And,  since  one  ought  not  to  remain  in  ignorance  of  his- 
tory, I counsel  you  to  take  up  Josephus,  and  for  church  history  to 
read  the  Tripartita!^  Of  the  profane  writers,  Plutarch,  Sallust, 
Thucydides,  Herodotus,  and  Justin,  will  especially  profit  you.  Then 
it  will  do  you  no  harm  to  go  through  with  the  writings  of  Plato  and 
Aristotle.  But  with  Cicero  we  must  remain  longer,  in  order  that  we 
may  acquire  a truly  Roman  style.  Next  to  our  Bible  it  is  well  to 
give  thorough  and  earnest  study  to  Augustine.  Him  you  may  follow 
up  by  Jerome,  Ambrose,  Chrysostom,  Gregory,  Bernard,  and  Hugo 
St.  Victor,  a man  full  of  rich  instruction.” 

This  passage  shows  how  much  the  circle  of  study  of  the  Hierony- 
mians  had  become  enlarged  during  the  15th  century.  This  we  owe 
to  the  influence  which  the  Italians  had  over  W^essel,  Agricola, 
Rudolph  Lange,  and  others,  who  again  in  their  turn  shaped  with  such 
power  both  German  and  Netherland  culture.  But  the  Bible  remained 
to  these  tlioughtful  men  the  Book  of  books ; neither  were  the  Fathers 
thrust  aside. 

* This  was  a sketch  of  the  history  of  the  church  taken  from  Socrates,  Theodoret,  and 
Sozemenes,  translated  into  Latin  by  Cassiodore. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  TEACHERS. 


WILIBRORD — WINFRED. 

About  the  year  664,  an  English  priest  named  Egbert,  who  had 
been  taught  at  Lindisfarne  by  Bishop  Colrnan,  was  studying  in  the 
monastery  of  Rathmelsigi,  in  Connaught,  Ireland,  formed  the  pur- 
pose of  planting  Christian  institutions  in  Friesland,  and  after  seven 
ineffectual  attempts,  inspired  Wilibrord,  who,  with  twelve  com- 
panions, proceeded  there,  and  as  bishop  of  Utrecht,  founded  a 
school  about  696,  to  which  he  afterwards  sent  thirty  young  Danes. 
He  was  joined  for  a time  by  Winfred,  ‘ the  philosopher  of  Christ,’ 
but  who  subsequently  extended  his  labors  into  Hesse  and  Thuringia. 
Winfred  was  born  in  Devonshire,  near  the  border  lands  of  English 
Saxony,  about  the  year  766.  He  studied  at  Exeter,  and  subse- 
quently in  the  school  of  Nutscell  in  Hampshire,  under  the  direction 
of  Abbot  Winbert.  Of  this  school  he  became  scholasticus,  and 
his  teaching  of  grammar,  poetry,  and  the  sacred  sciences,  drew  stu- 
dents from  all  the  southern  provinces.  But  his  zeal  to  preach  the 
Gospel  among  the  races  of  Germany,  from  whom  he  was  descended, 
took  him  even  to  Utrecht.  In  one  of  his  journeys  he  stopped  at 
Treves,  and  attached  to  him  a grandson  of  the  daughter  of  King 
Dagobert,  Gregory  by  name,  a boy  of  fifteen  years,  who  after- 
wards became  bishop  of  Utrecht,  on  the  death  of  Wilibrord,  and 
founded  the  Episcopal  seminary  of  that  place.  Of  this  school 
Luidger,  the  son  of  a Friesland  noble,  was  an  alumnus.  He  after- 
wards studied  in  the  English  school  of  Y"ork,  then  under  Alcuin. 
When  the  latter  became  fixed  at  the  court  of  Charlemagne,  he  re- 
commended Luidger  for  the  first  bishop  of  Mimigardford,  which 
he  caused  to  be  changed  to  Minster,  or  Munster,  and  where  he 
founded  a monastery  and  episcopal  school,  in  which  he  deposited 
the  books  he  had  brought  with  him  from  England. 

WINFRID  AS  ST.  BONIFACE. 

Winfred,  after  pursuing  his  apostolic  career  along  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine  and  the  Danube,  was  summoned  to  Rome,  and  there 
consecrated  bishop  of  the  German  nation,  and  took  the  name  of 
Boniface.  He  applied  to  the  bishops  and  abbots  of  England  for 

(699^) 


*700 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


^ assistance,  and  was  joined  by  a band  of  missioners,  among  whom 
was  Burcbard,  Lullus,  Wilibald,  and  Winibald,  who  formed  a com- 
munity, wherever  they  labored.  In  addition  to  the  church  and  epis- 
copal schools  at  Utrecht,  Treves,  Ordorp,  Munster,  &c.,  Boniface 
established  schools  at  Fritislar  and  Fulda  (in  744),  and  just  before 
his  violent  death,  he  wrote  to  King  Pepin,  asking  protection  for 
such  of  his  disciples  as  were  engaged  in  the  work  of  educating 
{magistic  infanticum)^  as  they  were  principally  foreigners.  In  748 
Boniface  established  several  congregations  of  ladies  under  the  aus- 
pices of  English  women,  who  devoted  themselves  to  the  education 
of  girls — Lioba  at  Bischoffsheim,  and  Walburga  at  Hildesheim. 

In  747,  the  Council  of  Cloveshoe  was  held,  at  the  instigation 
•of  Boniface,  who  had  then  received  tlie  pallium  from  the  hands 
of  Pope  Gregory  IIP,  together  with  the  authority  of  Papal  Legate 
and  Vicar  over  the  bishops  of  France  and  Germany — his  own  seat 
being  at  Mentz,  and  his  jurisdiction  as  archbishop  extending  from 
Utrecht  to  the  Rhetian  Alps.  In  this  council,  whose  proceedings 
were  inspired  by  the  archbishop  of  Mentz,  there  was  much  action 
touching  on  schools  and  instruction.  Bishops,  abbots,  and  abbesses, 
must  diligently  see  that  all  their  people  learn  to  read,  and  that 
boys  are  brought  up  so  as  to  be  useful  to  the  church  of  God,  and 
are  not  overworked  in  bodily  labors.  Sunday  was  to  be  strictly 
observed  as  a day  of  freedom  [freolsung)^  even  for  the  serfs,  lasting 
from  noontide  on  Saturday  to  the  dawn  of  light  on  Monday  morn- 
ing. In  church  schools  every  one  must  learn  the  psalter  by  heart, 
and  the  chant  must  conform  exactly  to  the  custom  of  the  Roman 
church.  Mass  priests  must  always  have  a school  of  learners,  for 
which  they  shall  make  no  demand  of  any  thing  from  their  parents, 
beyond  what  they  may  give  of  their  own  will.  This  decree  w^as 
first  issued  in  the  Council  of  Vaison  in  629,  and  was  re-enacted  in 
the  same  words  at  Orleans  and  at  Vercilli.  Boniface  was  cruelly 
slaughtered  at  Dokkum,  in  East  Friesland,  but  his  body  was  res- 
cued, and  borne  to  Mentz,  and  afterwards  to  Fulda,  where,  in  a 
crypt  still  preserved  in  the  chapel  of  the  monastery  founded  by 
him,  his  ashes  have  reposed  undisturbed  in  the  revolutions  of  a 
thousand  years. 

PEPTN  AND  CHARLEMAGNE. 

Pepin  extended  his  protection  to  the  schools  and  teachers  which 
Boniface  had  established  in  Germany.  After  his  death  in  768,  and 
his  son  Carleman  in  771,  Charlemagne  became  master  of  all  the 
Frankish  territories,  and  extended  the  boundaries  of  his  empire 
from  the  shores  of  the  Baltic  to  the  banks  of  the  Elsa,  and  from 
the  Danube  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


701 


FULDA, — HATTO  AND  RABANUS. 

The  Abbey  of  Fulda,  where  the  monks  were  organized  into  a community 
under  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict,  was  one  of  the  earliest  to  carry  out  the  educa- 
tional work  begun  by  Alcuin  at  Aix  and  Tours.  Two  of  the  younger  brothers 
were  selected  to  study  with  the  great  master  at  Tours — Hatto  and  Rabanus, 
who  resorted  to  him  in  802.  The  name  of  Maurus  was  bestowed  by  Alcuin 
on  his  fovorite  disciple,  and  was  afterwards  retained  by  Rabanus  in  addition  to 
his  own.  He  studied  both  sacred  and  profane  sciences,  as  appears  from  the 
letter  he  addressed  many  years  later  to  his  old  schoolfellow,  Haimo,  bishop  of 
Halberstadt,  in  which  he  reminds  him  of  the  pleasant  days  they  had  spent  to- 
gether in  studious  exercises,  reading,  not  only  the  Sacred  books,  and  the  ex- 
positions of  the  Fathers,  but  also  investigating  all  the  seven  liberal  arts.  In 
813,  being  then  twenty-five  years  of  age,  Rabanus  was  recalled  to  Fulda,  by 
the  abbot  Ratgar,  and  placed  at  the  head  of  the  school,  with  the  strict  injunc- 
tion that  he  was  to  follow  in  all  things  the  method  of  his  master  Alcuin.  The 
latter  was  still  alive,  and  addressed  a letter  to  the  young  preceptor,  which  is 
printed  among  his  other  works,  and  is  addressed  to  ‘the  boy  Maurus,’  in  which 
he  wishes  him  good  luck  with  his  scholars.  His  success  was  so  extraordinary 
that  the  abbots  of  other  monasteries  sent  their  monks  to  study  under  him,  and 
were  eager  to  obtain  his  pupils  as  professors  iu  their  own  schools.  The  Ger- 
man nobles  also  gladly  confided  their  sons  to  his  care,  and  he  taught  them  with 
wonderful  gentleness  and  patience.  He  carried  out  the  system  which  had 
been  adopted  by  Alcuin  of  thoroughly  exercising  his  scholars  in  grammar  be- 
fore entering  on  the  study  of  the  other  liberal  arts.  ‘All  the  generations  of 
Germany,’  says  Trithemius,  ‘are  bound  to  celebrate  the  praise  of  Rabanus,  who 
first  taught  them  to  articulate  the  sound  of  Greek  and  Latin.’  At  his  lectures 
every  one  was  trained  to  write  equally  well  in  prose  or  verse  on  any  subject 
placed  before  him,  and  was  afterwards  taken  through  a course  of  rhetoric, 
logic,  and  natural  philosophy,  according  to  the  capacities  of  each. 

Every  variety  of  useful  occupation  was  embraced  by  the  monks;  while  some 
were  at  work  hewing  down  the  old  forest  which  a few  j^ears  before  had  given 
shelter  to  the  mysteries  of  Pagan  worship,  or  tilling  the  soil  on  those  numerous 
farms  which  to  this  day  perpetuate  the  memory  of  the  great  abbey  in  the 
names  of  the  towns  and  villages  which  have  sprung  up  on  their  site,  other 
kinds  of  indu.stry  were  kept  up  within  doors,  where  the  visitor  might  have  be- 
held a huge  range  of  workshops  in  which  cunning  hands  were  kept  constantly 
busy  on  every  description  of  useful  and  ornamental  work  in  wood,  stone,  and 
metal.  It  was  a scene,  not  of  artistic  dilettanteism,  but  of  earnest,  honest  la- 
bor, and  the  treasurer  of  the  abbey  was  charged  to  take  care  that  the  sculp- 
tors, engravers,  and  carvers  in  wood,  were  always  furnished  with  plenty  to  do. 
Passing  on  to  the  interior  of  the  building  the  stranger  would  have  been  intro- 
duced to  the  scriptorium,  over  the  door  of  which  was  an  inscription  warning 
the  copyists  to  abstain  from  idle  words,  to  be  diligent  in  copying  good  books, 
and  to  take  care  not  to  alter  the  text  by  careless  mistakes.  Twelve  monks  al- 
ways sat  here  employed  in  the  labor  of  transcription,  as  was  also  the  custom 
at  Hirsauge,  a colony  sent  out  from  Fulda  in  830,  and  the  huge  library  which 
was  thus  gradually  formed,  survived  till  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, w'hen  it  was  destroyed  in  the  troubles  of  the  thirty  years’  war.  Not  far 


102 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


from  the  scriptorium  was  the  interior  school^  where  the  studies  were  carried  on 
with  an  ardor  and  a largeness  of  views,  which  might  have  been  little  expected 
from  an  academy  of  the  ninth  century.  Our  visitor,  where  he  from  the  more 
civilized  south,  might  well  have  stood  in  mute  surprise  in  the  midst  of  these 
fancied  barbarians,  whom  he  would  have  found  engaged  in  pursuits  not  unwor- 
thy of  the  schools  of  Rome.  The  monk  Probus  is  perhaps  lecturing  on  Virgil 
and  Cicero,  and  that  with  such  hearty  enthusiasm  that  his  brother  professors 
accuse  him,  in  good-natured  jesting,  of  ranking  them  with  the  saints.  Else- 
where disputations  are  being  carried  on  over  the  Categories  of  Aristotle,  and 
an  attentive  ear  will  discover  that  the  controversy  which  made  such  a noise  in 
the  twelfth  century,  and  divided  the  philosophers  of  Europe  into  the  rival  sects 
of  the  Nominalists  and  Realists,  is  perfectly  well  understood  at  Fulda,  though 
it  does  not  seem  to  have  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  school.  To  your  delight, 
if  you  be  not  altogether  wedded  to  the  dead  languages,  you  may  find  some  en- 
gaged on  the  uncouth  language  of  their  fatherland,  and,  looking  over  their 
shoulders,  you  may  smile  to  see  the  barbarous  words  which  they  are  cataloguing 
in  their  glossaries ; words,  nevertheless,  destined  to  reappear  centuries  hence  in 
the  most  philosophic  literature  of  Europe.  Fulda  derived  its  scholastic  tra- 
ditions from  Alcuin  and  Bede,  and  could  not  neglect  the  vernacular. 

In  the  midst  of  this  world  of  intellectual  life  and  labor,  Rabanus  continued 
for  some  years  to  train  the  first  minds  of  Germany,  and  counted  among  his  pu- 
pils the  most  celebrated  men  of  the  age,  such  as  Lupus  of  Ferrieres,  Walafrid 
Strabo,  and  Ruthard  of  Hirsauge,  the  latter  of  whom  was  the  first  who  read, 
profane  letters  to  the  brethren  of  his  convent  ‘after  the  manner  of  Fulda.’ 
Lupus  was  a monk  of  Ferrieres,  where  he  had  been  carefully  educated  by  the 
abbot  Aldric,  who  was  a pupil  of  Sigulf,  and  had  acted  for  some  time  as  as- 
sistant to  Alcuin  in  the  school  of  Tours.  Aldric  afterwards  became  archbishop 
of  Sens,  and  sent  Lupus  to  complete  his  education  at  Fulda,  under  Rabanus. 
Like  all  the  scholars  of  Ferrieres,  Lupus  had  a decided  taste  for  classical  litera- 
ture ; the  love  of  letters  had  been,  to  use  his  own  expression,  innate  in  him 
from  a child,  and  he  was  considered  the  best  Latinist  of  his  time.  Ilis  studies 
at  Fulda  were  chiefly  theological,  and  he  applied  to  them  with  great  ardor, 
without,  however,  forgetting  ‘ his  dear  humanities.’  It  would  even  seem  that 
he  taught  them  at  Fulda,  thus  returning  one  benefit  for  another.  The  monas- 
tery was  not  far  from  that  of  Seligenstadt,  where  Eginhard,  the  secretary  and 
biographer  of  Charlemagne,  was  their  abbot.  A friendship,  based  on  simi- 
larity of  tastes,  sprang  up  between  him  and  Lupus,  and  was  maintained  by  a 
correspondence,  much  of  which  is  still  preserved.  Lupus  always  reckoned 
Eginhard  as  one  of  his  masters ; not  that  he  directly  received  any  lessons  from 
him,  but  on  account  of  the  assistance  which  the  abbot  rendered  him  by  the 
loan  of  valuable  books.  In  one  of  his  earliest  letters  to  this  good  friend  he 
begs  for  a copy  of  Cicero’s  ‘ Rhetoric,’  his  own  being  imperfect,  as  well  as  for 
the  ‘Attic  Nights  ’ of  Aulus  Gellius,  which  were  not  then  to  be  found  in  the 
Fulda  library.  In  another  letter,  he  consults  him  on  the  exact  prosody  of  cer- 
tain Latin  words,  and  begs  him  to  send  the  proper  size  of  the  Uncial  letters 
used  in  manuscripts  of  that  century. 

Among  the  fellow-students  of  Lupus  at  this  time  was  Walafrid  Strabo,  a 
man  of  very  humble  birth,  whose  precocious  genius  had  early  made  him  known 
in  the  world  of  letters.  In  spite  of  the  unfortunate  personal  defect  which 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


703 


earned  him  his  surname,  Walafrid’s  Latin  verses  had  gained  him  respect  among 
learned  men  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  and  they  are  favorably  noticed  even  by  critics 
of  our  own  time.  He  had  received  his  early  training  in  the  monastery  of 
Reichnau,  the  situation  of  which  was  well  fitted  to  nurture  a poetic  genius. 
His  masters  had  been  Tetto  and  Wettin,  the  latter  of  whom  was  author  of  that 
terrible  ‘ Vision  of  Purgatory  ’ which  left  an  indelible  impress  on  the  popular 
devotion  of  Christendom,  From  Reichnau  he  was  sent  by  his  superiors  to 
study  at  Fulda,  where  he  acquired  a taste  for  historical  pursuits,  and  is  said  to 
have  assisted  in  the  compilation  of  the  annals  of  the  monastery.  It  was  out 
of  the  Fulda  library  that  he  collected  the  materials  for  his  great  work,  the 
Gloss,  or  Commentary  on  the  Text  of  Scripture,  gathered  from  the  writings  of 
the  Fathers.  It  received  many  additions  and  improvements  from  subsequent 
writers,  and,  for  more  than  six  hundred  years,  continued  to  be  the  most  popu- 
lar explanation  of  the  Sacred  text  in  use  among  theologians.  Returning  to 
Reichnau,  Walafrid  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  scholasticus,  and  filled  it 
with  such  success  as  fairly  to  establish  the  reputation  of  that  monastic  school. 
Ermanric,  one  of  his  pupils,  says  of  him,  that  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  contin- 
ued to  exhibit  the  same  delightful  union  of  learning  and  simplieity  which  had 
endeared  him  to  his  masters  and  schoolfellows.  Even  after  he  was  appointed 
abbot,  he  found  his  chief  pleasure  in  study,  teaching,  and  writing  verses,  and 
would  steal  away  from  the  weightier  jcares  of  his  office  to  take  a class  in  his 
old  school  and  expound  to  them  a passage  of  Virgil.  Neither  old  age  nor 
busy  practical  duties  dried  up  the  fount  of  Abbot  Walafrid’s  inspiration,  and 
we  find  him  in  his  declining  years  writing  his  poem  entitled  ^ Hortulus,'  wherein 
he  describes  with  charming  freshness  of  imagery,  the  little  garden  blooming 
beneath  the  window  of  his  cell,  and  the  beauty  and  virtue  of  the  different 
flowers  which  he  loved  to  cultivate  with  his  own  hands. 

Another  of  the  Fulda  scholars  contemporary  with  those  named  above,  was 
Otfried,  a monk  of  Weissemburg,  who  entered  with  singular  ardor  into  the 
study  of  the  Tudesque  dialect.  Rabanus  himself  devoted  much  attention  to 
this  subject,  and  composed  a Latin  and  German  glossary  on  the  books  of  Scrip- 
ture, together  with  some  other  etymological  works,  among  which  is  a curious 
treatise  on  the  origin  of  languages.  Otfried  took  up  his  master’s  favorite  pur- 
suits with  great  warmth,  and  the  completion  of  Charlemagne’s  German  gram- 
mar is  thought  to  be  in  reality  his  work,  though  generally  assigned  to  Rabanus. 
On  retiring  to  his  own  monastery,  where  he  was  charged  with  the  direction  of 
the  school,  he  continued  to  make  the  improvement  of  his  native  language  the 
chief  object  of  his  study.  A noble  zeal  prompted  him  to  produce  something 
in  the  vernacular  idiom  which  should  take  the  place  of  those  profane  songs, 
often  of  heathen  origin,  which  had  hitherto  been  the  only  production  of  the 
German  muse. 

The  character  of  Rabanus  may  be  gathered  from  that  of  his  pupils.  He  was 
in  every  respect  a true  example  of  the  monastic  scholar,  and  took  St.  Bede  for 
the  model  on  which  his  own  life  was  formed.  All  the  time  not  taken  up  with 
religious  duties  he  devoted  to  reading,  teaching,  writing,  or  ‘ feeding  himself 
on  the  Divine  Scriptures.’  The  best  lesson  he  gave  his  seholars  was  the  ex- 
ample of  his  own  life,  as  Eginhard  indicates  in  a letter  written  to  his  son,  then 
studying  as  a novice  at  Fulda.  ‘ I would  have  you  apply  to  literary  exercises,’ 
he  says,  ‘ and  try  as  far  as  you  can  to  acquire  the  learning  of  your  master, 


704 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


I 

whose  lessons  are  so  clear  and  solid.  But  specially  imitate  his  holy  life.  . . . 
For  grammar  and  rhetoric  and  all  human  sciences  are  vain  and  even  injurious 
to  the  servants  of  God, unless  by  Divine  grace  they  know  how  to  follow  the  law 
of  God ; for  science  pufifeth  up,  but  charity  buildeth  up.  I would  rather  see 
you  dead  than  inflated  with  vice.’ 

Nevertheless,  the  career  of  Rabanus  was  far  from  being  one  of  unruffled  re- 
pose, and  tlie  history  of  his  troubles  presents  us  with  a singular  episode  in 
monastic  annals.  The  abbot  Ratgar  was  one  of  those  men  whose  activity  of 
mind  and  body  was  a cross  to  every  one  about  him.  lie  could  neither  rest 
himself  nor  suffer  anybody  else  to  be  quiet.  The  ordinary  routine  of  life  at 
Fulda,  with  its  prodigious  amount  of  daily  labor,  both  mental  and  physical,  did 
not  satisfy  the  requirements  of  his  peculiar  organization.  He  had  a fancy  for 
rearranging  the  whole  discipline  of  the  monastery,  and  was  specially  desirous 
of  providing  himself  with  more  splendid  buildings  than  those  which  had  been 
raised  by  the  followers  of  the  humble  Sturm.  Every  one  knows  that  the  pas- 
sion for  building  has  in  it  a directly  revolutionary  element ; it  is  synonymous 
with  a passion  for  upsetting,  destroying,  and  reducing  every  thing  to  chaos. 
Hence,  the  monks  of  Fulda  had  but  an  uncomfortable  time  of  it,  and  what  was 
worse,  Ratgar  was  so  eager  to  get  his  fine  buildings  completed,  that  he  not 
only  compelled  his  monks  to  work  as  masons,  but  shortened  their  prayers  and 
masses,  and  obliged  them  to  labor  on  festivals.  Rabanus  himself  could  claim 
no  exemption  ; he  had  to  exchange  the  pen  for  the  trowel ; and  to  take  away 
all  possibility  of  excuse,  Ratgar  deprived  him  of  his  books,  and  even  of  the 
private  notes  which  he  had  made  of  Alcuin’s  lectures.  Rabanus  was  too  good 
a monk  to  protest  against  his  change  of  employment,  and  carried  his  bricks 
and  mortar  as  cheerfully  as  ever  he  had  applied  himself  to  a copy  of  Cicero ; 
but  he  did  not  conceive  it  contrary  to  religious  obedience  humbly  to  protest 
against  the  confiscation  of  his  papers,  and  attempted  to  soften  the  hard  heart 
of  his  abbot  with  a copy  of  verses. 

The  building  grievance  at  last  grew  to  such  a pitch,  that  the  monks  in  de- 
spair appealed  to  Charlemagne,  who  summoned  Ratgar  to  court  to  answer 
their  charges,  and  appointed  a commission  of  bishops  and  abbots  to  inquire 
into  the  whole  matter.  Their  decision  allayed  the  discord  for  a time,  and  so 
long  as  the  emperor  lived,  Ratgar  showed  his  monks  some  consideration.  But 
no  sooner  was  he  dead  than  the  persecution  recommenced,  and  Rabanus,  again 
deprived  of  his  books  and  papers,  seems  to  have  consoled  himself  by  making  a 
pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.  The  abbot,  however,  raised  again  such  a storm  that 
a new  commission  was  appointed  by  the  emperor  (Louis).  On  its  report,  Rat- 
gar was  deposed,  and  Eigil,  a disciple  of  Sturm,  elected  in  his  place.  Under 
his  gentle  administration  the  peace  of  the  community  was  restored,  and  Raba- 
nus resumed  his  teaching,  which  he  soon  after  gave  up  (except  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures), on  becoming  the  successor  of  Eigil  in  822.  The  notes  of  his  oral  in- 
struction on  the  chief  duties  of  ecclesiastics  and  the  rites  of  the  church  were 
afterwards  revised  and  arranged  in  the  Treatise  De  Instituiione  Clericorum^  an 
invaluable  monument  of  the  faith  and  practice  oT  the  Church  in  the  ninth  cen- 
tury. It  treats  in  three  books  of  the  Sacraments,  the  Divine  office,  the  feasts 
and  fasts  of  the  Church,  and  the  learning  necessary  for  ecclesiastics,  concluding 
with  instructions  and  rules  for  the  guidance  of  preachers.  On  the  last  subject 
he  observes  that  three  things  are  necessary  in  order  to  become  a good  preacher; 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS 


105 


first,  to  be  a good  man  yourself,  that  you  may  be  able  to  teach  others  to  be  so ; 
secondly,  to  be  skilled  in  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  the  interpretations  of  the 
Fathers ; thirdly,  and  above  all,  to  prepare  for  the  work  of  preaching  by  that 
of  prayer.  As  to  the  studies  proper  to  ecclesiastics,  he  di^inctly  requires  them 
to  be  learned  not  only  in  the  Scriptures,  but  also  in  the  seven  liberal  arts,  pro- 
vided only  that  these  are  treated  as  the  handmaids  of  theology,  and  he  explains 
his  views  on  this  subject  much  in  the  same  way  as  Bede  had  done  before  him. 
In  847,  Rabanus  was  raised  to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Mentz,  and  died  in 
856,  leaving  his  books  to  the  abbeys  of  Fulda,  and  St.  Alban’s  of  Mentz. 

LUPUS  OF  FERRIERES. 

Lupus  became  abbot  of  the  monastery  in  856,  but  continued  to  teach  and 
labor  for  his  school — particularly  in  collecting  a noble  library.  He  took  extra- 
ordinary pains  in  seeking  for  his  treasures  even  in  distant  countries,  in  causing 
them  to  be  transcribed,  and  sometimes  in  lovingly  transcribing  them  himself. 
His  interesting  correspondence  contains  frequent  allusions  to  these  biblio- 
graphical researches.  At  one  time  he  asks  a friend  to  bring  him  the  ‘ Wars 
of  Catiline  and  of  Jugurtha’  by  Sallust,  and  the  ‘Verrines  of  Cicero.'  At 
another,  he  writes  to  Pope  Benedict  III.,  begging  him  to  send  by  two  of  his 
monks,  about  to  journey  to  Rome,  certain  books  which  he  could  not  obtain  in 
his  own  country,  and  which  he  promises  to  have  speedily  copied  and  faithfully 
returned.  They  are,  the  ‘ Commentaries  of  St.  Jerome  on  Jeremias,’  ‘ Cicero 
de  Oratore,’  the  twelve  books  of  Quintilian’s  Institutes,  and  the  ‘ Commentary 
of  Donatus  on  Terence.’  With  all  his  taste  for  the  classics,  however.  Lupus 
had  too  much  good  sense  not  to  see  the  importance  of  cultivating  the  barbarous 
dialects,  and  sent  his  nephew  with  two  other  noble  youths  to  Prom,  to  learn 
the  Tudesque  idiom.  In  his  school  he  made  it  his  chief  aim  to  train  his  pupils, 
not  only  in  grammar  and  rhetoric,  but  also  in  the  higher  art  of  a holy  life. 
The  monastic  seminaries  were  proverbially  schools  of  good  living  as  well  as 
good  learning,  rede  faciendi  et  bene  dicendi,  as  Mabillon  expresses  it;  and 
there  was  nothing  that  Lupus  had  more  at  heart  than  the  inculcation  of  this 
principle,  that  the  cultivation  of  head  and  heart  must  go  together.  ‘We  too 
often  seek  in  study,’  he  writes  in  his  epistle  to  the  monk  Ebradus,  ‘ nothing  but 
ornament  of  style ; few  are  found  who  desire  to  acquire  by  its  means  purity  of 
manners,  which  is  of  far  greater  value.  We  are  very  much  afraid  of  vices  of 
language,  and  use  every  effort  to  correct  them,  but  we  regard  with  indifference 
the  vices  of  the  heart.’  His  favorite  Cicero  had  before  his  time  lifted  a warn- 
ing voice  against  the  capital  error  of  disjoining  mental  from  moral  culture,  and 
in  the  Christian  system  of  the  earlier  centuries  they  were  never  regarded  apart. 

Lupus  was  not  too  great  a scholar  to  condescend  to  labor  for  beginners,  and 
drew  up,  for  the  benefit  of  his  pupils,  an  abridgment  of  Roman  history,  in 
which  he  proposes  the  characters  of  Trajan  and  Theodosius  for  the  study  of 
Christian  princes.  He  was  wont  to  boast  of  his  double  descent  from  Alcuin, 
as  being  a pupil  of  Sigulf  and  Rabanus,  both  of  them  disciples  of  the  great 
master.  His  own  favorite  scholar  Heiric,  or  Henry  of  Auxerre,  indulged  in  a 
similar  morsel  of  scholastic  pride.  He  had  studied  under  both  Lupus  and 
Hairao  of  Halberstadt,  the  former  schoolfellow  of  Rabanus,  at  St.  Martin  of 
Tours.  Haimo  seems  to  have  lectured  for  some  time  at  Ferrieres,  and  Heiric 
tells  us  in  some  not  inelegant  verses  that  it  was  the  custom  of  the  two  peda- 

45 


706 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


gogues  to  give  their  pupils  a very  pleasant  sort  of  recreation,  relating  to  them 
whatever  they  had  found  in  the  course  of  their  reading  that  was  worthy  of  re- 
membrance, whether  in  Christian  or  Pagan  authors.  Heiric,  who  was  some- 
what of  an  intellectual  glutton,  and  had  a craving  for  learning  of  all  sorts  and 
on  all  imaginable  subjects,  made  for  himself  a little  book,  in  which  he  diligently 
noted  down  every  scrap  that  fell  from  the  lips  of  his  masters.  This  book  he 
subsequently  published,  and  dedicated  to  Hildebold,  bishop  of  Auxerre. 
Heiric  himself  afterwards  became  a man  of  letters ; he  was  appointed  scholas- 
ticus  of  St.  Germain’s  of  Auxerre,  and  was  instrusted  with  the  education  of 
Lothaire,  son  of  Charles  the  Bald,  as  we  learn  from  the  epistle  addressed  to 
that  monarch  which  he  prefixed  to  his  Life  of  St.  Germanus,  in  which  he  speaks 
of  the  young  prince,  recently  dead,  as  in  years  a boy,  but  in  mind  a philoso- 
pher. Another  of  his  pupils  was  the  famous  Remigius  of  Auxerre,  who,  to- 
wards the  end  of  the  ninth  century,  was  summoned  to  Rheims  by  archbishop 
Fulk,  to  re&tablish  sacred  studies  in  that  city,  and  worked  there  in  concert 
with  his  former  schoolfellow,  Hucbald  of  St.  Amand,  who  attained  a curious 
sort  of  reputation  by  his  poem  on  bald  men,  each  line  of  which  began  with  the 
letter  C,  the  whole  being  intended  as  a compliment  to  Charles  the  Bald.  Fulk 
himself  became  their  first  pupil,  and  after  thoroughly  restoring  the  school  of 
Rheims,  Remigius  passed  on  to  Paris,  where  we  shall  have  occasion  to  notice 
him  among  the  teachers  of  the  tenth  century.  From  his  time  the  schools  of 
Paris  continued  to  increase  in  reputation  and  importance  till  they  developed 
into  the  great  university  which  may  thus  be  distinctly  traced  through  a pedi- 
gree of  learned  men  up  to  the  great  Alcuin  himself.  This  genealogy  of  peda- 
gogues is  of  no  small  interest,  as  showing  the  efforts  made  in  the  worst  of 
times  to  keep  alive  the  spark  of  science,  and  the  persistence  with  which,  in 
spite  of  civil*  wars  and  Norman  invasions,  the  scholastic  traditions  of  Alcuin 
were  maintained. 

PASCHASIUS  RADPERT  OP  OLD  CORBY. 

The  school  attached  to  the  monastery  of  Corby  (under  Adalhard,  a prince  of 
the  blood  rojml),  was  chosen  by  Charlemagne  for  the  training  of  Saxon  youth 
to  act  as  missionaries  on  their  return  to  their  own  country.  The  master  chosen 
for  the  task  of  rearing  these  future  missionaries  was  Paschasius  Radpert,  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  his  time.  Originally  of  very  humble  birth,  he 
owed  his  education  to  the  charity  of  the  nuns  of  Soissons,  who  first  received 
the  desolate  child  into  their  own  out-quarters,  and  then  sent  him  to  some 
monks  in  the  same  city,  under  whose  tuition  he  acquired  a fair  amount  of 
learning,  and  addicted  himself  to  the  study  of  Virgil,  Horace,  Cicero,  and  Ter- 
ence. He  never  forgot  the  kindness  of  his  early  benefactresses,  and  in  after 
years  dedicated  his  Treatise  on  the  Virginity  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  to  the  good 
nuns,  styling  himself  therein  their  alumnus,  or  foster-son. 

After  receiving  the  tonsure  in  early  youth,  Paschasius,  whose  tastes  for 
Terence  and  Cicero  rather  predominated  at  that  time  over  his  relish  for  more 
sacred  studies,  abandoned  his  first  inclination  for  the  cloister,  and  lived  for 
some  years  a secular  life.  Touched  at  last  by  divine  grace,  he  entered  the 
abbey  of  Old  Corby,  and  there  made  his  profession  under  the  abbot  Adalhard. 
All  the  ardor  he  had  previously  shown  in  the  pursuit  of  profane  literature  he 
now  applied  to  the  study  of  the  Divine  Scriptures.  Yet  he  only  devoted  to 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


707 


study  of  any  kind  those  ‘ furtive  hours,’  as  he  calls  them,  which  he  was  able 
to  steal  from  the  duties  of  regular  discipline,  and  was  never  seen  so  happy  as 
when  engaged  in  the  choral  office  or  the  meaner  occupations  of  community 
life.  Such,  then,  was  the  master  chosen  by  Adalhard  for  the  responsible  office 
of  scholasticus,  and  a very  minute  account  is  left  us  of  his  manner  of  discharg- 
ing its  duties.  Every  day  he  delivered  lectures  on  the  sacred  sciences,  besides 
preaching  to  the  monks  on  Sundays  and  Festivals.  His  thorough  familiarity 
with  the  best  Latin  authors  appears  from  the  frequent  allusions  to  them  which 
occur  in  his  writings.  Quotations  from  the  classic  poets  drop  from  his  pen,  as 
it  were,  half  unconsciously,  and  we  are  told  that  he  continued  to  keep  up  his 
acquaintance  with  them,  so  far  as  was  necessary  for  teaching  others.  But  his 
own  study  was  now  chiefly  confined  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  the  Fathers ; 
and  among  the  latter,  his  favorites  were  St.  Augustine,  St.  Jerome,  St.  Am- 
brose, St.  John  Chrysostom,  Bede,  and  St.  Gregory  the  Great.  ‘ He  did  not 
approve,’  says  his  biographer,  ' of  the  diligence  displayed  by  some  men  of  the 
time  in  explaining  and  meditating  on  profane  authors.  In  a passage  which 
occurs  in  the  preface  to  his  exposition  of  St.  Matthew’s  Gospel,  he  blames  those 
lovers  of  secular  learning  ‘ who  seek  various  and  divers  expounders’  that  so 
they  may  attain  to  the  understanding  of  beautiful  lies  concerning  shameful 
things,  and  who  wnll  not  pass  over — I do  not  say  a single  page,  but  a single 
line  or  syllable,  without  thoroughly  investigating  it,  with  the  utmost  labor  and 
vigilance,  while  at  the  same  time  they  utterly  neglect  the  Sacred  Scriptures. 

Few  were  more  keenly  alive  than  he  to  the  .charms  of  polite  literature, 
neither  did  he  at  all  condemn  its  use  within  proper  limits,  even  among 
cloistered  students.  It  would,  indeed,  have  been  a difficult  matter  to  have 
eradicated  the  love  of  the  beautiful  from  the  heart  of  Paschasius.  He  pos- 
sessed it  in  every  shape,  and  was  not  merely  a poet,  but  a musician  also. 
In  one  of  his  writings  he  lets  fall  an  observation  which  might  be  taken  for  a 
prose  rendering  of  a verse  of  Shelley’s,  although  the  Christian  scholar  goes 
beyond  the  infidel  poet,  and  does  not  merely  describe  the  sentiment  which  all 
have  felt,  but  traces  it  to  its  proper  source.  Shelley  complains  that — 

Our  sincerest  laughter 

With  some  pain  is  fraught; 

Our  sweetest  songs  are  those  that  tell  of  saddest  thought. 

Pa.schasius  explains  the  mystery : ‘ There  is  no  song  to  be  found  without  a 
tone  of  sadness  in  it ; even  as  here  below  there  are  no  joj^s  without  a mixture 
of  sorrow;  for  songs  of  pure  joy  belong  only  to  the  heavenly  Sion,  but 
lamentation  is  the  property  of  our  earthly  pilgrimage.’  His  musical  tastes 
were  perfectly  shared  and  understood  by  his  master  St.  Adalhard,  whose  sensi- 
bility to  the  influence  of  melodious  sounds  is  spoken  of  by  his  biographer, 
Gerard.  Even  during  his  residence  at  the  court  of  Charlemagne,  it  is  said  of 
him  that  ‘ he  was  always  so  full  of  a sweet  intention  towards  God,  that  if 
while  assisting  at  the  royal  council  he  heard  the  sound  of  some  chance  melody, 
he  had  it  not  in  his  power  to  refrain  from  tears,  for  all  sweet  music  seemed  to 
remind  him  of  his  heavenly  country.’  In  fact,  it  can  not  be  denied  that  the 
men  of  the  dark  ages  had  a singular  susceptibility  of  temperament,  and  that 
the  monastic  type  in  particular  exhibited  a remarkable  union  of  strength 
with  tenderness,  of  practical  sense  with  poetic  sensibility. 

The  importance  they  attached  to  music  as  an  essential  branch  of  education 


708 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS. 


is  not,  however,  to  be  attributed  so  much  to  any  peculiar  sensitiveness  of  or- 
ganization as  to  the  fact  that  they  inherited  the  traditions  of  the  ancients,  and 
with  them  had  learned  to  look  on  music  as  a science  intimately  associated  with 
the  knowledge  of  divine  things.  They  were  the  true  descendants  of  those 
holy  fathers  of  olden  time,  concerning  whom  the  Son  of  Sirach  tells  us  that 
‘they  sought  out  musical  tunes  and  published  Canticles  of  the  Scriptures,  and 
were  rich  in  virtue,  studying  beautifulness,  and  living  at  peace  in  their  houses.’ 

The  narrative  of  the  early  English  schools  which  counted  it  their  chief  glory 
to  iiave  been  instructed  in  sacred  chant  by  a Roman  choir  master,  will  suf- 
ficiently have  illustrated  the  fact  that  music  held  a very  prominent  place  in  the 
system  of  education  which  held  sway  in  the  early  centuries;  and  the  theory  on 
which  this  high  esteem  was  based  will  nowhere  be  found  better  explained  than 
in  the  writings  of  Rabanus.  ‘ Musical  discipline,’  he  says,  ‘ is  so  noble  and 
useful  a thing,  that  without  it  no  one  can  properly  discharge  the  ecclesiastical 
office.  For  whatsoever  in  reading  is  correctly  pronounced,  and  whatsoever  in 
chanting  is  sweetly  modulated,  is  regulated  by  a knowledge  of  this  discipline; 
and  by  it  we  not  only  learn  bow  to  read  and  sing  in  the  church,  but  also 
rightly  perform  every  rite  in  the  divine  service.  Moreover,  the  discipline  of 
music  is  diffused  through  all  the  acts  of  our  life.  For  when  we  keep  the  com- 
mandments of  God,  and  observe  His  law,  it  is  certain  that  our  words  and  acts 
are  associated  by  musical  rhythm  with  the  virtues  of  harmony.  If  we  observe 
a good  conversation,  we  prove  ourselves  associated  with  this  discipline ; but 
when  we  act  sinfully,  we  have  in  us  no  music.’ 

ANSCHARIUS  OF  NEW  CORBY. 

Anscharius  was  one  of  those  chosen  to  colonize  the  monastery  of  New 
Corby,  the  mention  of  which  requires  a few  words  of  explanation.  The 
foundation  of  this  daughter-house  was  the  great  work  of  St.  Adalhard,  who  so 
soon  as  his  young  Saxons  were  sufficiently  trained  in  learning  and  monastic 
discipline,  consulted  them  on  the  possibilities  of  their  obtaining  a suitable  site 
for  a foundation  ki  their  native  land.  After  many  difficulties  liad  been  raised 
and  overcome,  ground  was  procured,  and  the  building  of  the  abbey  was 
begun.  Adalhard  repaired  thither  to  superintend  operations  in  company  with 
Paschasius  and  his  own  brother  Wala,  who,  brought  up  like  himself  as  a 
soldier  and  courtier,  had  in  former  years  held  military  command  in  Saxony, 
and  won  the  affections  of  the  people  by  his  wise  and  gentle  rule.  When  the 
Saxons  saw  their  old  governor  among  them  again  in  the  monastic  habit, 
notliing  could  exceed  tlieir  wonder  and  delight;  they  ran  after  him  in  crowds, 
looking  at  him,  and  feeling  him  with  their  hands  to  satisfy  themselves  that  it 
was  really  he,  paying  no  attention  whatever  to  the  presence  of  the  abbot,  of 
any  other  of  his  companions.  The  first  stone  of  the  new  abbey  was  laid  on 
September  26,  822 ; Old  Corby  made  over  to  the  new  colony  all  the  lands  held 
by  the  community  in  Saxony;  the  Emperor  Louis  gave  them  a charter,  and 
some  precious  relics  from  his  private  chapel,  and  in  a few  years  that  great 
seminary  was  completed  which  was  destined  to  carry  the  light  of  faith  and 
science  to  the  pagan  natives  of  the  farther  north.  It  would  be  hard  to  say 
which  of  the  two  Corbies  held  the  highest  place  in  monastic  history ; a noble 
emulation  existed  between  them,  each  trying  to  outstrip  the  other  in  the  per- 
fection of  monastic  discipline.  New  Corby,  in  her  turn,  became  the  mother- 
house  of  a vast  number  of  German  colonies. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


V09 


ST.  BRUNO  AT  COLOGNE.* 

St.  Bruno  was  the  younger  brother  of  the  Emperor,  Otho  the  Great,  and 
like  him  a pupil  of  Heraclius  of  Liege.  His  education  began  at  Utrecht,  where 
he  was  sent  at  the  mature  age  of  four  to  commence  his  studies  under  the  good 
abbot  Baldric.  Utrecht  had  never  entirely  lost  its  scholastic  reputation 
since  the  days  of  St.  Gregory.  Only  a few  years  before  the  birth  of  Bruno,  the 
see  had  been  filled  by  St.  Radbod,  a great-grandson  of  that  other  Radbod,  duke 
of  Oriesland,  who  had  so  fiercely  opposed  the  preaching  of  St.  Boniface.  Rad- 
bod the  bishop,  however,  was  a very  different  man  from  his  savage  ancestor ; 
he  was  not  only  a pious  ecclesiastic,  but  an  excellent  scholar,  for  he  had  been 
educated  in  the  Palatine  school  of  Charles  the  Bald,  under  the  learned  Mannon, 
whose  heart  he  won  by  his  facility  in  writing  verses,  and  the  cares  of  the  epis- 
copate never  induced  him  altogether  to  neglect  the  Muses.  Besides  a great 
number  of  poems  which  he  wrote  during  his  residence  at  Utrecht,  we  have  a 
Latin  epigram,  which  he  improvised  at  the  moment  of  receiving  the  Holy  Viat- 
icum, and  which  is  perhaps  as  worthy  of  being  preserved  as  the  dying  epigram 
of  the  Emperor  Hadrian.* 

Esuries  Te,  Christe  Deus,  sitis  atque  videndi 
• Jam  moiio  cnrnales  me  vetat  esse  dapes. 

Du  mihi  Te  vesci,  Te  potum  haurire  salutis, 

Uiiicus  ignotee  Tu  cibus  esto  viaa ; 

Et  quern  loiiga  fames  errantem  ambedit  in  orbe 
Hunc  satia  viiltu,  Patris  Imago,  Tuo. 

In  consequence  of  the  encouragement  given  to  learning  by  so  many  of  its 
bishops,  Utrecht  became  the  fashionable  place  of  education,  and  it  had  grown 
a sort  of  custom  with  the  German  sovereigns  to  send  their  sons  thither  at  an 
early  age.  Little  Bruno  made  rapid  progress  both  in  Greek  and  Latin  litera- 
ture ; he  particularly  relished  the  works  of  Prudentius,  which  he  learnt  by 
heart ; never  let  himself  be  disturbed  by  his  noisy  companions,  and  took  great 
care  of  his  books.  Indeed,  the  only  thing  that  ever  moved  him  to  anger  was 
the  sight  of  any  one  negligently  handling  a book.  His  reading  included  some- 
thing of  all  sorts;  historians,  orators,  poets,  and  philosophers — nothing  came 
amiss.  He  had  native  Greeks  to  instruct  iiim  in  their  language,  and  became 
so  proficient  in  it  as  afterwards  to  act  as  interpreter  for  his  brother  to  the 
Greek  ambassador  who  frequented  the  German  court.  With  all  this  he  did  not 
neglect  the  sacred  sciences,  and  a certain  Isaac,  a Scotch,  or  rather  Irish  pro- 
fessor, who  taught  at  Utrecht,  spoke  of  him  as  not  merely  a scholar,  but  a 
saint.  The  monk  Ditmar,  one  of  his  school-fellows,  himself  afterwards  cele- 
brated in  the  literary  world  by  his  chronicle  of  the  royal  house  of  Saxon3% 
bears  witness  to  the  habits  of  piety  which  adorned  the  very  childhood  of  the 
young  prince.  ‘Every  morning,’  he  says,  ‘before  he  left  his  room  to  go  to  the 
school,  he  would  be  at  his  prayers,  while  the  rest  of  us  were  at  play.’  A cer- 
tain tone  of  exaggeration  is  not  unfrequently  indulged  in  by  early  writers 
when  extolling  the  subjects  of  their  biographies  as  prodigies  of  every  literary 
excellence,  but  the  description  left  us  of  Bruno’s  intellectual  achievements  does 
not  admit  of  being  understood  as  mere  figures  of  speech.  His  love  of  reading 
was  almost  a passion.  He  read  every  thing,  ‘even  comedies,’  says  his  bi- 
ographer, who  seems  a little  scandalized  at  the  fact,  but  explains  that  he  at- 
tended only  to  the  style,  and  neglected  the  matter.  To  complete  the  picture 


* Christian  Schuols  and  Scholars,  Vol.  L,  p.  346. 


710 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


of  Bruno’s  school-days,  it  must  be  added  that  he  was  an  excellent  manager  of 
his  time,  and  always  made  the  most  of  his  morning  hours,  a good  habit  he  re- 
tained through  life.  I will  say  nothing  of  his  early  career  as  the  reformer  of 
Lauresheim  Abbey ; he  was  still  young  when  his  brother  Otho  succeeded  to 
the  throne,  and  at  once  summoned  Bruno  to  Court,  charging  him  with  the  task 
of  erecting  there  a Palatine  academy,  after  the  model  of  that  of  Charlemagne. 
Nothing  was  better  suited  to  Bruno’s  wishes  and  capacity,  and  he  began  at 
once  to  teach  the  entire  curriculum  of  the  liberal  arts  to  a crowd  of  noble  pu- 
pils. Whatever  was  most  beautiful  in  the  historians  and  poets  of  Greece  or 
Rome,  he  made  known  to  his  disciples,  and  not  content  with  the  labor  entailed 
on  him  by  his  own  lectures,  he  did  not  allow  the  professors  whom  he  chose  to 
assist  him,  to  commence  theirs  till  he  had  previously  conferred  with  them  on 
the  subjects  they  were  about  to  explain. 

In  953,  Bruno,  in  spite  of  his  youth,  was  demanded  by  the  clergy  and  people 
of  Cologne  for  their  archbishop,  and  being  consecrated,  he  at  once  entered  on  a 
career  of  gigantic  labors,  everywhere  re-establishing  ecclesiastical  discipline 
and  social  order  throughout  a province  long  wasted  by  war  and  barbaric  inva- 
sions. His  political  position,  moreover,  imposed  on  him  yet  more  extensive 
cares ; for  Otho,  who  called  him  his  second  soul,  when  summoned  into  Italy, 
created  his  brother  duke  of  Lorraine,  and  imperial  lieutenant  in  Germany. 
The  dukedom  of  Lorraine  at  that  time  included  all  the  country  from  the  Alps 
to  the  Moselle,  which  now,  therefore,  acknowledged  Bruno  as  its  actual  sov- 
ereign, But  these  multiplied  dignities  and  the  accumulation  of  business  which 
they  entailed,  did  not  quencli  Bruno’s  love  of  study.  Whenever  he  traveled, 
whether  in  the  visitation  of  his  diocese,  or  when  accompanying  his  brother’s 
court,  he  always  carried  his  library  with  him,  ‘ as  if  it  bad  been  the  ark  of  the 
Lord,’  says  the  monk  Rotger,  who,  moreover,  remarks  that  this  library  was 
stored  both  with  sacred  and  profane  authors,  for,  like  a good  householder,  he 
knew  how  to  bring  out  of  his  treasury  things  new  and  old.  Nothing  ever  pre- 
vented his  finding  time  for  reading,  and  he  excited  every  one  about  him  to  cul- 
tivate similar  tastes,  specially  his  nephew  Otho,  who  was  for  some  time  his  pu- 
pil. Indeed,  Rotger  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  the  archbishop  felt  a certain 
want  of  confidence  in  those  wlio  had  no  attraction  to  study ; meaning  probably 
to  those  unlettered  clerks,  who  cared  not  to  acquire  the  learning  proper  to  their 
sacred  calling.  Of  these  there  was  no  lack  in  Lorraine ; but  Bruno  effected  a 
great  change  in  the  condition  of  that  afflicted  province,  by  appointing  good 
bishops,  healing  feuds,  reforming  monasteries,  and  making  men  love  one  an- 
other in  spite  of  themselves.  In  all  these  good  works  he  was  assisted  by  the 
learning  and  martial  valor  of  Ansfrid,  count  of  Lorraine,  who  was  well  read 
both  in  law  and  Scripture,  and  who  used  his  sword  exclusively  to  repress  pil- 
lage, and  defend  the  helpless.  This  feudal  noble  of  the  Iron  Age  spent  all  his 
leisure  hours  in  study,  and  when  at  last  he  embraced  the  ecclesiastical  state, 
and  at  the  entreaties  of  the  emperor  accepted  a bishopric,  he  was  able  to  lay 
his  sword  on  the  altar,  and  render  witness  that  it  had  never  been  drawn  in  an 
unjust  cause. 

BOPPO  OF  WURTZBURG. — WOLFGANG. 

Bruno’s  example  made  a great  stir  in  Germany,  and  moved  many  bishops  to 
exert  tliemselves  in  the  work  of  reform.  Boppo,  bishop  of  Wurtzburg,  sent  to 
Rome  for  a celebrated  master  named  Stephen,  and  with  his  help  the  episcopal 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


711 


seminary  was  restored,  and  soon  boasted  of  a ‘ crowd  of  students,  and  a great 
store  of  books.’  Among  other  pupils  educated  under  Master  Stephen  were  two 
friends,  named  Wolfgang  and  Henry.  Wolfgang  was  a student  of  Bruno’s 
type,  possessing  an  avidity  for  all  sorts  of  learning ; and  though  he  began  his 
school  life  at  seven,  he  is  said  in  a few  years  not  only  to  have  acquired  an  ex- 
tensive acquaintance  with  the  letter  of  the  Scriptures,  but  to  have  penetrated 
into  the  pith  and  marrow  of  their  mystical  sense.  His  father  had  thought  it 
sufficient  to  place  him  under  a certain  priest,  to  receive  a very  scanty  ele- 
mentary education,  but  Wolfgang  entreated  that  he  might  be  sent  to  Reichenau, 
which  then  enjoyed  a high  reputation ; and  here  he  first  met  with  his  friend 
Henry.  Henry  was  the  younger  brother  of  Bishop  Boppo,  and  easily  per; 
suaded  Wolfgang  to  migrate  with  him  to  Wurtzberg,  for  the  sake  of  studying 
under  the  famous  Master  Stephen.  It  soon  appeared,  however,  that  the  dis- 
ciple was  more  learned  than  the  master,  and  when  the  Wurtzburg  students 
fouiid  Master  Stephen’s  lectures  very  dull,  or  very  obscure,  they  were  in  the 
habit  of  applying  to  Wolfgang,  who  possessed  that  peculiar  gift  of  perspicacity 
which  marked  him  from  his  boyhood  as  called  to  the  functions  of  teaching. 
Moreover,  he  was  so  kind,  and  so  willing  to  impart  his  knowledge,  that  his 
companions  declared  he  made  daylight  out  of  the  darkest  matters ; when  Ste- 
phen’s prosy  abstruseness  had  fairly  mystified  them,  five  words  from  Wolfgang 
seemed  like  the  Fiat  lux,  and  these  observations  reaching  the  ears  of  Stephen, 
had  the  proverbial  fate  of  all  comparisons.  At  last,  one  day,  when  Wolfgang 
was  surrounded  by  a knot  of  his  school-fellows,  who  entreated  him  to  expound 
a passage  in  Marcian  Capella,  Master  Stephen,  moved  to  jealous  anger,  forbade 
Wolfgang  any  longer  to  attend  the  lectures.  This  ungenerous  command 
obliged  him  to  continue  his  studies  alone,  but  he  seems  to  have  lost  little  by 
being  deprived  of  the  benefit  of  an  instructor,  whom  he  had  already  far  out- 
stripped in  learning. 

Henry  and  Boppo  were  both  of  them  relatives  of  Otho,  who,  in  956,  caused 
the  former  to  be  raised  to  the  archbishopric  of  Treves.  Henry  insisted  on  car- 
rying his  friend  with  him  into  his  new  diocese,  and  wished  to  load  him  with 
benefices  and  honors,  all  of  which,  however,  Wolfgang  refused.  He  would  ac- 
cept of  no  other  employment  than  that  of  teaching  youth,  for  which  he  knew 
his  aptitude,  and  which  he  heartily  loved;  and,  in  the  true  spirit  of  a Christian 
teacher,  he  chose  to  discharge  this  office  gratuitously,  not  as  a means  of  pri- 
vate gain,  but  as  a work  for  souls,  even  supporting  many  of  his  scholars  out  of 
his  own  purse.  He  cared  as  much  for  their  spiritual  as  their  intellectual  prog- 
ress, and  set  them  the  example  of  a holy  and  mortified  life.  The  archbishop, 
is  despair  at  not  being  able  to  promote  him  as  he  desired,  at  last  got  him  to  ac- 
cept the  office  of  dean  to  a certain  college  of  canons.  Wolfgang  did  not  allow 
the  dignity  to  be  a nominal  one,  but  obliged  his  canons  to  embrace  community 
life,  and  to  commence  a course  of  sacred  studies,  assuring  them  that  the  sus- 
tenance of  the  inner  man  is  as  necessary  as  that  of  the  body.  Archbishop 
Henry  dying  in  964,  Wolfgang,  who  had  only  remained  at  Treves  out  of  affec- 
tion to  him,  prepared  to  return  into  Swabia,  which  was  his  native  country. 
But  Bruno  had  his  eye  on  him,  and  inviting  him  to  Cologne,  offered  him  every 
dignity,  even  the  episcopate  itself,  if  he  would  only  remain  in  his  duchy.  Wolf- 
gang, though  he  persisted  in  refusing  to  accept  any  promotion,  felt  himself 
obliged  to  pass  some  time  at  the  prince-bishop’s  court,  and  testified  afterwards 


*712 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


to  the  fact  of  his  great  sanctity.  Finding  that  he  could  not  move  the  resolu- 
tion of  his  friend,  Bruno  at  last  reluctantly  allowed  him  to  return  to  Swabia, 
where  he  remained  only  just  long  enough  formally  to  renounce  his  hereditary 
possessions,  after  which  he  withdrew  to  Einsidlen,  and  took  the  monastic  habit 
under  the  English  abbot  Gregory. 

ST.  UDALRIC  OF  AUGSBURGH. 

Udalric  was  a scholar  of  St.  Gall’s,  and  had  given  marks  of  sanctity  even 
during  his  school  days.  A minute  account  of  his  manner  of  life  when  arch- 
bishop, is  given  in  the  beautiful  life  written  by  his  friend  Gerard.  Let  it  suffice 
to  say,  that  besides  singing  the  Divine  Office  in  the  cathedral  with  his  canons, 
and  daily  celebrating  two  or  three  masses  (a  privilege  then  permitted  to  priests, 
as  we  learn  from  Walafrid  Strabo),  he  every  day  recited  the  entire  Psalter,  the 
Office  of  our  lady,  together  with  that  of  the  Holy  Cross,  and  of  All  Saints ; 
that  he  entertained  a number  of  poor  persons  at  his  table,  exercised  hospitality 
on  a right  loyal  scale,  administered  strict  justice  to  his  people,  and  courageous- 
ly defended  them  against  the  oppression  of  their  feudal  lords;  finally,  that  he 
took  particular  care  of  the  education  of  his  clergy,  and  directed  the  studies  of 
his  cathedral  school  in  person,  none  being  better  fitted  to  do  so  than  himself. 
When  he  made  the  visitation  of  his  diocese,  he  traveled  in  a wagon  drawn  by 
oxen,  which  he  preferred  to  riding  on  horseback,  as  it  enabled  him  to  recite  the 
Psalms  with  his  chaplains  with  less  interruption.  In  this  arrangement  he  cer- 
tainly displayed  a sound  discretion,  for  in  the  ancient  chronicles  of  these  times, 
more  than  one  story  is  preserved  of  the  disasters  which  befell  traveling  monks 
and  bishops,  owing  to  their  habit  of  reading  on  horseback.  His  cathedral  city 
of  Augsburgh  was  repeatedly  attacked  by  the  Huns ; and  during  one  of  their 
sieges,  the  holy  bishop,  sending  the  able-bodied  men  to  the  walls,  collected  all 
the  infants  in  arms  whom  he  could  find,  and  laying  them  on  the  floor  of  the 
cathedral,  before  the  altar,  prostrated  himself  in  prayer,  hoping  that  their  tender 
cries  might  ascend  as  prayer  before  the  Throne  of  God.  His  prayers  were 
heard,  and  Augsburgh  was  delivered.  Such  was  the  prelate  who  at  last  suc- 
ceeded in  drawing  Wolfgang  out  of  his  retirement,  and  compelling  him  to  re- 
ceive priestly  ordination.  And  in  972  the  Emperor  Otho  II.,  at  the  united  en- 
treaties of  his  bishops,  appointed  him  Bishop  of  Ratisbon,  which  he  governed 
for  twenty-two  years,  never,  however,  laying  aside  his  monastic  habit.  Henry, 
duke  of  Bavaria,  thoroughly  understood  his  merits,  and  knowing  his  love  of 
the  office  of  teaching,  entreated  him  to  take  charge  of  his  four  children,  St. 
Henry,  afterwards  emperor  of  Germany,  St.  Bruno,  who  succeeded  Udalric  in 
the  diocese  of  Augsburgh,  and  the  two  princesses,  Gisela  and  Brigit,  who  both 
died  in  the  odor  of  sanctity.  The  singular  blessing  which  attended  his  labor 
with  these  and  other  noble  children  committed  to  his  care,  gave  rise  to  a 
proverb  which  deserves  remembrance : ‘ Find  saints  for  masters,  and  we  shall 
have  saints  for  emperors.’ 

ST.  BERNWARD  OP  HILDESHEIM. 

Emperor  Otho  II.  was  brought  up  among  the  canons  of  Hildesheim,  and  ac- 
quired there  a taste  for  letters,  which  was  still  further  increased  by  his  mar- 
riage with  the  Greek  princess  Theophania,  who  was  brought  up  at  Constanti- 
nople, then  the  center  of  all  that  remained  of  the  old  imperial  civilization.  She 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS  ^2.3 

infused  into  the  court  circle  a rage  for  Greek  literature,  and  Gerbert  speaks  in 
one  of  his  letters  of  the  “ Socratic  conversation  ” which  he  found  among  the 
learned  men  who  thronged  the  company  of  the  empress.  As  guardian  of  the 
young  Emperor  Otho  III.,  she  secured  the  services,  as  tutor,  of  a noble  Saxon 
named  Bernward.  He  was  nephew  to  Folcmar,  bishop  of  Utrecht,  who  sent 
him  when  a cliild  of  seven  years  old  to  be  educated  in  the  episcopal  school  of 
Hildesheim,  by  the  grave  and  holy  master  Tangmar.  This  good  old  man,  who 
afterwards  wrote  his  life,  received  him  kindly,  and  to  test  his  capacities,  set 
him  to  learn  by  heart  some  of  the  select  passages  from  Holy  Scripture  which 
were  usually  given  to  beginners.  Little  Bernward  set  himself  to  learn  and 
meditate  on  them  with  wonderful  ardor,  and  associating  himself  to  the  most 
studious  of  his  companions,  tried  with  their  help  thoroughly  to  master,  not 
only  the  words,  but  the  hidden  sense  of  his  lessons.  As  he  was  not  yet  judged 
old  enough  to  join  any  of  the  classes,  he  sat  apart  by  himself,  but  listened  at- 
tentively to  the  lecture  of  the  master,  and  the  explanations  which  he  gave,  and 
w'as  afterwards  found  reproducing  the  same  in  a grave  and  sententious  manner 
for  the  edification  of  his  younger  school-fellows.  Surprised  and  delighted  at 
these  marks  of  precocious  genius,  Tangmar  spared  no  pains  in  the  cultivation 
of  so  promising  a scholar,  and  had  him  constantly  by  his  side.  ‘ Whenever  I 
went  abroad  on  the  business  of  the  monastery,’  he  says,  ‘ I used  to  take  him 
with  me,  and  I was  always  more  and  more  struck  by  his  excellent  qualities. 
We  often  studied  the  whole  day  as  we  rode  along  on  horseback,  only  more 
briefly  than  we  were  used  to  do  in  school ; at  one  time  exercising  ourselves  in 
poetry,  and  amusing  ourselves  by  making  verses,  at  another,  arguing  on  philo- 
sophic questions.  He  excelled  no  less  in  the  mechanical  than  in  the  liberal 
arts.  He  wrote  a beautiful  hand,  was  a good  painter,  and  an  equally  good 
sculptor  and  worker  in  metals,  and  had  a peculiar  aptitude  for  all  things  apper- 
taining to  household  and  domestic  affairs.’  Under  the  care  of  so  devoted  a 
master,  the  boy  Bernward,  as  the  old  man  always  called  him,  grew  up  to  be  a 
wise  and  learned  man.  He  had  that  singular  ardour  for  acquiring  knowledge 
which  seems  one  of  the  gifts  poured  out  over  ages  in  which  its  pursuit  is 
hedged  about  with  difficulties  that  must  necessarily  discourage  a more  ordinary 
amount  of  zeal.  Bernward  always  read  during  meal  times,  and  when  unable 
to  read  himself,  he  got  some  one  to  read  to  him.  His  reputation  determined 
Theophania  to  choose  him  as  tutor  to  her  son,  who  made  great  progress  under 
his  care,  and  was  then  sent  to  finish  his  education  in  the  school  of  the  famous 
Gerbert.  Bernward  meanwhile  was  appointed  bishop  of  Hildesheim,  and  in 
the  midst  of  his  episcopal  functions,  continued  to  cultivate  literature  and  the 
fine  arts.  He  made  time  by  employing  the  day  in  business  and  the  night  in 
prayer.  He  founded  scriptoria  in  many  monasteries,  and  collected  a valuable 
library  of  sacred  and  profane  authors.  He  tried  to  bring  to  greater  perfection 
the  arts  of  painting,  mosaic  work,  and  metal  work,  and  made  a valuable  col- 
lection of  all  those  curiosities  of  fine  art  which  were  brought  to  Otho's  court  as 
presents  from  foreign  princes.  This  collection  Bernward  used  as  a studio,  for 
the  benefit  of  a number  of  youths  whom  he  brought  up  and  instructed  in  these 
pursuits.  It  is  not  to  be  said  what  he  did  for  his  own  cathedral,  supplying  it 
with  jeweled  missals,  thuribles,  and  chalices,  a huge  golden  corona  which  hung 
from  the  center  of  the  roof,  and  other  like  ornaments.  The  walls  he  painted 
with  his  own  hands.  The  visitor  to  Hildesheim  may  still  admire  the  rich 


714 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


bronze  gates,  sixteen  feet  in  height,  placed  in  the  cathedral  by  its  artist-bishop, 
the  crucifix  adorned  with  filagree-work  and  jewels,  made  by  his  own  hands, 
and  the  old  rose-tree  growing  on  the  cloister,  which  tradition  affirms  him  to 
have  planted. 

His  manner  of  life  is  minutely  described  by  his  old  tutor  Tangmar.  After 
high  mass  every  morning  he  gave  audience  to  any  who  desired  to  speak  to  him, 
heard  causes,  and  administered  justice  with  great  readiness  and  promptitude. 
Then  his  almoner  waited  on  him,  and  accompanied  him  to  the  distribution  of 
his  daily  alms,  for  every  day  a hundred  poor  persons  were  fed  and  relieved  at 
his  palace.  After  this  he  went  the  round  of  his  workshops,  overlooking  each 
one’s  work  and  directing  its  progress.  At  the  hour  of  nine  he  dined  with  his 
clerks.  There  was  no  worldly  pomp  observable  at  his  table,  but  a religious  si- 
lence, all  being  required  to  listen  to  the  reading,  which  was  made  aloud. 

BENNON,  BISHOP  OF  MISNIA — ST.  MEINWERC  OF  PADERDORN. 

Bishop  Bennon  of  Misnia  belonged  to  the  family  of  the  counts  of  Saxony, 
and  was  placed  under  the  care  of  St.  Bernward  at  five  years  of  age.  The  re- 
stored monastery  of  Hildesheim,  dedicated  to  St.  Michael,  of  course  possessed 
its  school,  which  was  presided  over  by  Wigger,  a very  skillful  master,  under 
whose  careful  tuition  Bennon  thrived  apace.  ‘ Now  as  the  age  was  learned,’ 
writes  the  good  canon  Jerome  Enser — who  little  thought  in  what  light  that 
same  age  would  come  to  be  regarded — ‘ as  the  age  was  learned,  and  cultivated 
humane  letters,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  lives  and  writings  of  so  many  eminent 
men,  Wigger  would  not  allow  the  child  committed  to  his  care  to  neglect  polite 
letters;’  so  he  set  him  to  work  at  once  to  learn  to  write,  being  careful  to  tran- 
scribe his  copies  himself.  And  how  well  Bennon  profited  from  these  early  les- 
sons might  yet  be  seen  by  any  who  chose  to  examine  the  fine  specimens  which 
were  preserved  in  the  Church  of  Misnia  when  Jerome  Enser  wrote  his  bio- 
graphy. After  this  Wigger  exercised  his  pupil  in  the  art  of  reading,  and  that 
of  composing  verses,  taking  care  to  remove  from  his  way  every  thing  offensive 
to  piety  or  modesty.  Bennon  had  a natural  gift  of  versification,  and  soon 
learnt  to  write  little  hymns  and  poems  by  way  of  amusement.  His  progress 
and  his  boyish  verses  endeared  him  to  his  masters,  and  indeed,  adds  Jerome, 

‘ he  was  beloved  by  God  and  man.’  None  showed  him  more  affection  than  St. 
Bernward,  who  was  now  overwhelmed  with  the  infirmities  of  old  age,  though 
his  mind  was  as  bright  and  active  as  ever.  During  the  last  five  years  of  his 
life  he  was  entirely  confined  to  his  bed,  and  all  this  time  little  Bennon  proved 
his  chief  solace.  Sometimes  he  read  aloud  to  his  beloved  father.  Sometimes 
he  made  verses,  or  held  disputations  to  entertain  him;  never  would  he  leave 
his  side,  discharging  for  him  all  the  offices  of  which  his  youth  was  capable. 
When  at  last  death  drew  near,  Bernward  called  the  child  to  him  together  with 
his  master  Wigger,  and  addressed  to  him  a touching  exhortation.  ‘If  by  rea- 
son of  thy  tender  age,’  he  said,  ‘ thou  canst  not  thyself  be  wise,  promise  me 
never  to  depart  from  the  side  of  thy  preceptor  that  he  may  be  wise  for  thee, 
and  that  so  thou  mayest  be  preserved  from  the  corruptions  of  the  world  whilst 
thy  heart  is  yet  soft  and  tender.  Yea,  if  thou  lovest  me,  love  and  obey  him  iu 
all  things,  as  holding  the  place  of  thy  father.’  Then  he  kissed  the  child’s  little 
hand,  and  placed  it  in  that  of  Wigger,  and  soon  after  departed  this  life,  rich  in 
good  works,  and  secure  of  a heavenly  reward. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


Y15 


St.  Meinwerc,  who  like  Bennon  was  a pupil  of  Hildesheim,  where  he  studied 
along  with  his  cousin  St.  Henry  of  Bavaria,  and  the  prince,  even  after  he  be- 
came emperor,  remembered  their  school-boy  days  together,  and  was  fond  of 
putting  him  in  mind  of  them  by  sundry  tricks  that  savored  of  the  grown-up 
school-boy.  Meinwerc  was  not  much  of  a scholar  himself,  but  when  he  be- 
came bishop  of  Paderborn,  he  showed  a laudable  zeal  in  promoting  good  schol- 
arship among  his  clergy.  In  fact,  he  was  the  founder  of  those  famous  schools 
of  Paderborn  which  are  described  as  flourishing  in  divine  and  human  science, 
and  which  were  perfected  by  his  nephew  and  successor,  Imadeus.  The  boys 
were  all  under  strict  cloisteral  discipline ; there  were  professors  of  grammar, 
logic,  rhetoric,  and  music;  both  the  trivium  and  quadriviura  were  there  taught, 
together  with  mathematics,  physics,  and  astronomy. 

ST.  ADALBERT  OF  PRAGUE. 

St.  Adalbert  of  Prague  was  sent  to  Magdeburg  by  his  parents  for  education. 
They  were  of  the  Bohemian  nation,  and  had  vowed  to  offer  their  son  to  God, 
should  he  recover  of  a dangerous  sickness.  Before  he  left  his  father’s  house  he 
had  learnt  the  Psalter,  and  under  Otheric,  the  famous  master  then  presiding 
over  the  school  of  Magdeburg,  he  made  as  much  progress  in  sanctity  as  in 
learning.  He  had  a habit  of  stealing  away  from  the  school-room  in  the  midst 
of  his  studies  to  refresh  his  soul  with  a brief  prayer  in  the  church,  after  which 
he  hastened  back  and  was  safe  in  his  place  again  before  the  coming  of  his  mas- 
ter. To  conceal  his  acts  of  charity  from  the  eyes  of  others,  he  chose  the  night 
hours  for  visiting  the  poor,  and  dispensing  his  abundant  alms.  It  often  hap- 
pened that  when  Otheric  was  out  of  the  school,  the  boys  would  divert  them- 
selves with  games  more  or  less  mischievous,  to  relieve  the  wtary  hours  of  study, 
Adalbert  seldom  took  part  in  these  pastimes,  neither  would  he  share  in  those 
stealthy  little  feasts,  which  they  sometimes  held  in  obscure  corners,  where  they 
contrived  to  hide  from  Otheric’s  quick  eye  the  sweets  and  other  dainties  fur- 
nished them,  as  we  must  suppose,  by  some  medieval  tart-woman.  However,  if 
Adalbert  was  proof  against  this  last-named  temptation,  it  appears  he  was  not 
altogether  superior  to  the  love  of  play,  and  that  when  his  master’s  back  was 
turned,  he  did  occasionally  throw  aside  his  books  and  indulge  in  a game  of  ball 
When  such  delinquencies  came  to  the  ears  of  Otheric,  he  did  not  spare  the  rod, 
and  on  these  occasions,  observes  his  biographer,  with  cruel  pleasantry,  Adal- 
bert was  often  known  to  speak  in  three  languages.  For  it  was  a strict  rule 
that  the  boys  were  always  to  talk  Latin  in  the  school-room,  and  never  allow 
the  ears  of  their  master  to  catch  the  sound  of  a more  barbarous  dialect.  When 
the  rod  was  produced,  therefore,  Adalbert  would  begin  by  entreating  indul- 
gence in  classic  phraseology,  but  so  soon  as  it  was  applied,  he  would  call  out 
for  mercy  in  German,  and  finally  in  Sclavonic.  After  nine  years’  study  at 
Magdeburg,  Adalbert  returned  to  Bohemia,  with  the  reputation  of  being  spec- 
ially well  read  in  philosophy,  and  taking  with  him  a useful  library  of  books^ 
which  he  had  collected  during  his  college  career.  After  his  consecration  as 
bishop  of  Prague,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-seven,  he  is  said  never  again  to 
have  been  seen  to  smile.  Twice  the  hard-heartedness  of  his  people  compelled 
him  to  abandon  his  diocese,  and  after  his  departure  the  second  time,  he  traveled 
as  missioner  into  the  then  heathen  and  barbarous  provinces  of  Prussia,  where 
he  met  with  his  martyrdom  in  the  year  997.  A Sclavonic  hymn  formerly  sung 
by  the  Poles  when  going  into  battle,  is  attributed  to  this  saint. 


716 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


OTHLONUS  OF  ST,  EMMERAN. 

Othlonus  was  a Bavarian  by  birth,  and  his  first  school  was  that  of  Tegern- 
see,  in  Bavaria,  a monastery  which  had  been  founded  in  994,  and  was  famous 
for  its  teachers  in  utraque  lingua  and  even  for  its  Hebrew  scholars.  Here,  in 
the  twefth  century,  lived  the  good  monk  Metellus,  whose  eclogues,  written  in 
imitation  of  those  of  Virgil,  describe  the  monastic  pastures  and  cattle,  and  the 
labors  of  the  monks  in  the  fields.  The  library  of  Tegernsee  was  rich  in  classic 
works,  and  possessed  a fair  illuminated  copy  of  Pliny’s  ‘Natural  History,’ 
adorned  with  pictures  of  the  different  animals,  from  the  cunning  hand  of 
brother  Ellinger.  Medicine  was  likewise  studied  here,  to  facilitate  which,  the 
monks  had  a good  botanical  garden.  In  such  a school  Othlonus  had  every  op- 
portunity of  cultivating  his  natural  taste  for  stud}’-,  which  grew  by  degrees  to 
be  a perfect  passion.  As  a child  he  had  intended  to  embrace  the  monastic 
state,  but  the  persuasions  of  his  father,  and  his  own  desire  to  give  himself  up 
exclusively  to  learned  pursuits,  induced  him  to  abandon  this  design,  and  after 
leaving  school  he  devoted  himself  for  several  years  to  classical  studies,  with  an 
ardor  which  his  biographer  finds  no  words  strong  enough  to  express. 

His  only  earthly  desire  at  this  time,  as  he  himself  tells  us  in  one  of  his  later 
spiritual  treatises,  was  to  have  time  to  study,  and  abundance  of  books.  It 
would  seem,  however,  that  this  excessive  devotion  to  human  learning  had  its 
usual  results  in  the  decay  of  devotion.  It  is  thus  he  describes  himself  at  this 
period  of  his  life,  in  his  versified  treatise  ‘ De  doctrina  Spirituali.’  ‘ Desiring  to 
search  into  certain  subtle  matters,  in  the  knowledge  of  which  I saw  that  many 
delighted,  to  the  end  that  I might  be  held  in  greater  esteem  by  the  world,  I 
made  all  my  profit  to  consist  in  keeping  company  with  the  Gentiles.  In. those 
days  what  were  not  to  me  Socrates,  Plato  and  Aristotle,  and  Tully  the  rheto- 
rician ? . , . that  threefold  work  of  Maro,  and  Lucan,  whom  then  I loved  best 
of  all,  and  on  whom  I was  so  intent,  that  I hardly  did  any  thing  else  but  read 
him.  . . Yet  what  profit  did  they  give  me,  when  I could  not  even  sign  my 
forehead  with  the  cross  ?’ 

However,  two  severe  illnesses  wrought  a great  change  in  his  way  of  looking 
at  life,  and  in  1032,  remembering  his  early  dedication  of  himself  to  God,  he  re- 
solved to  forsake  the  world  and  take  the  habit  of  religion  in  the  monastery  of 
St.  Emmeran’s,  at  Ratisbon,  where  he  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  secular  ambition, 
in  order  to  devote  himself  heart  and  soul  to  the  duties  of  his  state.  St.  Em- 
rneran’s  was,  like  Tegernsee,  possessed  of  an  excellent  school  and  library.  In 
the  former,  many  good  scholars  were  reared,  such  as  abbot  William  of  Hirschau, 
who  became  as  learned  in  the  liberal  arts  as  in  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  and 
who  afterwards  made  his  own  school  at  Hirschau  one  of  the  most  celebrated 
in  Germany.  Othlonus  tells  us  that  in  this  monastery  he  found  ‘ several  men 
in  different  classes,  some  reading  pagan  authors,  others  the  Holy  Scriptures,* 
and  that  he  began  to  imitate  the  latter,  and  soon  learnt  to  relish  the  Sacred 
Books,  which  he  had  hitherto  neglected,  far  above  the  writings  of  Aristotle, 
Plato,  or  even  Boethius. 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  little  sketch  that  Othlonus  was  not  a mere  tran- 
scriber, and  indeed  he  afterwards  produced  several  treatises  on  mystic  theology 
besides  his  ‘Life  of  St.  Wolfgang,’  and  was  regarded  by  his  brother  monks  as 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


71? 


‘ a pious  and  austere  man,  possessed  of  an  immense  love  of  books.’  This  love 
he  showed  not  only  by  reading  them,  but  by  multiplying  them ; and  his  achieve- 
ments in  this  kind  are  related  by  himself  with  a certain  prolix  eloquence 
which,  in  mercy  to  the  reader,  I will  somewhat  abridge. 

‘ I think  it  right,’  he  says,  ‘ to  add  some  account  of  the  great  capacity  of 
writing  which  was  given  me  by  the  Lord  from  my  childhood.  When  as  yet  a 
little  child  I was  sent  to  school,  and  quickly  learned  my  letters ; and  began 
long  before  the  usual  time  of  learning,  and  without  any  order  from  the  master, 
to  learn  the  art  of  writing ; but  in  a furtive  and  unusual  way,  and  without  any 
teacher,  so  that  I got  a bad  habit  of  holding  my  pen  in  a wrong  manner,  nor 
were  any  of  my  teachers  afterwards  able  to  correct  me  in  that  point.  Many 
who  saw  this,  decided  that  I should  never  write  well,  but  by  the  grace  of  God 
it  turned  out  otherwise.  For,  even  in  my  childhood,  when,  together  with  the 
other  boys,  the  tablet  was  put  into  my  hands,  it  appeared  that  I had  some  no- 
tion of  writing.  Then  after  a time  I began  to  write  so  well  and  was  so  fond 
of  it  that  in  the  monastery  of  Tegernsee,  where  I learned,  I wrote  many  books, 
and  being  sent  into  Franconia,  I worked  so  hard  as  nearly  to  lose  my  sight.  . . . 
Then,  after  I became  a monk  of  St.  Emmeran’s,  I was  induced  again  to  occupy 
myself  so  much  in  writing,  that  I seldom  got  an  interval  of  rest  except  on  festi- 
vals. Meantime  there  came  more  work  on  me,  for  as  they  saw  I was  generally 
reading,  writing,  or  composing,  they  made  me  schoolmaster;  by  all  which 
things  I w^as,  through  God’s  grace,  so  fully  occupied  that  I frequently  could  not 
allow  my  body  the  necessary  rest.  When  I had  a mind  to  compose  any  thing 
I could  not  find  time  for  it,  except  on  holidays  or  at  night,  being  tied  down  to 
the  business  of  teaching  the  boys,  and  transcribing  what  I had  undertaken. 
Besides  the  books  which  I composed  myself  I wrote  nineteen  missals,  three 
books  of  the  Gospels,  and  two  lectionaries ; besides  which  I wrote  four  service 
books  for  matins.  Afterwards,  old  age  and  infirmity  hindered  me,  and  the 
grief  caused  by  the  destruction  of  our  monastery ; but  to  Him  who  is  author 
of  all  good,  and  Who  has  vouchsafed  to  give  many  things  to  me  unworthy,  be 
praise  eternal’  He  then  adds  an  account  of  a vast  number  of  other  books 
written  out  by  him  and  sent  as  presents  to  the  monasteries  of  Fulda,  Hirsch- 
feld,  Lorsch,  Tegernsee,  and  others,  amounting  in  all  to  thirty  volumes.  His 
labors,  so  cheerfully  undertaken  for  the  improvement  of  his  convent,  were  per- 
haps surpassed  by  those  of  the  monk  Jerome,  who  wrote  out  so  great  a num- 
ber of  volumes,  that  it  is  said  a wagon  with  six  horses  would  not  have  sufficed 
to  draw  them.  But  neither  one  nor  the  other  are  to  be  compared  to  Diemudis, 
a devout  nun  of  the  monastery  of  Wessobrun,  who,  besides  writing  out  in  clear 
and  beautiful  characters  five  missals,  with  graduals  and  sequences  attached, 
and  four  other  office  books,  for  the  use  of  the  church,  adorned  the  library  of 
her  convent  with  two  entire  Bibles,  eight  volumes  of  St.  Gregory,  seven  of  St. 
Augustine,  the  ecclesiastical  histories  of  Eusebius  and  Cassiodorus,  and  a vast 
number  of  sermons,  homilies,  and  other  treatises,  a list  of  which  she  left,  as 
having  all  been  written  by  her  own  hand,  to  the  praise  of  God,  and  of  the  holy 
apostles  SS.  Peter  and  Paul.  This  Diemudis  was  a contempory  of  Othlonus, 
and  found  time  in  the  midst  of  her  gigantic  labors  to  carry  on  a correspondence 
with  Herluca,  a nun  of  Eppach,  to  whom  she  is  said  to  have  indited  ‘many 
very  sweet  letters,’  which  were  long  preserved. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


WILLIAM  OP  HTRSCHAU. 

William  of  Herschau,  a scholar  of  St.  Emmeran,  was  chosen  abbot  of  his  mon- 
astery in  1070,  and  applied  himself  to  make  his  monks  as  learned  and  as  inde- 
fatigable in  all  useful  labors  as  he  was  himself.  He  had  about  250  monks  at 
Hirschau,  and  founded  no  fewer  than  fifteen  other  religious  houses,  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  which  he  drew  up  a body  of  excellent  statutes.  These  new  founda- 
tions he  carefully  supplied  with  books,  which  necessitated  constant  work  in  the 
scriptorium.  And  a moat  stately  and  noble  place  was  the  scriptorium  of  Hirs- 
chau, wherein  each  one  was  employed  according  to  his  talent,  binding,  paint- 
ing, gilding,  writing,  or  correcting.  The  twelve  best  writers  were  reserved  for 
transcribing  the  Scriptures  and  the  Holy  Fathers,  and  one  of  the  twelve,  most 
learned  in  the  sciences,  presided  over  the  tasks  of  the  others,  chose  the  books 
to  be  copied,  and  corrected  the  faults  of  the  younger  scribes.  The  art  of  paint- 
ing was  studied  in  a separate  school,  and  here,  among  others,  was  trained  the 
good  monk  Thiemon,  who,  after  decorating  half  the  monasteries  of  Germany 
with  the  productions  of  his  pencil,  became  archbishop  of  Saltzburg,  and  died 
in  odor  of  sanctity.  The  statutes  with  which  abbot  William  provided  his  mon- 
asteries, were  chiefly  drawn  up  from  those  in  use  at  St.  Emmeran’s,  but  he 
was  desirous  of  yet  further  improving  them,  and  in  particular  of  assimilating 
them  to  those  of  Cluny,  which  was  then  at  the  height  of  its  renown.  It  was 
at  his  request  that  St.  Ulric  of  Cluny  wrote  out  his  ‘ Customary,’  in  which, 
among  other  things,  he  gives  a description  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Holy 
Scriptures  were  read  through  in  the  refectory  in  the  course  of  the  year.  This 
‘ Customary  ’ is  one  of  the  most  valuable  monuments  of  monastic  times  which 
remains  to  us ; it  shows  us  the  interior  of  the  monastery  painted  by  the  hand 
of  one  of  its  inmates,  taking  us  through  each  office,  the  library,  the  infirmary, 
the  sacristy,  the  bakehouse,  the  kitchen,  and  the  school.  How  beautiful  is  the 
order  which  it  displays,  as  observed  in  choir,  where,  on  solemn  days,  all  the 
singers  stood  vested  in  copes,  the  very  seats  being  covered  with  embroidered 
tapestry ! Three  days  in  the  week  the  right  side  of  the  choir  communicated, 
and  the  other  three  the  left ; during  Holy  Week  they  washed  the  feet  of  as 
many  poor  as  there  were  brethren  in  the  house,  and  the  abbot  added  others 
also  to  represent  absent  friends.  When  the  Passion  was  sung,  they  had  a 
custom  of  tearing  a piece  of  stuff  at  the  words  ‘ they  parted  my  garments 
and  the  new  fire  of  Holy  Saturday  was  struck,  not  from  a flint,  but  a precious 
beryl.  There  were  numberless  beautiful  rites  of  benediction  observed,  as  that 
of  the  ripe  grapes,  which  were  blessed  on  the  altar  during  mass,  on  the  6th  of 
August,  and  afterwards  distributed  in  the  refectory,  of  new  beans,  and  of  the 
freshly-pressed  juice  of  the  grape.  The  ceremonies  observed  in  making  the 
altar  breads  were  also  most  worthy  of  note.  The  grains  of  wheat  were  chosen 
one  by  one,  were  carefully  washed  and  put  aside  in  a sack,  which  was  carried 
by  one  known  to  be  pure  In  life  and  conversation  to  the  mill.  There  they 
were  ground  and  sifted,  he  who  performed  this  duty  being  clothed  in  alb  and 
amice.  Two  priests  and  two  deacons  clothed  in  like  manner  prepared  the 
breads,  and  a lay  brother,  having  gloves  on  his  hands,  held  the  irons  in  which 
they  were  baked.  The  very  wood  of  the  fire  was  chosen  of  the  best  and  driest. 
And  whilst  these  processes  were  being  gone  through,  the  brethren  engaged 
ceased  not  to  sing  psalms,  or  sometimes  recited  Our  Lady’s  office.  A separate 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


VlO 

chapter  in  the  ‘ Customary  ’ is  devoted  to  the  children  and  their  master,  and 
the  discipline  under  which  they  were  trained  is  minutely  described.  We  seem 
to  see  them  seated  in  their  cloister  with  the  vigilant  eye  of  the  master  presiding 
over  their  work.  An  open  space  is  left  between  the  two  rows  of  scholars,  but 
there  is  no  one  in  the  monastery  who  dare  pass  through  their  ranks.  They  go 
to  confession  twice  a week,  and  always  to  the  abbot  or  the  prior.  And  such 
is  the  scrupulous  care  bestowed  on  their  education,  and  the  vigilance  to  which 
they  are  subjected,  both  by  day  and  night,  that,  says  Ulric,  ‘ I think  it  would 
be  difficult  for  a king’s  son  to  be  brought  up  in  a palace  with  greater  care  than 
the  humblest  boy  enjoys  at  Cluny.’ 

This  ‘ Customary  ’ was  drawn  up  during  the  government  of  St.  Hugh  of 
€luny,  whose  letter  to  William  the  Conqueror  displays  something  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  mind  with  which  abbots  of  those  days  treated  the  great  ones  of 
the  earth.  William  had  written  to  him  requesting  him  to  send  some  of  his 
monks  to  England,  and  offering  him  a hundred  pounds  for  every  monk  he 
would  send.  This  method  of  buying  up  his  monks  at  so  much  a head,  offended 
the  good  abbot,  who  wrote  back  to  the  king  declining  to  part  with  any  of  his 
community  at  such  a price,  and  adding  that  he  would  himself  give  an  equal 
sum  for  every  good  monk  whom  he  could  draw  to  Cluny.  During  the  sixty- 
two  years  tliat  he  governed  his  abbey,  he  is  said  to  have  professed  more  than 
10,000  subjects.  Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  the  monastic  institute 
was  still  strong  and  vigorous  in  the  11th  century.  Cluny,  indeed,  represented 
monasticism  rather  in  its  magnificence  than  in  the  more  evangelic  aspect  of 
poverty  and  abasement,  yet  in  the  midst  of  all  her  lordly  splendor,  she  con- 
tinued fruitful  in  saints.  Even  the  austere  St.  Peter  Damian,  whilst  he  disap- 
proved of  the  wealth  of  the  monks,  was  edified  at  their  sanctity,  and  left  them, 
marveling  how  men  so  rich  could  live  so  holily.  Their  revenues  were  not 
spent  on  luxury ; they  went  to  feed  17,000  poor  people,  and  to  collect  a library 
of  Greek,  Latin,  and  Hebrew  authors,  such  as  had  not  its  equal  in  Europe.  It 
contained  among  other  treasures  a certain  Bible,  called  in  the  chronicle,  ‘ great, 
wonderful,  and  precious  for  its  writing,  correctness,  and  rich  binding,  adorned 
with  beryl  stones,’  written  by  the  single  hand  of  the  monk  Andrew. 

MARIANUS  SCOTUS. 

Marianus  Scotus,  for  whose  nativity  may  localities  contend  (he  was  called  an 
Irishman,*  a Scot,  and  a Northumbrian),  died  in  the  eleventh  century,  having 
been  successively  monk  in  the  abbeys  of  Cologne,  Fulda,  and  Mayence,  and 
professor  of  theology  some  years  in  that  of  Ratisbon.  He  was  a poet,  and  the 
author  of  a Chronicle  frequently  quoted  as  one  of  the  best  mediaeval  histories, 
and  continued  by  later  writers.  His  biographers  say  of  him  that  his  counte- 
nance was  so  beautiful,  and  his  manners  so  simple,  that  no  one  doubted  he 
was  inspired  in  all  he  said  and  did  by  the  Holy  Ghost.  A most  indefatigable 
writer,  he  transcribed  the  whole  Bible  with  sundry  commentaries,  and  that  not 

♦ It  may  be  taken  as  tolerably  well  proved,  however,  that  he  was  really  an  Irishman,  and  he  is 
supposed  to  have  been  a monk  of  Clonard.  Contemporary  with  him  was  another  famous  Irish 
historian,  Tigernach,  abbot  of  Clonmacnoise,  who  wrote  his  chronicle  partly  in  Irish  and  partly 
in  Latin,  and  is  held  to  have  been  well  acquainted  with  Greek.  The  Irish  scholars  highly  dis- 
tinguished themselves  in  this  century.  There  was  an  Irish  monastery  at  Erford,  and  another  at 
Cologne,  into  which  Helias,  a monk  of  Monaghan,  on  returning  from  a visit  to  Rome,  introduced 
the  Roman  chant.  (Lanigan,  Ecc.  Hist.  c.  zxiv.) 


720 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOLARS. 


once  but  repeatedly.  Moreover  he  drew  out  of  the  deep  sea  of  the  holy  fathers, 
certain  sweet  waters  for  the  profit  of  his  soul,  which  he  collected  in  prolix  vol- 
umes. With  all  this  he  found  spare  moments  which  he  devoted  to  charitable 
labors  on  behalf  of  poor  widows,  clerks,  and  scholars,  for  whose  benefit  he 
multiplied  psalters,  manuals,  and  other  pious  little  books,  which  he  distributed 
to  them  free  of  cost  for  the  remedy  of  his  soul.  Who  will  refuse  to  believe 
that  such  loving  toils  as  these  were  found  worthy  to  receive  the  miraculous 
token  of  favor  related  in  the  old  legend  ? ‘ One  night,’  says  the  annalist,  ‘ the 

brother  whose  duty  it  was,  having  forgotten  to  give  him  candles,  Marianus, 
nevertheless  continued  his  work  without  them ; and  when  the  brother,  recol- 
lecting his  omission,  came  late  at  night  to  his  cell,  he  beheld  a brilliant  light 
streaming  through  the  chinks  of  the  door,  and  going  in  softly  found  that  it  pro- 
ceeded from  the  fingers  of  the  monk’s  left  hand,  and  he  saw  and  believed.’ 


SUPERIOE  INSTEUCTION  IN  THE  NETHERIANBS. 


INTRODUCTION'. 

To  understand  the  educational  history  of  Holland  and  Belgium 
it  will  be  necessary  to  keep  in  mind  the  leading  facts  in  the  political 
history  of  that  portion  of  Europe.  Its  original  inhabitants,  the 
Belgae,  the  Batavi,  and  the  Frisii,  figure  in  the  conquests  of  the 
Roman  armies  under  Julius  Cfesar,  and  in  the  spread  of  Christianity 
under  Anglo-Saxon  bishops.  In  the  sixth  century  they  were  sub- 
jugated by  the  Franks;  and  in  the  middle  of  the  ninth,  incorporated 
into  the  empire  of  Charlemagne ; and  soon  after  parceled  out  into 
duchies,  marquisates,  counties,  and  lordships.  In  the  fourteenth 
century,  (1406,)  the  estates  of  the  Count  of  Flanders,  which  had 
absorbed  the  chief  authority  of  Brabant,  and  other  duchies,  passed 
to  the  house  of  Burgundy,  and  in  1477  were  united  with  Austria, 
and  a few  years  later,  became  part  of  the  dominions  of  Emperor 
Charles  V.  In  1600,  seven  of  the  states,  or  principalities,  viz.,  Hol- 
land, Zealand,  Utrecht,  Gelderland,  Overyssel,  Groningen,  and  Fries- 
land, formed  a federal  republic,  with  William  of  Nassau,  Prince  of 
Orange,  as  Stadtholder.  In  1714,  the  province  of  Belgium  was 
ceded  to  Austria,  which  maintained  its  possession  till  1796,  when 
the  country  was  overrun  by  the  armies  of  the  French  republic,  and 
made  part  of  France.  In  1795,  the  republic  of  the  Seven  Provinces 
was  conquered  by  France,  and  constituted  into  the  Batavian  repub- 
lic; which  in  1810  was  incorporated  into  the  French  empire,  and  in 
1814  came  under  the  authority  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  who  in 
1816  was  recognized  as  king  of  the  Netherlands,  including  Belgium 
and  Holland.  In  1830,  Belgium  revolted,  and  was  recognized  by 
the  principal  powers  of  Europe  as  a distinct  kingdom,  and  Holland, 
or  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  was  reduced  to  nearly  the  original 
limits  of  the  seven  united  provinces  of  the  sixteenth  century,  in- 
cluding Limburg,  and  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg. 

The  kingdom  of  Holland,  including  the  Duchy  of  Luxemburg, 
has  an  extent  of  150  miles,  from  north  to  south;  and  of  125  miles 
from  east  to  west,  or  an  area  of  13,643  square  miles.  The  popula- 
tion in  1853,  was  3,962,290,  of  which,  (excluding  Luxemburg,) 
721  46 


722 


PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  IN  HOLLAND. 


1,832,638  were  Protestants;  1,164,142  were  Catholics;  58,578 
Israelites;  and  1,369  unnamed.  The  Protestants  are  divided  into 
Lutherans,  Calvanists,  and  Anabaptists,  [Mennonites.)  All  sects 
have  equal  privileges  under  the  law. 

Many  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  schools,  both  elementary  and 
superior,  can  be  traced  to  the  political  and  religious  views  of  the 
different  provinces. 

HISTORICAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATION. 

Christianity  was  introduced  into  Friesland  at  the  time  of  its 
conquest  by  the  Franks,  its  first  bishop  being  Willebrord,  the  Anglo- 
Saxon,  who  landed  on  the  coast  of  the  Netherlands,  about  A.  D., 
690.  Tradition  reports  that  a school  had  already  been  founded  at 
Utrecht,  by  some  zealous  missionary,  in  the  time  of  Charles  Martel, 
at  which  his  son  Pepin  received  his  education.  However  this  may 
have  been,  the  renown  of  the  Utrecht  School  of  St.  Martin  is  of 
very  ancient  date,  and  what  York  has  been  in  England,  Fulda  in 
Germany,  Tours  in  France,  and  Liege  in  Belgium,  such  a relation 
may  this  city  be  said  to  have  held  to  Northern  Netherlands.  Here 
the  influence  of  Winifred.  (St.  Bonifiice,)  the  Apostle  of  Germany, 
had  been  most  strongly  felt,  and  under  bishop  Gregory,  one  of  his 
pupils,  great  numbers  of  youth  from  the  neighboring  countries  were 
here  gathered  together  for  instruction,  “ some  of  them  even  from 
among  the  Baguarii,  and  Suevi.”  Ludger,  first  bishop  of  Miin- 
ster,  a friend  of  Alcuin,  and  pupil  of  Gregory,  was  deservedly  styled 
by  the  Benedictines,  “the  light  of  Friesland,  and  of  all  the  lands 
about.”  During  the  invasion  by  the  Normans,  this  school  at 
Utrecht  was  suppressed,  but  was  reestablished  in  917,  and  regained 
its  former  renown.  The  emperor,  Henry  the  Fowler,  placed  here  his 
three  sons,  Otto,  Henry,  and  Bruno,  to  be  educated,  of  whom  the 
last  became  afterward  archbishop  of  Cologne  and  archduke  of  Lot- 
tringen,  and  was  noted  for  his  extraordinary  learning  and  friendship 
for  the  poet  Prudentius.  At  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century, 
Utrecht  possessed  no  less  than  five  flourishing  schools,  several  of 
which  had  each  a “rector”  in  addition  to  the  priests  who  had  the 
general  control.  At  about  the  same  time,  several  convents  became 
distinguished  as  educational  institutions,  especially  those  at  Egmond, 
Nymwegen,  Middleburg,  in  Zealand,  and  Aduwert,  near  Groningen. 

In  Holland,  as  in  Belgium,  in  addition  to  the  schools  that  were 
attached  to  the  cathedrals,  convents,  and  chapters,  there  were  estab- 
lished in  the  course  of  the  twelfth  century,  by  the  more  wealthy 
communities,  public  schools  especially  designed  for  the  instruction 
of  the  citizens  and  laity.  It  is  also  worthy  of  notice  that  the  au- 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  HOLLAND. 


723 


tliority  to  open  sucli  schools  was  always  derived  from  the  counts — 
by  whom  it  was  conferred,  sometimes  upon  the  cities  as  an 
especial  privilege,  and  sometimes  upon  merely  private  persons  as 
a mark  of  particular  favor.  The  jurisdiction  of  the  feudal  lords 
was  the  same  here  as  in  Belgium ; but  while  in  the  latter  country, 
with  the  exception  perhaps  of  the  elementary  schools  in  some  of  the 
cities,  the  right  of  supervision  everywhere  devolved  upon  the  chap- 
ters, instruction  in  these  public  schools  of  Holland  was  wholly  with- 
drawn from  the  clergy,  and  they  were  made  essentially  secular  in 
their  character.  The  privilege  of  thus  establishing  schools  was  con- 
ferred upon  some  of  the  cities  at  the  following  dates;  Dort,  by 
Count  Floris  V.,  A.  D.,  1290;  the  Hague,  1322 — Leyden,  1324 — 
and  Rotterdam,  in  1328,  by  William  HI.;  Delft  and  Amsterdam,  in 
1334,  by  William  IV. ; Leyden  again,  1357 — Haarlem,  1389 — Alk- 
inar,  1398 — Hoorn,  1358  and  1390 — the  Hague,  1393 — Schiedam 
find  Ondewater,  1394 — and  Rotterdam,  in  1402,  by  Albert  of 
Bavaria. 

These  schools,  adds  Stallaert,  on  the  authority  of  Buddingh,  were 
generally  styled  “ School  en  Schryfambacht,”  “ Schoole  en  Kostern,” 
(school  and  writing  offices,  schools  and  clerks’  houses,)  and  the 
“Schoolmijsters”  (schoolmasters)  were  looked  upon  as  professional 
men  or  craftsmen — as  was  the  case  also  in  Belgium,  where  they 
formed  distinct  guilds  and  fraternities.  These  public  schools  of 
Holland  were  divided  into  “large ’’and  ‘.‘small”  schools,  (groote  en 
bijschoolen,)  Latin  being  taught  in  the  first  division.  The  institu- 
tion at  Zwolle,  attained  special  notoriety  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
under  the  direction  of  the  celebrated  Johan  Cele.  According  to 
Thomas  a Kempis  and  Ten  Bussche,  its  pupils  numbered  about  a 
thousand,  gathered  from  Holland,  Belgium,  and  the  principal  pro- 
vinces of  Germany. 

The  advancement  of  learning  in  the  Netherlands  was  largely 
promoted  by  “The  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life,”  whose  first 
school  was  established  by  Gerhard  de  Groote,  (Gerhard  the  Great,) 
of  Deventer.  The  spirit  of  mysticism  that  was  at  first  prevalent 
among  them,  gradually  gave  place  to  a zeal  for  literary  pursuits; 
and  the  Hieronymians  especially,  like  the  Italians  at  the  time  of 
the  revival  of  letters,  became  devotees  to  the  classics.  It  may  how- 
ever be  affirmed  that  Erasmus  never  had  occasion  to  charge  them 
with  “paganism,”  as  he  did  the  scholars  of  southern  Europe. 
Though  they  contended  against  the  divinity  of  the  schools,  it  was 
because,  (as  Karl  von  Raumer  says,)  it  seemed  to  them  to  be  of 
no  value,  and  even  detrimental  to  profound  sanctity  and  the  souks 


724 


PUBLIC  IXSTUIJCTION  l.N  IIOI.LAND. 


happiness.  Still,  the  writings  of  Cicero  and  of  ^di•gil,  had  a charm 
even  for  them,  and  notwithstanding  their  asceticism — such  as  we 
see  mirrored  in  a Kerapis’  de  Imitati<me  ChristV — they  labored 
effectively  to  advance  popular  education.  It  is  not  to  be  forgotten 
that  one  of  the  brethren,  Gerhard  of  Zutphen,  was  unceasingly  act- 
ive in  extending  the  circulation  and  use  of  the  Scriptures  in  the 
Dutch  language — a fact  of  no  little  significance,  if  we  consider  that 
they  were  then  on  the  eve  of  the  reformation. 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  revolution  that  was  wrought  in  the 
minds  of  the  people  when  the  principles  of  the  Reformation  gained 
a fast  foothold  in  the  northern  provinces  of  the  Netherlands,  it  would 
be  necessary  to  give  a history  of  the  university  of  Leyden,  (founded 
in  1575,)  the  bulwark  of  Protestant  doctrine  in  Holland.  But  as 
we  must  hasten  to  the  consideration  of  more  recent  times,  we  can 
only  refer  the  reader  to  a highly  instructive  work  published  at  Ley- 
den, in  1830, — Geschiedenis  der  Leidsche  Hoogeschool  van  hare 
cprigting  in  den  Jaar  1575,  tot  het  Jaar  1825,”  (History  of  the  Ley- 
den High  School,  from  its  foundation  in  1575  to  1825.)  It  is  suf- 
ficient to  remark  that  the  freedom  of  thought  that  was  first  shown 
in  theological  controversy,  gradually  awakened  a new  zeal  for  the 
studies  auxiliary  thereto,  and  in  the  end  contributed  greatly  to  the 
emancipation  of  all  departments  of  learning.  After  the  founding  of 
the  university  at  Leyden,  others  were  established  successively  at 
Franeker,  in  1585,  at  Groningen,  in  1614,  at  Utrecht,  in  1638,  and 
at  Harderwick,  in  1648.  During  all  this  period,  and  until  the 
Spanish  war  of  succession,  Holland  was  the  refuge  from  every  side, 
for  those  who  were  subjected  to  persecution  for  religion’s  sake, 
among  and  accompanying  whom  were  philosophers  and  scholars  of 
the  first  rank. 

But  the  natives  of  Holland  were  not  content  to  remain  inferior  to 
their  illustrious  guests,  and  the  century  that  then  produced  a Des- 
cartes and  Huyghens,  can  certainly  claim  an  honorable  place  in  the 
records  of  man’s  intellectual  development.  This  was  also  the  most 
brilliant  period  in  the  history  of  the  universities.  Leyden  is  proud 
of  such  men  as  Dousa,  Vossius,  Heinsius,  Raphelengius,  Meursius, 
Groenovius,  Perigonius,  and  Schultens ; of ’S  Gravesande,  the  philoso- 
pher ; of  the  theologians,  Gomar  and  Arminius ; and  of  the  great 
physician  whose  letters  could  be  addressed,  “ to  Boerhaave,  Europe.” 
Utrecht,  the  birthplace  of  the  learned  Pope  Hadrian  IV.,  can  boast 
of  a Gisbert  Voet,  a Gravius,  a Reland,  and  others.  Rotterdam, 
where  Erasmus  was  born,  was  the  residence  of  Peter  Bayle. 
Spinoza  was  from  Amsterdam.  The  Hague  possessed  a Huyghens, 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  HOLLAND. 


itself  the  right  to  employ  in  its  own  service  the  talent  and  future  abilities 
of  the  educated.  And  it  is  on  this  very  account  that  the  question  respect- 
ing secondary  instruction  is  at  this  time  one  of  such  importance  in 
Holland.  If  it  be  desired  to  attain  a result  that  shall  be  really  advanta- 
geous, it  will  not  do,  resting  upon  the  constitution,  to  leave  the  parishes 
to  their  own  resources,  for  the  sake  of  avoiding  opposition ; it  is  neces- 
sary that  the  Latin  schools,  small  and  irregularly  scattered  over  the  coun- 
try, should  disappear,  and  give  place  to  preparatory  schools,  (Pro-gymna- 
sia,) where  these  are  needed,  but  especiall}^  to  institutions  corresponding 
to  the  intermediate  schools  of  Belgium,  or  to  the  real  and  burgher  schools 
of  Germany.  Should  a number  of  such  gymnasia  be  established,  they 
must  also  be  ably  managed,  and  completely  furnished,  so  as  to  realize  the 
ideal  of  the  men  of  1829.  Instruction  in  Latin  and  Greek  will  lose 
nothing  by  this,  and  the  close  connection  that  exists  between  the  three 
grades  of  instruction  will  no  longer  be  interrupted.  If  to  day  the  num- 
ber of  scholars  in  the  Latin  schools  be  compared  with  the  population  of 
the  cities  which  sustain  these  institutions,  (sa3nng  nothing  of  other  cities,) 
one  will  be  astonished  at  the  disproportion,  and  must  come  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  greater  portion  of  the  citizens  are  content  with  the  educa- 
tion received  at  the  public  schools.  This  is  to  be  regretted.  For  as 
primary  instruction,  in  accordance  with  the  principles  already  explained, 
should  not  be  raised  too  high,  so  also  the  wealth}^'  class  ought  not  to  fall 
below  their  proper  grade  of  mental  culture.  A rigid  limitation  in  the 
education  of  the  several  classes  of  society  would  be  equivalent  to  a cre- 
ation of  caste,  and  would  prove  a dangerous  experiment.  A continual 
gradation  thi-oughout  is  therefore  essential  to  a national  system  of  educa- 
tion, and  there  is  no  other  way  of  effecting  this  than  to  perfect  the  course 
of  popular  study  by  an  addition  of  general  information,  and  the  classical 
course,  by  the  needed  complement  of  instruction  upon  practical  subjects. 
This  connecting  element  is  provided,  b}' a judicious  organization  of  the 
system  of  intermediate  instruction. 


V26 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 


I.  UNIVERSITIES  OF  HOLLAND. 

Of  the  five  uuiversities  once  in  operation  in  the  present  limits  of 
Holland,  three  only  are  now  recognized  as  such : Leyden,  estab- 
lished in  1575;  Groningen,  in  1614;  and  Utrecht,  in  1638; 
Franker  (1585),  and  Ilarderwyk  (1648),  having  been  discontinued. 
Of  the  work  done  in  these  three  Universities,  and  the  Athenaeums 
of  Amsterdam  and  Deventer,  Ave  give  a summary  for  1850 
and  1870. 

Annales  Acadamicae  cioiocccl — cioiocccli.  4°  Lugdun.  Bntavorum,  1855.  pp.  240. 

These  Annals  present  the  statistics  of  the  various  Dutch  Universities  in  1850-1, 
with  the  usual  academical  orations.  The  work  was  issued  in  1855,  so  that  the 
statistics  lag  four  years  behind.  But  in  so  stable  a country  as  Holland,  the 
changes  have,  probably,  not  been  very  great. 

The  University  of  Leyden  comes  first  in  order.  Johannes  De  Wal,  rector 
magnificus,  of  the  Faculty  of  Law,  in  a Latin  oration  of  twenty  pages,  discourses 
upon  the  “ Detriment  which  the  Neglect  of  the  Historical  Study  of  our  Jurispru- 
dence has  brought  upon  the  Country  and  Science.’’  Two  other  orations,  in  the 
Dutch  language,  follow  : one  by  Dr.  R.  P.  A.  Dozy,  on  the  “ Study  of  the  History 
of  the  Middle  Ages,”  the  other,  by  Mr.  S.  Vissering,  on  “ Political  Economy.” 

The  whole  number  of  students  in  the  University  of  Leyden,  1850-1,  was  357  ; 
viz.,  177  in  the  Faculty  of  Law  ; 86  in  Theology  •,  14  in  Mathematics  and  Phy- 
sics ; 25  in  Theoretic  Philosophy  and  the  Humanities,  and  55  in  the  Medical 
Faculty.  Besides  these,  99  students,  belonging  to  the  AtherKBums,  are  inscribed 
upon  the  University  books,  as  candidates  for  the  degree  of  doctor  in  the  diflferent 
Faculties.  Forty  such  ‘ doctors’  are  reported  as  created  in  the  Faculty  of  Law,  after 
presenting  and  defending  their  dissertations  and  theses,  two  or  three  days  in  each 
month  being  assigned  for  such  exercises  ; in  the  Theological  Faculty  only  two 
such  doctorates  were  conferred,  and  only  one  other  “ honoris  causa,” — a good 
example  for  our  colleges  ; two  received  this  degree  in  Mathematics  j five  in  Phi- 
losophy ; and  thirty  in  Medicine. 

The  Lectures  given  in  the  different  Faculties  of  this  University,  are  the  follow- 
ing : 

In  the  Faculty  of  Law,  J.  de  Wal,  on  the  Encyclopaedia  and  Methodology  of 
Law,  three  hours  each  week  ; on  the  History  of  Roman  Law,  three  hours ; on 
the  Rise  and  Progress  of  Jurisprudence  among  the  Germans,  especially  in  the 
Netherlands,  three  hours  ; and  on  Mercantile  Law,  two  hours.  C.  I.  Van  Assen, 
Interpretation  of  the  “ Libri  Digestorum,”  three  hours  ; the  Roman  Civil  Law, 
three  hours ; Commentaries  on  the  Institutes  of  Gains,  two  hours ; the  Present 
Civil  Ijaw,  three  hours  ; the  Order  of  Judicial  Causes,  with  forentic  exercises, 
three  hours.  H.  Cock,  Public  Law  and  the  Law  of  Nations,  three  hours ; Crim- 
inal Law,  three  hours  *,  Natural  Law,  three  hours  5 the  Order  of  Criminal  Trials, 
three  hours.  S.  Vissering,  Statistics  of  the  Netherlands,  three  hours  j Diplomatic 
History  of  Europe,  three  hours ; Political  Economy,  three  hours  a week. 

• In  the  Faculty  of  Theology : — W.  A.  Van  Hengel,  the  venerable  senior  of 
this  Faculty,  though  prevented  from  lecturing  by  age,  met  the  more  advanced 
students  for  familiar  conference  “ de  variis  rebus  gravioris  argumenti.”  N.  C. 
Kist,  read  on  Church  History,  three  hours  a week  ; on  the  History  and  Theory  of 
Christian  Ethics,  three  hours  j on  the  History  Doctrines,  two  hours ; on  the 


EDUCATIONAL  MOVEMENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 


727 


Sources  of  Ancient  Church  History,  one  hour ; and  directed  theological  discus- 
sions, and  homiletical  exercises,  one  hour  each.  J.  F.  Van  Oordt,  Systematio 
Theology,  three  hours;  Gospel  and  Epistle  of  John,  two  hours;  Theological 
Encyclopaedia,  two  hours  ; Institutes  of  the  Orator,  two  hours.  J.  H.  Scholten, 
the  Words  of  Christ  in  the  Gospel  of  John,  three  hours;  Natural  Theology,  or 
“ History  of  speculation  respecting  God,”  two  hours  ; the  characteristic  words 
and  phrases  in  which  the  Nature  of  Christianity  is  expressed,  two  hours ; also, 
discussions  and  sermons,  one  hour  each. 

In  the  Faculty  of  Mathematics  and  Physics : — J.  Van  dez  Hoeven,  Zoology, 
tliree  hours  ; comparative  Anatomy,  two ; also,  private  teaching  in  Mineralogy 
and  Geology.  A.  H.  van  der  Boon  Mesch,  Organic  Chemistry,  three  hours  ; 
Inorganic  Chemistry,  three  ; Phamaceutics,  two  ; Husbandry,  two  ; with  experi- 
ments in  the  laboratory,  and  a weekly  colloquy  on  Chemical  Physiology.  I.  G. 
V^erdam,  Geometry  and  Trigonometry,  plain  and  spherical,  three  hours  each  ; the 
Differential  and  Integral  Calculus.  F.  Kaiser,  Theoretical  Astronomy,  three 
hours  ; practical,  three  ; popular,  two  ; Algebra,  three ; with  other  practical  exer- 
cises. H.  G.  DE  Vriese,  Phytography,  six  hours;  History  (Medical)  of  Plants, 
three  ; Physiology  of  Plants,  four  ; with  botanical  excursions  and  other  exercises. 
P.  L.  Rijke,  Experimental  Physics,  five  hours  ; Mathematical  Physics,  two  hours 

In  the  Faculty  of  Theoretic  Philosophy  and  the  Humanities;  J.  Bake,  Cicero’s 
Orations,  three  hours  ; Attic  History,  two  hours  ; Piedagogic  Schools,  theory  and 
practice,  four  hours.  J.  M.  Schrart,  on  Style  and  Eloquence,  (Dutch,)  three 
hours ; History  of  the  Netherlands,  three  houis  ; interpretation  of  Vondelius’ 
Tragedy,  Gyshrecht  van  Amstel^  one  hour ; also,  on  the  Critical  History  of  Elo- 
quence and  German  Antiquities.  A.  Rutgers,  Prophecies  of  Jeremiah  and  the 
Psalms,  three  hours  ; Second  Book  df  Samuel,  two;  Hebrew  Antiquities,  three; 
Sanscrit  Grammar  and  Anthology,  two  ; the  Sacuntala  and  Hitopadesa  of  Calida- 
sus,  one  hour.  T.  G.  J.  Juvnboll,  Elements  of  Hebrew,  four  hours ; Arabic, 
Chaldee  and  Syriac,  three  ; Hamaker’s  edition  of  an  Arabic  work  “ de  Expug- 
natione  Memphidis  et  Alexandriae,”  read  with  students,  one  hour  ; Arabic  Chresto- 
mathy,  one  hour  ; Songs  of  Hamasas,  two  hours  ; the  Koran,  two ; Syriac 
Chrestomathy,  one  hour.  J.  H.  Stuffken,  Logic,  three  hours ; Metaphysics,  two 
hours  ; History  of  Philosophy,  two  hours ; also,  on  Paedagogics.  C.  G.  Cobet, 
Herodotus,  three  hours;  Roman  Antiquities,  three;  Elements  of  Metrical  Art, 
two  ; Greek  Palaeography,  four  ; also,  the  direction  of  public  disputations.  R.  P. 
H.  Dozy,  Prof.  Extraord.  History  of  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines,  three  hours  ; some 
difficult  Historical  Questions  and  various  matters  of  Literary  History,  two  hours. 

In  the  Medical  Faculty  : — C.  Pruys  van  der  Hoeven,  Pathology,  three  hours ; 
Medical  Practice,  daily ; History  of  Medicine,  two  hours.  G.  C.  B.  Suringar, 
Therapeutics  and  remedies,  five  hours ; the  Pharmacopoeia,  three ; Special  Disea- 
ses, three  hours ; with  medical  practice.  J.  W.  Krieger,  Surgery,  three  hours ; 
Clinical  Exercises,  three ; Surgical  Operations,  two ; the  Diseases  of  the  Eye, 
Forensio  Medicine,  two  hours.  A.  E.  Simon  Thomas,  Prof.  Extraord,  Obstetrics, 
one  hour ; also,  lectures  on  the  Diseases  of  Woman ; “ Praxin  Obstetriciam  in 
Nosoeomio  Academico,  quoties  necesse  erit,  moderabitur.”  H.  Halbertsma, 
Prof.  Extraord.  Anatomy,  five  hours ; Physiology  with  microscopic  observations, 
five  ; Practical  Dissections,  four  hours  each  day. 

Besides  these.  Prof.  P.  O.  van  dez  Chis,  gave  two  lectures  a week  on  Numis- 
matics ; C.  A.  X.  G.  F.  Sicherer,  on  the  Odes  of  Klopstock,  and  C.  G.  Lokkers, 
taught  every  day  “ aptum  et  elegantem  gladii  usum.” 


728 


HOLLAND. 


We  have  given  thus,  in  full,  the  course  in  this  leading  University  of  Holland, 
that  some  general  idea  might  be  formed  of  the  extent  of  the  instruction  in  the 
various  departments.  Many  of  these  names  are  widely  known  outside  of  Hol- 
land 5 as  that  of  the  venerable  Van  Hengel,  who  also  directs  the  distribution  of 
the  prizes  for  the  Society  of  The  Hague,  in  Defense  of  the  Christian  Faith  ; of 
Kist,  whose  works  in  Church  History,  with  those  of  Royaards  of  Utrecht,  are 
widely  known;  of  Hoevon,  who  has  a European  reputation;  and  of  Juynboll, 
who,  within  the  past  five  years  has  edited  and  published  more  works  illustrative 
of  Oriental  literature  than  all  the  scholars  of  France  and  England,  together.  In 
a University  with  237  students,  Leyden  has  thirty-one  Professors ; five  in  Law  ; 
four  in  Theology  ; seven  in  Mathematics  and  Physics  ; eight  in  Philosophy  ; seven 
in  Medicine  ; besides  three  other  teachers. 

The  account  of  the  University  of  Utrecht,  is  introduced  with  an  instructive 
Latin  Oration  by  the  Rector,  B.  J.  Lintel  de  Geer,  beginning  with  a special 
address  to  nine  classes  or  personages,  among  his  auditors,  on  the  Laudable 
Efforts  of  the  Roman  Emperors  for  the  Instruction  of  Youth,”  together  with  an 
account  of  the  University  for  the  prec#eding  year.  The  whole  number  of  students 
was  381  ; 148  in  theology  ; 166  in  law;  43  in  medicine ; 13  in  mathematics  and 
physics;  11  in  philosophy,  etc.  Twenty-six  were  also  inscribed  from  the  Athe- 
naeums as  candidates  for  the  doctorate ; 21  doctors-in-law  were  made ; 3 in  phi- 
losophy ; 17  in  medicine  ; 2 in  mathematics;  1 in  theology. 

In  the  Faculty  of  Law,  the  Professors  are,  A.  C.  Holtius,  who  read  on  the 
Pandects ; B.  J.  L.  de  Geer,  on  Justinian,  Roman  Law,  Encyclopaedia  of  Law, 
and  Gains ; J.  van  Hall,  the  Civil  Law  of  Holland,  Mercantile  Law,  Judicial 
Processes,  and  the  History  of  Dutch  Law  ; I.  Aekersdyck,  Modern  Political  His- 
tory, Statistics  and  Political  Economy,  G.  G.  Vreede,  Natural  Law,  History  and 
Institutes  of  Dutch  Law,  and  the  Law  of  Nations,  “ duce  Henr  Wheaton,  Ele- 
ments du  droit  international,  Lips.et  Par.  1848;”  and  on  Criminal  Law. 

In  the  Faculty  of  Theoretic  Philosophy,  etc.  A.  van  Goudoever,  read  on  Sal- 
lust and  Virgil,  and  Roman  Antiquities ; S.  Kai*sten  on  Plato  (Phsedon),  and 
Aristophanes  (Ranae),  and  on  Greek  Antiquities  ; I.  C.  Swyyghuisen  Groenewoud, 
Hebrew  Grammar,  and  Antiquities,  Arabic ; L.  G.  Visscher,  Literature  and  His- 
tory of  Belgium,  and  Holland ; S.  Karsten,  Ancient  History,  and  History  of  An- 
cient Philosophy  ; C.  G.  Opzoomer,  Logic,  Metaphysics  and  History  of  Modern 
Philosophy. 

In  the  Medical  Faculty,  I.  L.  C.  S.  van  der  Kolk,  gave  lectures  on  Anatomy 
and  Physiology;  B.  F.  Suerman  on  Pathology  and  Surgery;  G.  I.  Loneq,  on 
Materia  Medica  and  Therapeutics ; G.  I Mulder,  on  Pharmacy ; P.  Harting,  on 
Anatomy  and  Pharmacology ; F.  C.  Bonders,  on  Biology,  Anthropology  and 
Forensic  Medicine. 

In  Mathematics  and  Natural  Philosophy,  R.  van  Rees,  read  on  Physics  and 
Mechanics ; G.  I.  Mulder,  on  Chemistry ; P.  T.  I.  de  Fremery,  on  Chemistry 
applied  to  the  Arts ; C.  A.  Bergsma,  on  Botany ; T.  G.  van  L.  de  lende,  on 
Zoology  and  Anatomy  ; C.  H.  B.  de  Ballat,  on  Mathematics,  etc. 

In  the  Faculty  of  Theology,  H.  I.  Royaards,  lectured  on  Church  History  and 
Ethics  ; H.  Bouman,  on  Natural  Theology,  Hebrew  Poetry  and  the  Epistle  to 
the  Romans ; H.  E.  Vinke,  on  Dogmatic  Theology,  the  Theology  of  Paul,  and 
Pastoral  Theology.  German,  French,  and  the  “ elegant  use  of  the  sword”  are 
also  taught. 


EDUCATIONAL  MOVEMENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 


129 


The  University  of  Utrecht,  witli  381  students,  has  twenty-four  professors  ; five 
inlaw;  five  in  philosophy;  six  in  medicine;  five  in  mathematics  and  physics; 
and  throe  in  theology. 

The  l^niversity  of  Groningen,  is  widely  known  by  its  new  theological  tendencies, 
akin  to  tbe  modern  German  of  the  school  of  Schleiermaoher.  The  Oration,  in 
Latin,  by  the  rector,  F.  Z.  Ermerins,  of  the  Medical  Faculty,  is  on  the  “ Perpetual 
Charge  and  Motion  of  Matter  and  Form  in  Life.”  This  University  has  twenty 
professors  : four  in  medicine ; five  in  mathematics  and  physics ; three  in  theology  ; 
five  in  philosophy  ; three  in  law.  Its  students  numbered  228  ; 44  in  medicine ; 
3 in  mathematics  and  physics ; 64  in  theology  ; 7 in  philosophy  ; and  110  in  law. 
Sixteen  doctorates  were  conferred  in  medicine ; one  in  theology  ; one  in  mathe- 
matics ; two  in  philosophy  ; and  twenty-two  in  law. 

The  professors  in  the  Faculty  of  Law,  read  as  follows : — H.  Nienhuis,  Civil  and 
Mercantile  Law ; J.  H.  Philipse,  Justinian,  the  Pandects,  etc. ; C.  S.  Numan, 
Crimes  and  Punishments,  the  Nature  of  Law,  the  Political  History  of  Europe,  and 
Political  Economy. 

In  the  Medical  Faculty ; J.  B.  de  la  Faille,  on  Medical  Practice,  Forensic 
Medicine  and  Obstetrics ; F.  Z.  Ermerins,  on  Materia  Medica,  Physiology  and 
Pathology  ; J.  H.  Jansen,  on  Surgery  and  Anatomy,  with  classical  lectures. 

In  the  Mathematics  and  Physics  : — T.  van  Swinderen,  lectured  on  Natural  His- 
tory ; H.  C.  van  Hall,  on  Botany  ; I.  G.  Ermerins,  on  Arithmetic,  Algebra,  and 
Geometry  ; N.  Mulder,  on  Chemistry ; G.  A.  Enschede,  on  Trigonometry,  Alge- 
bra, and  Geometry. 

In  the  Faculty  of  Theology,  Prof,  P.  F.  de  Groot,  read  on  Church  History, 
Theological  Encyclopaedia,  Natural  Theology,  and  the  History  of  Modern  Mis- 
sions ; L.  G.  Pareau,  on  Dogmatics  and  Apologetics,  Christian  Ethics,  Herme- 
nentics,  and  Hebrew  Poetry ; G.  Muurling,  on  the  Critical  History  of  the  New 
Testament,  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  and  Practical  Theology,  (including  Cate- 
chetics,  Homiletics,  and  Liturgies.) 

In  the  Faculty  of  Theoretic  Philosophy  and  the  Humanities,  F.  C.  de  Greuve, 
on  Metaphysics,  Logic,  Ethics  and  Psychology  ; L.  A.  C.  Rovers,  on  Modern 
History,  Roman  and  Grbek  Antiquities ; I.  I.  P.  Valeton,  on  Hebrew  Grammar, 
Hebrew  Antiquities,  the  Semitic  Dialects,  the  first  Book  of  Kings,  and  the 
Psalms  ; J.  A.  C.  van  Heusde,  the  author  of  an  admirable  work  on  the  Platonic 
Philosophy,  lectured  on  Cicero’s  Tuseulan  Questions,  on  Aristophanes,  on  Plato’s 
Republic,  and  the  History  of  Greek  Criticism ; M.  de  Vries,  on  the  History  of 
Holland,  with  its  Language  and  Eloquence,  and  on  Sanscrit,  with  any  who  might 
apply. 

The  “ illustrious  Athenaeum  of  Amsterdam,”  is  included  in  these  Annals ; it 
had  152  students ; 4 in  philosophy  ; 7 in  letters ; 58  in  law  ; 64  in  theology ; and 
19  in  medicine.  It  numbers  fifteen  professors  : — three  in  Mathematics  and 
Physics,  E.  H.  von  Baumhauer,  the  President,  F.  A.  G.  Miquel,and  C.  Matthes; 
four  in  Philosophy,  D.  I.  van  Lennep,  I.  Bosscha,H.  Begermann,  and  P,  J,  Veth ; 
two  in  Law,  C.  A.  den  Tex,  and  M.  D.  A.  van  der  Hoeven  ; one  in  Theology,  G. 
Moll ; and  five  in  Medicine,  Ger.  Vrolik,  Guil.  Vrolik,  C.  B.  Tilanus,  P.  H. 
Suringar,  and  J.  van  Geuns. 

The  “ illustrious  Athenaeum  of  Deventer,”  has  six  Professors  ; J.  Verberg,  in 
Theology ; P.  Bosscha,  in  Classics  ; T.  D.  van  Twist,  in  Law ; M.  J.  Cop,  in 
Natural  Philosophy ; G.  I.  A.  Jonckbloet,  in  History ; T.  S.  M.  van  der  Willigen 
in  Physics  The  number  of  its  students  is  not  given. 


730 


HOLLAND. 


These  Athenaeums  appear  not  to  have  the  power  of  conferring  degrees,  but 
such  of  their  students  as  wish  to  obtain  degrees,  are  enrolled,  and  examined,  for 
that  object,  in  the  Albums  of  the  Universities. 

The  leading  courses  of  lectures  are  still  given  in  the  Latin  language.  In  the 
programmes,  the  fact  that  a particular  course  is  in  Dutch,  is  sometimes  distinctly 
stated,  as  an  exception. 

The  general  arrangement  of  the  Faculties  and  lectures  is  like  that  of  the  Ger- 
man Universities,  excepting  that  there  are  five  Faculties,  instead  of  four.  In  the 
German  High  Academies,  the  Faculty  of  Philosophy  comprises  the  subjects  con- 
tained in  the  “Facultas  Disciplinarum,  Mathematicarum  et  Physicarum,”  and  in 
the  “ Facultas  Philosophise  Theoreticse  et  Litterarum  Humaniorum,”  of  the 
Dutch  Universities.  In  the  latter,  too,  the  instruction  in  the  Oriental  languages, 
including  the  Hebrew,  is  assigned  to  the  “ Facultas  Litterarum  Humaniorum 
in  the  German  Universities,  the  interpretation  of  Scripture  books,  Hebrew  Anti- 
quities and  History,  would  generally  fall  to  the  Faculty  of  Theology. 

When  shall  we  be  able,  in  this  country,  to  publish  such  a Programme  for  a 
University  course,  as  that  of  the  University  of  Leyden  ? 


PUBLIC  SCHOOLS. 

The  following  Table,  taken  from  Lippincott’s  Pronouncing  Gazetteer,  gives  the 
Number  and  Attendance  of  the  Public  Schools  in  1851. 


Provinces. 

Area  in  sq. 
Miles. 

Population  in 
18.b3. 

Schools 

1851. 

Attendance" 

1851. 

North  Brabant, 

1,988 

405,525 

408 

41,634 

Gelderland, 

1,972 

387,423 

400 

39,098 

South  Holland, 

1,180 

591,493 

460 

63,911 

North  Holland, 

966 

514,755 

‘ 530 

61,782 

Zealand, 

644 

165,075 

155 

6,034 

Utrecht, 

532 

155,324 

153 

16,771 

Friesland, 

1,272 

259,508 

355 

34,118 

Overyssel, 

1,312 

227,683 

238 

34,805 

Groningen, 

908 

197,101 

246 

31,706  1 

Drenthe, 

Limburg, 

1,032 

87,944 

140 

11,965  1 

856 

211,401 

210 

19,191  I 

Total,  ....*. 

Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemb’g  ’51 

12,662 

981 

3,767,671 

194,619 

3,295 

361,015  1 
1 

Total, 

13,643  1 

3,962,290 

.::i 

If  to  the  number  of  children  (361,015)  attending  the  Public  Schools,  be  added, 
the  number  (23,000)  attending  Schools  in  Special  Foundations  ; the  number  (40,- 
000)  attending  Private  Schools,  and  about  5,000  students  attending  the  Universi- 
ties, Athenaeums,  and  Special  Schools,  we  find  about  430,000  persons,  or  one  in 
every  eight  of  the  population  in  school. 


SUPERIOR  AND  PROFESSIONAL  INSTRUCTION. 


731 


II.  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  BELGIUM. 

Superior  Instruction  in  Belgium,  as  now  organized,  embraces  the 
old  university  of  Louvain,  under  Catholic  control ; the  State  universities 
at  Ghent  and  Liege ; and  the  free  university  at  Brussels. 

(1.)  Catholic  University  of  Louvain. 

The  ancient  University  of  Louvain  dates  back  to  1425,  when  John  IV., 
Duke  of  Brabant,  obtained  from  Pope  Martin  V.  the  privilege  of  erecting 
a studium  generale.,  and  from  Eugeni  us  TV.,  six  years  later,  the 
theological  faculty.  This  faculty  was  absorbed  by  the  Dominicans,  and 
its  teaching  became  authoritative  with  all  who  called  St,  Thomas  of 
Aquin,  the  doctor  in  that  department  of  learning.  Profiting  by  the 
disorders  of  Paris  and  Oxford,  its  statutes  were  drawn  up  with  great 
care,  and  are  even  now  cited  as  of  high  authority  (by  Sir  William  Ham- 
ilton and  others)  in  adjusting  the  pov/ers  of  the  curators  or  trustees  of 
such  corporations,  the  appointment  of  professors,  the  examination 
of  students,  and  the  internal  police  of  the  institution. 

The  different  fiiculties  were  early  organized  in  separate  schools,  with 
special  accommodations  for  the  professors  and  students  of  each — num- 
bering at  one  time  43  houses  and  6,000  students.  Out  of  the  eight 
colleges  established  for  the  faculties  of  arts,  was  the  ‘ Collegium  Tri- 
linguef  founded  in  1516  by  Jerome  Busleiden,  the  friend  of  More 
and  Erasmus,  for  the  study  of  Greek,  Latin,  and  Hebrew.  The  idea 
of  this  academy  had  been  suggested  to  the  founder  by  a visit  to  Alcala, 
where  Cardinal  Ximenes  was  then  completing  the  establishment  of  his 
university.  Hallam  tells  us  that  its  foundation  was  fiercely  opposed  by 
the  monks  and  friars,  ‘those  unbeaten  enemies  of  learning,’ and  it  is 
true  that  the  old  professors  did  at  first  regard  the  new  institution  with 
some  jealousy.  They  had  been  used  to  write  and  speak  medimval 
Latin,  and  grumbled  sorely  when  required  to  turn  Ciceronians.  The 
college  happened  to  be  first  opened  in  the  fish-market,  and  hence  arose 
the  favorite  bon-motof  the  Louvain  conservatives,  ‘ We  do  not  talk  Fish- 
Market  Latin.’  In  time,  however,  the  fish-market  Latin  established  its 
supremacy,  and  Louvain  grew  proud  of  her  classical  professors,  such  as 
Louis  Vives  and  Conrad  Goclen.  The  colleges  gradually  multiplied  in 
number,  and  even  at  the  present  day  the  cit}’-  is  filled  with  splendid 
buildings,  all  of  which  once  formed  part  of  the  university. 

The  University  of  Louvain,  long  second  only  to  that  of  Paris  in  the 
number  of  its  students  and  the  celebrity  of  its  teachers,  and  more  com- 
prehensive even  than  Paris  in  the  subjects  taught ; was  for  several  cen- 
turies famed,  especially,  for  the  validity  of  its  certificates  of  competency 
— for  the  value  of  its  different  degrees.  It  is  recorded  by  Erasmus  as  a 
current  saying,  ‘ that  no  one  can  graduate  in  Louvain  without  knowledge., 
manners,  and  age.'  But  among  its  different  degrees,  a Louvain  promo- 
tion in  arts  was  decidedly  pre-eminent;  because,  in  this  Faculty,  the 
principles  of  academical  examination  were  most  fully  carried  out. 


732 


SUPERIOR  AND  PROFESSIONAL  INSTRUCTION. 


Valerius  Andreas,  in  the  Zedlerian  Lexicon -•(  17 3 8),  says:  ‘Philosophy,  from 
the  very  commencement  of  the  University,  was  wont  to  be  taught,  partly  in 
private  houses,  partly  in  ‘ the  Street  ’ or  public  School  of  Arts  (where,  ind'eed, 
the  prelections  of  two  chairs  in  that  Faculty,  to  wit.  Ethics  and  Rhetoric,  are 
even  now  publicly  delivered),  the  masters  themselves  teaching  each  his  peculiar 
subject  at  a fixed  and  separate  hour;  until,  in  the  year  144G,  by  the  authority 
of  the  Faculty,  private  tuition  was  abolislied,  and  four  houses  were  appropriated 
to  licensed  instruction  in  philosophy,  some  eight  and  twenty  other  colleges 
belonging  to  it,  being  left  to  supply  board  and  lodging  to  the  students.  These 
four  houses  are  commonly  called  Pcedajogia,  and  from  their  several  insignia,  go 
by  the  names  of  the  Lily,  the  Falcon,  the  Castle,  the  Hog.  The  languages 
(Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin),  tliereafter  obtained  their  special  piofessors  in  the 
Trilingual  or  Buslidian  College.  The  chair  of  Mathematics,  thougli  its  subject 
had  been  previously  taught,  was  founded  in  the  year  1636. 

‘ The  stud}^  of  Philosophy  is  accomplished  in  two  3^ears.  For  there  is  given 
nine  montlis  to  Logic,  eight  to  Physics,  four  to  Metaphysics ; while  the  three 
last  months  are  devoted  to  Repetitions  of  the  whole  course  of  Philosophy. 
Account  is  also  taken  of  Moral  Philosophy,  taught  on  Sundays  and  holidays, 
by  the  public  professor,  in  ‘ the  Street  ’or  School  of  Arts,  and  in  the  Pasdagogia' 
b}^  domestic  professors. 

‘The  exercises  of  this  philosophical  study  take  place  in  four  Gymnasia, 
called  Pasdagogia.  In  each  of  these  there  are  four  daily  prelections,  two  before, 
two  after,  noon  ; and  each  house  has  four  Professors  of  Philosophy,  two  of 
whom  are  called  Primaries,  two  Secondaries.  These  professors  divide  among 
them  the  whole  course  of  philosoph3^  And  first,  in  Logic:  The  Primaries 
expound  the  Introduction  of  Porphyry,  Aristotle’s  Categories,  and  his  books 
of  Prior  and  Posterior  Analytics;  while  the  Secondaries,  after  an  explanation 
of  the  Elements  of  Logic,  lecture  upon  Aristotle’s  books  of  Enouncement, 
Topics,  and  Sophisms.  In  Physics  and  Metaphysics  [I  omit  the  enumeration 
of  books’,  the  Primaries  teach  at  the  hours  of  six  and  ten  of  the  morning;  the 
Secondaries  at  two  and  four  of  the  afternoon ; and  the  hearers  for  one  hour 
take  down  the  dictates  of  their  instructor,  while  for  another  they  are  exam- 
ined and  required  to  give  an  account  of  the  prelection  which  they  have  again, 
in  the  interval,  considered. 

‘The  exercises  of  Disputation  are  either  private  or  public. 

‘ The  private  are  conducted  in  the  several  Paedagogia,  and  in  kind  are  two- 
fold. In  the  first  place,  the  students,  at  certain  fixed  hours,  contend  with  each 
other,  on  proposed  questions,  note  each  other’s  errors,  and  submit  them  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Professor;  and  he,  thereafter,  assigns  place  and  rank  to  the 
more  learned.  Besides  these,  on  each  Monday  and  Friday,  there  are  Disputa- 
tions held  on  points  oP  Logic  and  Phj'sics,  over  which  one  of  the  Professors  in 
rotation  presides.  These  commence  in  January,  and  end  in  June. 

‘ The  public  Disputations  take  place  in  the  common  School  of  Arts,  which  is 
called  ‘The  Street;’  and  these  also  are  of  two  kinds.  In  the  first  place,  on 
Monday's  and  Fridays,  during  Lent,  the  Physical  auditors  of  all  the  Gjminasia, 
divided  into  certain  classes,  compete  among  themselves  for  glory ; one  pre- 
scribing to  another  the  matter  of  disputation.  Besides  these,  there  are  eight 
other  Disputations,  carried  through  on  Sundays,  and  which  commence  in 
Januar}^  There  are  present  all  the  Physical  hearers  with  their  Professors,  and 
in  these  they  severally  make  answer  during  an  hour  on  certain  predetermined 
theses ; and  are  oppugned  by  the  Prior  Bachelor  (that  is,  by  him  who  has  been 
chosen  from  the  more  learned),  and  thereafter  by  others. 

‘ The  Honors  or  Degrees  which  are  obtained  in  this  Faculty  are  those  of 
Bachelor,  Licentiate,  Master.  Previous  to  these  there  is  one  public  act,  that  of 
Determination,  as  it  is  called.  Therein  the  students  of  Logic,  in  a public 
meeting  of  the  whole  University,  severally  state  their  opinion  on  some  Ethical 
que.stion  proposed  by  the  Preses,  who  is  one  of  tlie  Profes-sors.  In  this  manner 
they  profess  themselves  students  of  philosophy,  but  obtain  no  degree. 

‘ The  Baccalaureate  is  here  two-fold.  The  one  is  obtained  on  examination 
after  a three  months’  study  of  Physics;  the  other,  after  the  completion  of  the 
cour.se  of  Metaphysics,  and  a public  responsion  touching  Philosophy  in  general. 

‘For  the  License,  the  candidates  of  all  the  Gymnasia  are  presented  in  a body 


SUPERIOR  AND  PROFESSIONAL  INSTRUCTION. 


'733 

to  tlie  Venerable  Faculty  of  Arts:  and  on  that  occasion,  and  in  their  presence, 
their  future  Examiners  (that  is  the  [eight]  Primary  Professors  of  all  the 
Gymnasia,  nominated  by  the  Gymnasiarehs),  make  solemn  oath,  that  they  will 
be  iuriueiiced  by  no  private  favor,  but  rank  each  candidate  in  the  strict  order 
of  merit.  Tiie  examination  then  begins.  This  is  two-fold;  tlie  one  is  called 
the  Trial,  the  other  the  Examination  proper.  For  each,  the  whole  body  of 
candidafes  is  divided  into  three  classes.  The  first  class  consists  of  twelve,  to 
wit,  three  from  each  of  the  Gymnasia  students,  namely,  who  by  the  judgment 
of  the  professors  stand  highest  in  learning.  The  second  class,  in  like  manner, 
comprehends  twelve,  tlie  three,  to  wit,  who  from  the  four  Gymnasia  are 
named  as  nearest  in  proficiency  to  the  first.  To  them  of  the  second  class  are 
added  twelve  others,  called  Aspirants.  The  third  class  is  composed  of  all  the 
rest.  Those  who  are  of  the  first  class  are  each  examined  for  about  three  hours 
on  all  the  branches  of  Philosophy;  those  who  are  of  the  second,  for  two 
hours;  those  who  are  of  the  third,  for  half  an  hour;  and  this,  both  in  what  is 
called  the  Trial,  and  in  the  Examin  ation  proper.  The  several  examiners  write 
down  the  answers  of  all  the  candidates,  read  them  over  again  at  home,  and 
determ  ne  what  in  their  several  op  nions  should  be  the  order  of  all  and  each, 
and  write  out  the  list.  The  examination  finished,  the  examiners,  on  a day  ap- 
pointed, consign  their  lists  of  arrangement  to  the  Dean,  who  delivers  them  to 
the  Gymnasiarehs.  Thej"  consult  among  themselves,  and,  by  an  ingenious 
device,  calculate  the  sulfrages  of  arrangement,  and  appoint  to  each  candidate 
his  true  and  unquestionable  rank. 

‘ When,  however,  the  fi  st  or  highest  (primus)  is  proclaimed,  the  bell  is 
tolled  in  his  Gymnasium,  fiir  three  days  and  nights,  and  holiday  celebrated.  I 
pass  over  the  otlier  signs  of  public  rejoicing.  This  honor  is  valued  at  the 
highest,  and  he  who  olitains  it  is  an  object  of  universal  observation.  On  the 
third  day  thereafter,  in  the  public  School  of  Arts,  the  candidates  are,  in  this 
fashion,  proclaimed  Licentiates:  In  the  first  place,  the  Dean  of  the  Venerable 
Faculty,  after  a public  oration,  presents  the  candidates  to  the  Chancellor  [who 
on  this  occasion  ranks  superior  to  the  Rector].  He  (the  Chancellor)  then, 
having  propounded  a question,  orders  the  Primus  to  afford,  in  the  answer,  a 
specimen  of  his  erudition,  he  himself  acting  as  opponent.  The  names  of  all 
the  others  are  then  proclaimed  by  the  Beadle,  in  the  order  established  by  the 
Gymnasiarehs,  on  the  votes  of  the  examining  professors.’ 

It  was  at  Louvain  that  Pope  Adrian  IV.  received  lii.s  education,  and 
from  a poor  scholar  ro.se  to  fill  the  posts  of  professor  and  rector  of  the 
university.  The  son  of  a boat-builder  of  Utrecht,  he  w^as  admitted 
among  a certain  number  of  poor  boys  whom  the  university  bound  itself 
to  educate  gratuitously,  and  endured  rather  more  than  his  share  of  the 
hardships  and  privations  to  which  scholars  of  that  class  are  usually  ex- 
posed. Seldom  able  to  provide  him.self  with  the  luxury  of  a lamp  or  a 
candle,  he  was  accustomed  to  prosecute  his  studies  after  dark  in  the 
porch  of  some  church,  where  a lamp  was  then  usually  suspended,  or 
at  the  street  corner,  which  supplied  him  with  a feeble  light.  However, 
he  seems  sometimes  to  have  been  able  to  procure  himself  a better  sort 
of  light,  for  we  read  that,  one  cold  winter’s  night,  Margaret,  the  widow 
of  Duke  Charles  of  Burgundy,  then  governess  of  the  Netherlands,  re- 
marked a tiny  ray  that  issued  from  one  of  the  college  windows  at  a very 
late  hour,  and  bidding  her  chamberlain  find  out  which  of  the  students 
sat  up  so  late  in  such  intense  cold,  she  w^as  told  that  it  w'as  only  ‘little 
Florentius’  over  his  books.  With  a w'oman's  instinct  of  compassion, 
she  sent  him  the  next  day  three  hundred  florins  for  the  purchase  of 
books  and  firewood.  When  he  w^as  raised  to  the  head  of  the  university, 
he  exhibited  the  same  zeal  for  the  promotion  of  ecclesiastical  discipline 

% 


<734  SUPERIOR  AND  PROFESSIONAL  INSTRUCTION. 

which  afterwards  won  him  so  much  unpopularity  from  his  Roman  sub- 
jects. In  spite  of  their  contemptuous  strictures  on  his  supposed  barbar- 
ism, Adrain  was  revered  in  Louvain,  as  a generous  patron  of  letters.  He 
erected  and  endowed  one  of  the  most  magnificent  colleges  of  which 
Louvain  could  boast,  and  in  it  was  deposited  the  autograph  copy  of  his 
works,  which  is  still  preserved  in  the  great  seminary  of  Mechlin. 

In  1797,  this  great  establishment  was  swept  out  of  existence  as  a 
university  by  a decree  of  the  French  republic,  but  was  revived  as  a 
lyceum  under  the  French  University  organization  ; and  as  a university 
under  the  Dutch  government  in  1825,  but  in  a form  which  met  a firm 
resistance  from  the  Catholic  population  that  would  tolerate  no  govern- 
ment interference  with  the  religious  training  of  the  youth  of  their  faith  ; 
and  in  1834,  after  the  revolution  of  the  governing  dynasty  of  1830, 
it  was  re-established  under  an  apostolic  brief  of  Pope  Gregory  XVI. 
Its  teaching  is  now  organized  in  five  Faculties  : letters  and  philosophy, 
sciences,  law,  medicine,  and  theology,  in  which  there  were,  in  1872,  50 
professors  and  740  students. 

(2.)  State  Universities. 

The  university  at  Ghent  and  Liege,  both  resting  on  old  foundations, 
were  instituted  by  the  government;  the  former  in  1816,  and  the  latter 
in  1817,  and  receive  annuall}^,  from  the  treasury  a subsidy  of  $70,000. 
Neither  have  a theological  faculty,  and  to  each  there  is  attached  a school 
of  applied  science,  with  special  reference  to  the  industries  of  the  locality 
— of  mines  at  Liege,  and  of  engineering  at  Ghent.  The  degrees  are 
conferred  on  the  award  of  a board  of  examiners,  appointed  by  the  king, 
on  the  nomination  of  the  two  houses  of  parliament  (two  by  the  Senate 
and  two  by  the  House),  and  the  ministers  (one  by  each).  Each  of  the 
four  faculties  (letters,  science,  law,  and  medicine),  has  a special  board. 
The  sessions  of  the  board  are  public  at  Brussels,  and  the  candidates 
who  present  themselves,  on  complying  with  certain  general  regulations, 
are  examined  without  reference  to  the  place,  or  teachers,  where  their 
knowledge  has  been  acquired.  Neither  of  the  institutions  have  the 
faculty  of  theology.  The  total  attendance  of  students,  including  the 
special  schools,  for  the  last  five  years  averages  about  1,200 — 700  at 
Liege,  under  CO  teachers  (of  different  grades),  and  500  at  Ghent  under 
50  teachers.  Both  institutions  are  well  provided  with  libraries,  labora- 
tories, and  scientific  collections.  The  matriculation  fee  is  15  francs,  and 
the  fees  for  all  the  courses  in  each  faculty  average  225  francs. 

(3.)  The  Free  University  of  Brussels. 

The.  University  of  Brussels  is  an  incorporated  institution,  managed 
by  a board,  of  which  the  burgomaster  (mayor)  of  the  city  is  president. 
It  was  instituted  in  1837,  and  professes  entire  independence  of  all  eccle- 
siastical views  or  teaching — confining  its  instructions  to  courses  in  let- 
ters, science,  law,  and  medicine.  All  diplomas  must  be  signed  by  the 
professors,  rector,  and  official  inspector.  The  number  of  professors  and 
teachers  in  1869,  was  50  for  446  students. 


^tt|crior  liistractioit. 


In  the  first  Number  of  the  American  Journal  of  Education  for  1873, 
the  editor  announced  his  intention  to  close  his  studies  for  the  present  in 
the  field  of  Superior  Instruction,  and  indicated  in  the  Title  and  Contents 
which  followed,  the  Contributions  which  he  proposed  to  embody  in  a 
separate  volume,  and  which  had  been  already  printed  in  the  Journal. 
Unexpected  engagements  and  hindrances — engagements  which  made 
any  further  use  of  the  material  already  gathered  impossible,  and  a 
nervous  prostration  which  for  several  months  precluded  all  efforts  at 
composition  or  revision — have  compelled  him  to  abridge  the  Contents 
of  the  volunje,  as  shown  in  the  following  page,  and  to  make  the  histori- 
cal development  and  present  condition  of  Colleges  and  Universities  in 
different  countries,  embodied  in  this  volume,  less  comprehensive  than 
he  at  first  announced.  It  will,  however,  be  found,  on  examination,  to 
contain  valuable  information  both  in  reference  to  the  historical  develop- 
ment of  superior  instruction,  the  organization  of  studies  and  statistics 
of  prominent  institutions  of  higher  learning,  and  the  views  of  eminent 
statesmen,  scholars  and  teachers,  on  the  subjects  treated — more  than 
can  be  found  in  any  one  volume  in  any  language. 

HENRY  BARNARD. 


Hartford,  October  15,  1873. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION, 


III.  Agencies  and  Institutions  of  Instruction  of  the  Catholic  Church.  . 023-01)2 

I.  Episcopal  Seminaries (>23 

II.  Teaching  Orders 029 

Introduction — General  View  of  the  Religious  Orders 027 

1.  St.  Dominic  and  the  Dominicans 031 

2.  St.  Francis  and  the  Franciscans 049 

3.  St.  Ignatius  and  the  Jesuits 057 

4.  Gerard  the  Great,  and  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life., 085 

III.  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

I.  Historical  Development  OF  Education 701-7.36 

Early  Christian  Schools  and  Teachers 701 

Utrecht — Fulda — Ferrieres — Corby — Cologne 701 

Augsburgh — Pnderborn — Prague — Hirschau — Wurtzburg 705 

Winfrid — Hutto  and  Rabanus — Lupus — Paschasius 705 

Bruno — Bo])po — Wolfgang — Udulric — Bern  ward 709 

Meinwerc — Adalbert — Othlonus 713 

11.  Universities 727 

Belgium — Louvain — Ghent — Liege— ^Brussels 727 

Holland — Leyden — Utrecht — Gronengn 731 

IV.  FRANCE  AND  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES. 

I.  France 896 

Early  Christain  Schools..., 737 

University  of  Paris 745 

Parisian  Schools  and  Masters  in  the  13th  and  14th  Centuries 7.77 

Guizot — Ministry  of  Public  Instruction 769 

II.  Great  Britain 801 

I.  Scotland 801 

Foreign  Residence  and  Studies  of  Scotch  Youths 801 

Universities 802 

1.  St.  Andrews 803 

2.  Glasgow 813 

3.  Aberdeen 817 

4.  Edinburgh 819 

List  of  Faculties  and  Professors 823 

Social  Life  of  the  Universities 824 

II.  Ireland 827 

Introduction — Attempts  to  Establish  a University...., 827 

Trinity  College  at  Dublin 830 

III.  Russia 833 

1.  Historical  Development  of  Superior  Instruction 835 

2.  Present  Constitution  of  Imperial  Universities 840 

University  Council — Faculties — Professors — Rank 841 

Dean — University  Court — Degrees 843 

Course  of  Instruction — Students — Fees 846 

Libraries — Scientific  Collections 847 

3.  Superior  Instruction  in  Grand  Duchy  of  Finland 849 

Imperial  Alexander  University  of  Helsingfors 854 

IV.  Greece 8.77 

University  of  Athens 859 

V.  Turkey 861 

Imperial  University  at  Constantinople 861 

yi.  Spain  and  Portugal 865 

Historical  Development  of  Superior  Instruction 865 

Salamanca 866 

Alcala 867 

Present  Condition  of  Higher  Institutions  in  Spain 871 

University  of  Coimbra 872 

VII.  Switzerland 873 

University  of  Zurich 873 

Polytechnic  University 876 

VIII.. Colleges  IN  THE  University 881 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  IN  FRANCE. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Montalembert,  in  The  Monks  of  the  West,  has  devoted  a chapter 
to  the  ‘ Monastic  Precursors,’  including  those  in  Gaul — St.  Martin, 
(born  in  Pannonia,  in  Lower  Hungary,  in  416),  soldier,  “monk,  and 
bishop,  and  the  founder  of  the  first  monastery  of  that  region  at 
Liguge,  and  subsequently  that  of  Marmoutier  at  Tours,  where  he 
died  in  the  year  400 ; Sulpicius  Severus,  a rich  noble,  born  in 
Aquitaine  in  363,  and  a disciple  of  St.  Martin,  who  sold  his  estate, 
gave  up  his  profession  of  advocate,  and  resided  in  a mean  hovel 
(belonging  to  one  of  his  slaves  who  had  become  his  brother  by 
accepting  the  Christian  faith),  where  he  wrote  the  biography  of  his 
master,  in  extension  of  the  cenobistic  institution;  Honoratus,  de- 
scended from  a consular  family,  and  highly  educated,  who,  in  400, 
with  his  brother,  on  one  of  the  islands,  rocky  and  arid,  which  lie 
just  out  of  the  roadstead  of  Toulon,  in  the  Mediterranean,  between 
Frejus  and  Nice  (then  Lerins),  founded  a religious  community  which 
became  a celebrated  school  of  Christian  theology,  an  asylum  for 
literature  and  science,  and  the  normal  or  training  institution  of 
missionaries  and  bishops  for  the  whole  of  Gaul,  as  well  as  of  Ireland 
and  England;  John  Cassianus,  (350-447),  born  in  the  country 
of  the  Scythians,  and  educated  at  Athens,  was  converted  to  the 
Christian  faith,  and  dwelt  as  a monk  at  Bethlehem  and  then  in 
Egypt,  repaired  to  Constantinople  to  confer  with  Crysostom,  and  to 
Rome  to  plead  his  cause  with  Pope  Innocent  I.,  and  closed  his 
career  by  founding  at  Marseilles  the  great  monastery  of  St.  Victor, 
which  shortly  reckoned  five  thousand  monks  within  its  own  walls 
and  in  houses  erected  in  its  neighborhood,  and  which  was  ruined 
by  the  Saracens  in  the  ninth  century,  rebuilt  and  dedicated  by 
Pope  Benedict  IX.  in  1043  ; St.  Germain,  of  Auxerre,  (where  he 
was  born  in  380,  made  bishop  in  418,  died  at  Ravenna  in  448), 
founder  of  one  of  the  most  celebrated  Abbeys  of  France  in  his 
Episcopal  city;  Reomaus  (son  of  Senator  of  Dijon)  who  built 
about  the  year  450,  upon  the  confines  of  Eduens  and  Lingons,  the 

47  (737) 


738  EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  IN  FRANCE. 

first  abbey  in  Biirgiincly,  since  known  as  Moutier-St.-Jean  ; and  still 
earlier,  Romains  and  Lupicius,  the  founders  of  monasteries  in 
and  beyond  the  Jura.  All  of  these  institutions  ultimately  accepted 
the  rule  of  Columbanus  and  still  later  of  St.  Benedict. 

ST.  COLUMBANUS — MONASTERY  OF  LUXEUIL.* 

Columbanus,  the  missionary  and  modifier  of  monastic  life,  was 
born  in  the  province  of  Leinster,  Ireland,  about  the  year  560,  re- 
sided for  a time  under  the  instructions  of  the  Abbot  CorntralL  at 

» O 7 

Bangor  in  Wales,  and  at  the  age  of  thirty,  with  twelve  companions, 
crossed  the  channel  to  preach  the  gospel  in  Gaul,  and  plant  re- 
ligious houses.  His  first  residence  was  at  Annegray,  now  a hamlet 
of  the  commune  Faucogney  (Haute  Saone),  which  he  soon  left  for 
Luxeuil,  the  site  of  a strong  Roman  castle  and  baths,  on  the  con- 
fines of  Austrasia  and  Burgundy,  at  the  foot  of  the  Yosges.  This 
district  had  been  laid  waste  by  the  northern  invaders,  and  especially 
by  Attila,  and  became,  under  the  rule  of  Columbanus,  a great 
monastic  metropolis.  Before  his  time,  among  the  hills  of  Jura, 
Romain,  a native  of  Sequania,  trained  in  the  religious  house  of 
Ainay,  near  Lyons,  had  founded  the  monastery  of  Condat ; and  in 
its  neighborhood,  near  the  present  village  of  St.  Lupicius  (called 
after  a brother  of  Romain),  sprung  up  the  colony  of  Lauconne,  and 
a convent  (the  site  of  which  is  occupied  by  the  church  of  St. 
Romain  de  Roche)^  over  which  a sister  of  the  two  abbots  (Romain 
and  Lupicius)  presided.  These  religious  houses  were  famed  for  the 
austerities  of  the  rule  which  they  observed,  but  their  fame 
was  eclipsed  by  the  zeal  and  labors  of  the  new  monastery  of 
Luxeuil. 

Disciples  collected  abundantly  round  the  Irish  colonizer.  It 
could  count  several  hundred  of  them  in  the  three  monasteries 
which  he  had  built  in  succession,  and  which  he  himself  governed. 
The  noble  Franks  and  Burgundians,  overawed  by  the  sight  of  these 
great  creations  of  work'  and  prayer,  brought  their  sons  to  him, 
lavished  gifts  upon  him,  and  often  came  to  ask  him  to  cut  their 
long  hair,  the  sign  of  nobility  and  freedom,  and  admit  them  into 
the  ranks  of  his  army.  Labor  and  prayer  attained  here  to  such 
pro'portions  that  the  founder  could  organize  that  perpetual  service 
called  Laus  perennis,  which  already  existed  at  Agaurne,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Jura,  where,  night  and  day,  the  voices  of  monks, 
‘ unwearied  as  those  of  angels,’  arose  to  celebrate  the  praises  of  God 
in  an  unending  song. 

•Compiled  from  Montalembert’s  'Monks  of  the  West,  St.  Columbanus;’  and  Guizot’s 
Civilization. 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  IN  FRANCE.  739 

Under  the  rule  of  Columbanns,  all,  rich  and  poor,  weak  and 
strong  were  bound  to  some  form  of  labor.  The  works  of  construc' 
tion  and  agriculture — ploughing,  mowing,  reaping,  thrashing, 
cutting*  and  gathering  wood,  according  to  the  season,  were  eon- 
stantly  going  on.  One  article  ordained  the  monk  to  go  to  rest 
so  fatigued  that  he  should  fall  asleep  on  the  way,  and  to  get  up 
before  he  has  slept  sufficiently.  It  was  at  the  cost  of  these  exces- 
sive and  constant  labors  that  marshes  were  reclaimed,  forests  were 
felled,  immense  structures  for  residences,  worship,  and  industrial 
purposes  were  erected,  and  the  work  of  education  and  civilization 
was  carried  on  by  the  monastic  institution. 

Ilis  firmness  and  inflexibility  brought  him  into  collision  with 
Queen  Brunehault  and  his  grandson,  who  drove  him  from  his  mon- 
astery, which  he  left  only  to  preach  Christianity  in  eastern  Helvetia, 
where  one  of  his  assistants  (Gall)  remained  to  found  the  celebrated 
abbey  which  bore  his  name,  while  he  pushed  on  still  further  into 
Italy,  where  he  labored  with  his  own  hands  at  the  advanced  age 
of  GO,  in  a retired  gorge  of  the  Apennines,  between  Genoa  and 
Milan,  in  building  the  Abbey  of  Bobbio,  which  was  long  the  light 
of  northern  Italy.  His  last  days  were  past  in  fasting  and  prayer, 
in  a chapel  which  he  fitted  up  in  a rocky  cavern  on  the  opposite 
shore  of  Trebbia,  where  he  died  in  615.  His  rule  of  monastic 
life  consists  of  ten  chapters,  which  treat  of  obedience,  absolute  and 
passive ; silence,  perpetual,  except  for  useful  and  necessary  causes ; 
fasting  as  a daily  exercise,  and  food  of  the  simplest  kind,  without 
wine ; frequent  prayer  and  psalmody  of  the  choir ; poverty, 
humility,  chastity,  prudence,  mortification,  and  the  penitentiary  or 
code  of  severities  to  the  extent  of  corporal  beating  for  monastic 
irregularities — was  more  severe  and  less  distinct  than  that  of 
Benedict,  by  which  it  was  replaced  within  a century  even  in  the 
institutions  which  he  liimself  founded.  But  such  was  the  attrac- 
tion of  his  preaching  and  presence,  and  such  the  wisdom  of  his 
plans  as  adapted  to  his  age  and  the  people,  that  his  institution  at 
at  Luxeuil  became  the  type  of  many  others  founded  by  his  imme- 
diate disciples.  Such  was  Dissentis^  founded  by  Sigisbert  in  the 
solitude  of  the  Alps ; St.  Gall^  near  Lake  Constance ; Lure,  of 
which  the  abbot,  eleven  centuries  afterwards,  was  reckoned  a prince 
of  the  holy  Roman  Empire : St.  Paul,  of  Besangon  ; Romain- 
Mouticr,  in  the  passes  of  the  Jura;  Beze,  between  the  Saone  and 
the  Tille ; St.  Ursicnius  and  St.  Germain,  at  Grandval ; Fontenelle, 
which,  under  the  name  of  St.  Vandrille,  occupied  an  important 
place  in  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  France  and  Normandy ; 


740 


EARLY  CHRISTIAN  SCHOOLS  IN  FRANCE. 


Jamieges,  for  centuries  the  noblest  ornament  of  Normandy; 
Jouarre  Reuil,  Rebias,  on  the  Marne;  Faremoutier  and  Moutier- 
la-Celle,  near  Troyes;  Hautvilliers  and  Moutier-en-Der,  St.  Sala- 
herga,  at  Laon ; Leuconaus,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Somme,  and 
Centule,  further  up  that  river;  Sithiu,  better  known  as  St.  Bertin, 
in  Belgium,  or  Remiremont,  the  first  of  the  double  monasteries. 
These,  and  many  similar  institutions,  founded  by  Columbanus  and 
his  Irish  companions,  became  the  fountain  heads  of  the  new  civil- 
ization— at  once  the  sanctuaries  of  the  devout,  the  refuges  of  the 
weak,  and  the  training  schools  of  the  teachers,  preachers,  and 
skilled  workers  of  an  age  of  ignorance,  npbreak,  and  transition. 
In  reference  to  his  and  their  work,  Montalembert  says  in  his  Monks 
of  the  West : 

Inspired  by  the  magnitude  of  tiie  designs  of  this  great  master-builder,  per- 
vaded by  the  vigorous  life  which  flowed  from  him,  like  him  self-willed,  daunt- 
less, and  unwearied,  they  gave  to  the  monastic  spirit  the  most  powerful,  rapid, 
and  active  impulse  which  it  had  yet  received  in  the  west.  They  extended  it 
especially  over  those  regions  where  that  Franco-Germanic  race,  which  hid  in 
its  skirts  the  future  life  of  Christian  civilization,  was  laboriously  forming  itself. 
By  their  means  the  genius  and  memory  of  Columbanus  hover  over  the  whole 
of  the  seventh  century,  to  pass  away  into  the  more  permanent  etfulgence  of 
the  Institute  of  St.  Benedict. 

Ill  reference  to  the  supremacy  obtained  by  the  rule  and  name 
of  the  Italian  monk,  the  same  historian  observes: 

The  cause  which  produced  in  Western  Christendom  the  supremacy  of  St. 
Benedict’s  institute  over  that  of  his  illustrious  rival,  was  most  likely  the  same 
which  made  the  Rule  of  St.  Basil  to  prevail  over  all  the  other  monastic  Rules 
of  the  East — namely,  its  moderation,  its  prudence,  and  the  more  liberal  spirit 
of  its  government.  When  the  two  legislatures  of  Monte  Cassino  and  of 
Luxeuil  met  together,  it  must  have  been  manifest  that  the  latter  exceeded  the 
natural  strength  of  man,  in  its  regulations  relating  to  prayer,  to  food,  and  to 
penal  di.scipline,  and,  above  all,  in  its  mode  of  government.  St.  Benedict  had 
conquered  by  the  strength  of  practical  sense,  which  in  the  end  always  wins 
the  day. 

One  of  those  great  rivers,  which,  like  the  Moselle  or  the  Saone,  have  their 
source  near  Luxeuil  itself,  offers  a meet  symbol  of  the  fate  which  awaited  the 
work  of  St.  Columbanus.  We  see  it  first  spring  up,  obscure  and  unknown, 
from  the  foot  of  the  hills ; we  see  it  then  increase,  extend,  grow  into  a broad 
and  fertilizing  current,  watering  and  flowing  through  vast  and  numerous 
provinces.  We  expect  it  to  continue  indefinitely  its  independent  and  beneficent 
course.  But,  vain  delusion ! Lo,  another  stream  comes  pouring  onward  from 
the  other  extremity  of  the  horizon,  to  attract  and  to  absorb  its  rival,  to  draw  it 
along,  to  swallow  up  even  its  name,  and,  replenishing  its  own  strength  and  life 
by  these  captive  waters,  to  pursue  alone  and  victorious  its  majestic  course 
towards  the  ocean.  Thus  did  the  current  of  Columbanus’s  triumphant  institu- 
tion sink  into  the  forgotten  tributary  of  that  great  Benedictine  stream,  which 
henceforward  flowed  forth  alone  to  cover  Gaul  and  all  the  West  with  its  regen- 
erating tide. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN. 


141 


ST.  COLUMBA — MONASTERY  OF  IONA. 

COLUMBA,  the  apostle  of  the  new  faith  in  that  portion  of  Great  Britain  which 
received  the  name  of  Scotia  (Scotland)  from  the  Irish  colonists  who  took  with 
them  the  name  from  Ireland,  and  of  Caledonia,  the  home  of  the  indomitable 
Piets,  was  born  at  Gartan,  in  one  of  the  wildest  districts  of  the  present  county 
of  Donegal,  in  521.  His  father  was  descended  from  ‘the  great  Niall,  who  was 
supreme  monarch  of  all  Ireland  from  379  to  405,’  and  his  mother  belonged  to  a 
reigning  family  in  Leinster,  one  of  the  four  subordinate  kingdoms  of  the  island. 
The  future  saint  was  educated  in  the  school  of  Clanard,  which  at  one  time 
numbered  3,000  pupils,  under  Abbot  Firinian.  According  to' his  historian,  he 
was  the  founder  of  several  religious  houses  and  schools  in  his  native  province, 
and  became  involved  in  disputes  with  ecclesiastical  and  royal  authorities,  before 
he  was  self-exiled  to  the  stormy  Hebrides ; with  twelve  companions,  at  the  age 
of  forty-two,  Columba  landed  upon  a desert  island  situated  on  the  north  of  the 
opening  of  that  series  of  gulfs  and  lakes  which,  extending  to  the  northeast, 
separated  the  still  heathen  Piets  from  the  district  occupied  by  the  Irish  sects. 
To  their  island  was  given  the  name  of  I-Colm-Kill,  and  which  is  better  known 
under  that  of  Iona.  Here  was  erected,  thirteen  centuries  ago,  the  first  rude 
structure  of  that  great  monastic  institution,  whose  ruins  alone  now  attracts  the 
curiosity  of  travelers  from  widely  separated  countries.*  On  the  double  basis 
of  manual  and  intellectual  labor  the  new  insular  community  was  trained  to  a 
life  of  austerity  and  fervor,  before  the  members  went  out  on  their  mission  of 
evangelization  into  the  far  off  as  well  as  neighboring  districts  of  Scotia  and 
Caledonia,  and  the  Northern  Piets.  In  his  preaching  and  instructions  the 
founder  incorporated  the  lyric  element,  which  from  that  time  was  identified 
with  ecclesiastical  life.  He  died  in  597,  leaving  to  his  disciples  not  a new 
written  rule,  but  a spirit  of  prayer,  praise,  and  work,  of  union  and  of  disci- 
pline, which  proved  a bond  to  maintain  in  one  great  bodj^,  for  several  centuries, 
not  only  the  monks  of  Iona,  but  of  the  numerous  communities  which  had 
gathered  round  them,  and  which  were  called  the  order  of  Fair  Company,  and 
still  longer  the  Family  of  Columb-Kill.  Of  them,  the  Venerable  Bede,  writing 
one  hundred  years  after  the  death  of  Columba,  says:  ‘It  is  undeniable  that  he 
left  successors  illustrious  by  the  purity  of  their  life,  their  great  love  of  God,  and 
their  zeal  for  the  monastic  order.’  His  personal  influence  was  felt  quite  as 
strongly  in  Ireland  for  two  centuries  as  in  Scotland. 

The  great  monasteries  of  Old  Melrose  (the  cradle  of  this  celebrated  Cistercian 
Abbey,  whose  ruins  have  been  reconsecrated  in  the  poetry  of  Walter  Scott), 
Abercorn,  Tynningham,  and  Caldingham,  between  the  Forth  and  the  Tweed,  are 
the  offsprings  of  Iona,  although  not  in  direct  subordination  to  its  authority. 

* ‘ VVe  were  now  treading,’  said,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson,  who  wus 
the  first  to  recall  the  attention  of  the  British  public  to  this  profaned  sanctuary— ‘ we  were  now 
treading  that  illustrious  island  which  was  once  the  luminary  of  theCaledoninn  regions,  whence 
savage  clans  and  roving  barbarians  derived  the  benefits  of  knowledge  and  the  blessings  of  religion. 
To  abstract  the  mind  from  all  local  emotion  would  be  impossible,  if  it  were  endeavored,  and 
would  be  foolish,  if  it  were  possible.  Whatever  withdraws  us  from  the  power  of  our  senses, 
whatever  makes  the  past,  the  distant,  or  the  future  predominate  over  the  present,  advances  us  in 
the  dignity  of  thinking  beings.  Far  from  me,  and  from  my  friends,  be  such  frigid  phi losoi)hy  ns 
may  conduct  us  indifferent  and  unmoved  over  any  ground  which  has  been  dignified  by  wisdom, 
bravery,  or  virtue.  That  man  is  little  to  be  envied  whose  patriotism  wou'd  not  gain  force  upon 
the  plain  of  Marathon,  or  whose  piety  would  not  grow  warmer  among  the  ruins  of  lonn  V 


TEACHING  ORDERS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 


INTRODUCTION — THE  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS.* 

The  religious  orders  of  the  Catholic  Church  are  generally- 
grouped  into  four  great  divisions — the  -Monks,  ranging  from  the 
fourth  down  to  the  thirteenth  century ; the  Canons  Regular,  who 
follow  the  rule  of  Saint  Augustine ; the  Friars,  comprising  nearly 
all  the  orders  founded  from  the  thirteenth  to  the  sixteenth  century ; 
and  the  Clerks  Regular,  such  as  the  Jesuits,  Barnahites,  Clerks 
of  Somascha,  Theatins,  and  others  instituted  in  the  sixteenth  and 
seventeenth  centuries.  The  Lazarists,  or  Fathers  of  the  Mission, 
the  Oratorians  (Latin  and  French),  the  Eudistes,  and  the  Sulpiciens, 
are,  strictly  speaking,  not  religious  orders,  hut  secular  priests  living 
in  community,  and  following  a certain  rule. 

I.  In  the  group  of  Monks  (originally  juiouaxoV,  solitary)  we  have 
the  order  of  St.  Basil  (Archbishop  of  Caesarea,  born  329,  and  died 
SYQ),  founded  by  him  in  Cappadocia,  in  Asia  Minor,  about  the 
year  362.  His  rule  has  already  been  described. 

The  Benedictine  order,  founded  by  St.  Benedict,  in  Italy,  in  529, 
and  from  their  habit  (a  loose  gown  of  black  stuff  reaching  down 
to  their  heels,  with  a cowl  or  hood  of  the  same,  and  a scapular), 
sometimes  called  the  black  monks.  The  famous  rule  of  this  order 
has  been  already  described.  In  the  deviations  from  this  rule,  and 
the  efforts  to  bring  its  avowed  followers  back,  and  beyond  its 
original  requirements,  grew  up  various  offshoots — the  Cluniacs, 
Calmaldoli,  Carthusians,  Cistercians,  Maurists,  and  others. 

The  Cluniacs  was  founded  in  927,  by  Saint  Odo,  Abbot  of  Clunie, 
in  the  province  of  Burgundy,  under  whose  efforts  to  increase  the 
austerity  of  its  members,  several  new  houses  were  provided,  which, 
with  several  of  the  ancient  monasteries,  were  taken  directly  under 
the  protection  of  the  Pope,  and  made  independent  of  the  bishop. 
This  offshoot  of  the  Benedictine  order  was  introduced  into  England 
in  1077,  where  it  had  twenty-seven  priories  and  cells. 

The  Calmaldoli,  uniting  the  cenobitic  and  eremetical  life,  and 
modifying  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict  by  additional  austerities,  was 

* Murphy’s  7’erra  Incognita.  Chapter  xxiv.  The  Ancient  Religious  Orders. 


TEACHING  ORDERS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.  743 

founded  by  Romuald,  Abbot  of  Calmaldoli,  near  Arezzo,  in  Tuscany, 
in  1009. 

The  order  of  Yallis  Umbrosa,  founded  in  the  diocese  of  Fiesoli, 
in  Tuscany,  by  Abbot  John  Gualbert,  in  1070,  followed  the  Bene- 
dictine rule  with  new  austerities. 

The  Carthusians  were  founded  by  Saint  Bruno,  in  the  desert  of 
Chartreuse,  ten  miles  from  Grenoble,  in  1085 — the  most  austere  of 
all  the  religious  orders — the  entire  time  being  consecrated  to  fast- 
ing, silence,  solitude,  and  prayer.  It  was  confirmed  by  Alexander 
III.  in  1164,-  and  introduced  into  England  in  1181 — the  Charter 
House  (Chartreuse)  school  in  London  was  formerly  a monastery 
of  this  order. 

The  Cistercians,  or  Bernadines,  was  founded  by  Robut,  Abbot 
of  Molesme,  in  the  forest  of  Cistercium,  in  the  diocese  of  Chalons, 
about  fifteen  miles  from  Dijon,  in  1098.  It  was  greatly  extended 
by  the  third  abbot  (Stephen  Harding,  an  Englishman  of  high 
family  and  large  estate),  who  gave  to  it  the  constitution  of  St. 
Benedict,  the  rule  called  Charitatis  Chartse,  which  was  confirmed 
by  Urban  H.  in  1107.  In  1113  this  house  received  as  a novice 
Bernard,  who  afterwards  became  illustrious  as  the  Abbot  of 
Clairvaux.  He  was  joined  by  thirty  noblemen,  including  his  four 
brothers.  The  most  austere  modification  of  this  order  was  efltected 
in  the  monastery  of  Le  Trappe,  founded  by  Rotron,  Comte  du 
Perche,  in  1142,  on  the  confines  of  Normandy.  This  change  was 
effected  by  John  le  Bouthillier  de  Ranee,  in  1664.  These  monks 
observe  perpetual  silence,  never  correspond  with  their  friends,  or 
notice  visitors. 

The  order  of  Fontevrault  was  founded  in  1099,  by  Robert  of 
Arbrissel,  at  Poitou.  It  was  composed  of  monks  and  nuns  in 
separate  houses,  and  was  governed  by  an  abbess-in-chief,  who  nom- 
inated the  abbots  of  the  houses  of  men.  The  first  abbess  was  a 
near  relative  of  the  Duke  of  Brittany,  and  among  her  successors 
were  fourteen  princesses  of  the  royal  family  of  Bourbon.  It  was 
taken  under  the  special  protection  of  the  Holy  See  in  1106. 

The  order  of  Grandmont  was  founded  in  1120,  in  a deserted 
neighborhood  of  Limoges — the  rule  being  made  up  of  passages 
from  the  gospels,  as  the  origin  of  all  monastic  rules,  which  prescribe 
strict  poverty,  obedience,  and  rigorous  fasting. 

The  Celestines,  founded  at  Mount  Magella,  near  Perugia,  by 
Peter  Celestine  (afterwards  Pope),  in  1274,  observe  the  Benedictine 
habit,  and  rule  in  its  primitive  austerity. 


>744  TEACHING  ORDERS  OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 

II.  The  Canons  Regular  (from  the  Latin  regula)  live  in  com- 
munity, take  vows,  follow  the  rule  of  St.  Augustine,  but  with  a 
discipline  less  severe  than  that  of  the  monks.  They  wear  a long 
black  cassock  and  a white  rochet,  and  over  that  a black  cloak  and 
hood.  They  wear  their  beards,  and  caps  on  their  heads.  There 
are  communities  of  women  of  this  institute  called  canonesses.  In 
this  group  are  included ; 

The  Premonstratensians,  founded  by  Norbert  in  the  valley  of 
Premontre,  in  the  forest  of  Coucy,  in  the  department  of  Asine,  in 
1121.  They  follow  the  rule  of  St.  Augustine,  and  wear  a white 
cassock  and  rochet,  a long  white  cloak  and  white  cap.  They  were 
called  White  Canons  in  England, where  they  were  introduced  in  1140. 

The  Gilbertines,  founded  by  Gilbert  at  Sempringham  in  Lincoln- 
shire, in  1150,  for  both  sexes.  The  nuns  followed  the  rule  of  St. 
Benedict ; and  the  monks  of  the  Canons  Regular  of  St.  Augustine. 
The  founder  had  always  at  table  a dish  (called  the  plate  of  the 
Lord  Jesus)  on  which  he  put  the  best  of  whatever  was  served  up, 
for  the  poor. 

The  Hospitalers,  or  Knights  of  Malta,  or  of  St.  John,  of  Jerusa- 
lem, founded  in  1043,  by  certain  Italian  merchants  trading  in  the 
Levant,  who  built  a house  in  Jerusalem  for  themselves  and  pilgrims 
to  the  holy  places.  In  1099  they  became  a military  order,  wearing 
a white  cross  or  star,  with  eight  points.  To  the  three  ordinary 
vows  they  then  took  a fourth,  to  defend  pilgrims  from  the  Saracens. 
They  built  a church  to  St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  hospital  for  sick 
pilgrims  in  Jerusalem.  After  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  in  1187, 
they  retired  to  Acre;  thence  in  1291,  to  Cyprus;  in  1310,  to 
Rhodes;  and  in  1530,  to  Malta. 

The  Knights  Templar  were  instituted  by  seven  gentlemen  at 
Jerusalem  in  1118.  They  wore  a red  cross,  and  became  a powerful 
and  wealthy  order.  For  abuses,  the  order  was  suppressed  by  Pope 
Clement  V.  and  the  general  council  of  Vienne  in  1312. 

The  Teutonic  Knights  of  St.  Mary  of  Jerusalem  were  instituted 
by  certain  Germans  at  the  siege  of  Acre,  and  were  approved  by 
Pope  Celestine  III.,  in  1192. 

The  Trinitarians,  founded  by  Saint  John  of  Matha,  and  Saint 
Felix  of  Valois,  in  1198,  to  redeem  Christians  from  slavery  under 
the  Moors.  The  habit  was  white  with  a red  blue  cross,  and  were 
sometimes  called  red  friars.  In  six  centuries,  ‘ from  1198  to  1787, 
nine  hundred  thousand  Christians  captives^ were  redeemed  from 
slavery  by  this  order,  which  at  one  time  had  600  houses.’ 

{To  he  continued.) 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


MERGING  AND  ASSOCIATION  OF  INDIVIDUAL  SCHOOLS.* 

The  University  of  Paris  grew  out  of  the  schools  which  flourished  capriciously 
under  successive  teachers,  from  1100  to  1200,  and  which  by  degrees  came  to 
be  associated  in  their  work.  These  schools  had  no  claim  to  be  regarded  as  a 
corporate  body ; they  were  accidents  rather  than  an  institution,  and  it  was 
only  gradually  that  they  acquired  a corporate  character,  and  became  possessed 
of  a government,  a head,  and  a body  of  laws  and  privileges.  This  change  was 
effected  by  no  sudden  act  of  royal  or  ecclesiastical  legislation ; it  developed 
itself  insensibly  out  of  the  very  necessity  of  the  case.  The  immense  number 
of  masters  and  pupils  who  flocked  to  the  capital  gave  rise  to  disorders  which 
obliged  the  superiors  of  the  different  schools  to  unite  together  and  agree  to  cer- 
tain rules  of  common  discipline.  Thus  in  1195  we  And  a certain  John,  Abbot 
of  St.  Albans,  associated  to  the  ‘ body  of  elect  masters.’  Some  years  before,  in 
the  very  thick  of  the  quarrel  between  Henry  II.  and  St.  Tlioraas,  occurs  the 
first  notice  of  that  division  of  the  scholars  into  nations  or  provinces,  which 
formed  one  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  university.  Henry  offered  to  choose  as 
arbiters  either  the  peers  of  France,  the  French  clergy,  or  'the  heads  of  the 
different  provinces  in  the  school  of  Pari.s.  We  find  also  certain  laws,  or  at 
least  established  customs  having  the  force  of  laws,  respecting  the  method  to  be 
observed  in  granting  licenses  for  the  opening  of  a school.  It  was  the  rule  in 
all  dioceses  that  no  one  could  open  a school  without  permission  from  the 
cathedral  scholasticus,  or  chancellor  of  the  diocese,  who  was  bound  to  grant 
such  licenses  to  all  who  were  capable.  Pope  Alexander  III.,  who  showed  a 
lively  interest  in  every  thing  that  concerned  the  encouragement  of  education, 
ordered  that  such  licenses  should  be  granted  gratuitously,  but  he  afterwards 
permitted  the  Chancellor  of  Paris,  who  was  at  that  time  Peter  Comester,  to 
exact  a certain  fine.  It  appears  also  that  in  Paris  the  chancellor  or  scholasticus 
of  St.  Genevieve  shared  this  right  with  the  chancellor  of  Notre  Dame.  There 
were  also  other  laws,  such  as  those  which  prohibited  religious  from  teaching  or 
studying  in  the  schools  of  law  or  medicine.  The  two  faculties,  as  they  were 
called,  of  arts  and  theology,  which  formed  the  basis  of  the  university,  appear 
to  have  been  already  distinguished.  Certain  privileges  too  were  already  en- 
joyed by  the  students.  They  were  beginning  to  claim  the  right  of  being  tried 
only  by  the  ecclesiastical  tribunals,  and  this  right  was  granted  to  them  in  1194 
by  a decree  of  Celestine  HI.  Alexander  III.  permitted  clerics  to  retain  their 
benefices  whilst  teaching  or  studying  at  Paris.  Finally,  in  the  year  1200,  we 

* Christian  Schools  and  Scholars.  Longhan  : 1867.  This  article  should  be  read  in  connec- 
tion with  Savigny’s  Development  of  the  University  of  Paris  in  his  History  of  Roman  Law  in 
the  Middle  Ages.  See,  ante.  P.  309-321. 

(745) 


746 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


find  the  existence  of  the  university  as  a corporate  body  governed  by  a head, 
acknowledged  in  the  diploma  of  Philip  Augustus,  wherein  having  confirmed 
the  exemption  of  the  scholars  from  the  secular  courts,  he  decreed  tliat  the 
head  of  the  studies  should,  in  particular,  be  incapable  of  arrest  or  punishment 
from  the  secular  judge,  and  obliged  every  provost  of  the  city  on  his  entrance 
into  office  to  swear  to  the  observance  of  this  decree. 

THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 

The  teachers  and  scholars  who,  together,  under  the  successive  grants  of 
privileges  from  Philip  Augustus  in  1000,  and  other  French  monarchs  from 
1110,  and  from  Pope  Innocent  III.  in  1180,  and  his  successors,  constituted  the 
ancient  University  of  Paris,  were  to  be  found  about  the  Mont  St.  Genevieve, 
occupying  gradually  with  their  accommodations  for  instruction  and  residence 
an  entire  suburb,  which  was  first  inclosed  within  the  city  walls  by  Philip 
Augustus.  That  monarch,  passionately  desirous  to  increase  the  splendor  of  his 
capital,  and  at  the  same  time  to  afford  larger  space  for  the  accommodation  of 
the  crowds  of  students,  whose  numbers  are  said  to  have  exceeded  those  of  the 
citizens  themselves,  added  a large  district,  which  in  the  year  1200  presented  a 
fair  expanse  of  fields  and  vineyards,  interspersed  with  churches,  houses,  and 
farms,  but  in  which  you  would  vainly  have  sought  for  any  of  those  magnificent 
and  semi-monastic  structures  which  we  are  accustomed  to  associate  with  the 
idea  of  a university.  Colleges,  in  fact,  had  as  yet  no  existence  at  Paris,  and 
the  university  consisted  of  an  assemblage,  not  of  stately  buildings,  but  of 
masters  and  scholars,  gathered  out  of  every  European  land. 

- It  is  no  easy  matter  to  convey  an  idea  of  the  enthusiasm  with  which  the 
Paris  schools  were  regarded  at  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century.  No 
one,  whatever  might  be  his  country,  could  pretend  to  any  consideration  who 
had  not  studied  there  in  his  youth ; if  you  met  a priest  or  doctor,  whose  skill 
in  letters  you  desired  to  praise,  it  was  enough  to  say,  ‘one  would  think  he  had 
passed  his  whole  life  in  Paris.’  It  was,  to  use  the  expression  of  Gregory  IX., 
the  Cariath-sepher,  or  city  of  letters,  which  drew  to  itself  the  intellectual 
wealth  of  Christendom.  ‘ Whatever  a nation  has  that  is  most  precious,’  writes 
William  of  Brittany,  the  chaplain  of  Philip  Augustus,  in  his  poem  of  the 
Philipide,  ‘ whatever  a people  has  most  famous,  all  the  treasures  of  science  and 
all  the  riches  of  the  earth ; lessons  of  wisdom,  the  glory  of  letters,  nobility  of 
thought,  refinement  of  manners,  all  this  is  to  be  found  in  Paris.’  Others  de- 
clared, in  yet  more  pompous  language,  that  neither  Egypt  nor  Athens  could  be 
compared  to  the  modern  capital,  which  was,  they  said,  the  very  fountain-head 
of  wisdom,  the  tree  of  life  in  the  midst  of  the  terrestrial  paradise,  the  torch  of 
the  house  of  the  Lord.’  The  exile  who  had  once  tasted  of  its  delights,  no 
longer  regretted  his  banishment  from  his  own  land;  and,  in  truth,  the  beauty 
of  the  city,  its  light  elastic  atmosphere,  the  grace  and  gaiety  of  its  inhabitants, 
and  the  society  of  all  that  was  most  choice  in  wit  and  learning,  rendered  it  no 
less  fascinating  a residence  in  the  thirteenth  century  as  the  capital  of  learning, 
than  it  has  since  become  as  the  metropolis  of  fashion. 

To  these  attractions  were  added  the  advantages  which  the  Parisian  students 
enjoyed  in  virtue  of  their  privileges.  I have  already  spoken  of  the  diploma 
granted  by  Philip  Augustus,  and  its  provisions  were  greatly  enlarged  by  sub- 
sequent monarchs.  Philip  le  Bel  ordered  that  the  goods  of  students  should 
never  be  seized  for  debt,  and  they  were  also  exempt  from  taxes.  If  a French 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


747 


scholar  traveled,  all  farmers  were  obliged  to  supply  him  with  horses  at  a rea- 
sonable rate  of  hire.  Artisans  were  not  allowed  to  annoy  him  with  unpleasant 
odors  or  noises,  and  on  complaint  being  made  of  such  nuisances  they  had  to 
remove  themselves  out  of  his  neighborhood.  The  rights  of  citizenship  were 
likewise  enjoj^ed  by  the  members  of  all  the  French  universities,  and  in  those 
days  this  involved  many  important  exemptions.  Scholarship  was,  in  short,  re- 
garded as  an  honorable  profession,  something  which  almost  conferred  on  its 
possessor  a patent  of  nobility  ; the  new  master  of  arts  had  lighted  flambeaux 
carried  before  him  in  the  public  streets,  and  the  conferring  of  a doctor’s  degree 
was  an  event  which  caused  as  much  stir  as  the  dubbing  of  a knight.  Nay,  in 
those  days,  so  permeated  with  the  romantic  spirit  of  chivalry,  scholars  were 
not  unfrcquently  spoken  of  as  ‘the  knights  of  science,’  and  the  disputation  at 
which  some  youthful  aspirant  contended  for  the  doctor’s  cap,  was  regarded  as 
the  intellectual  tournament. 

Yet,  there  was  another  side  to  this  brilliant  picture,  and  one  plainly  discerned 
by  those  whose  calmer  judgment  would  not  suffer  itself  to  be  deceived  as  to 
the  perils  which  awaited  so  many  young  and  ardent  minds,  exposed  without 
restraint  or  guidance  to  the  manifold  temptations,  both  moral  and  intellectual, 
that  awaited  them  in  that  busy  throng.  ‘ Oh  Paris  I’  exclaims  Peter  of  the 
Cells,  in  a letter  to  one  of  his  monks,  who  had  been  sent  thither  to  study, 

‘ resort  of  every  vice,  source  of  every  disorder,  thou  dart  of  hell ; how  dost 
thou  pierce  the  heart  of  the  unwary  1’  John,  the  young  monk_  w'hom  he  ad- 
dresses, had,  it  would  seem,  deplored  the  new  scenes  amid  which  he  found 
himself,  as  painfully  out  of  harmony  with  his  monastic  training.  ‘Who  but 
yourself^’  replies  the  abbot,  ‘would  not  reckon  this  Paris  to  be  a very  Eden,  a 
land  of  first  fruits  and  flowers?  Yet  you  have  spoken  truly,  tlmugh  in  jest, 
for  the  place  wfliich  is  richest  in  bodily  pleasures  miserably  enslaves  the  soul. 
So,  at  least,  thinks  my  John,  and  rightly  therefore  does  he  call  it  a place  of 
exile.  May  you  always  so  esteem  it,  and  ha.sten  home  to  your  true  country, 
w’here,  in  the  book  of  life,  you  will  find,  not  figures  and  elements,  but  Divinity 
and  Truth  itself.  0 happy  school  of  Christ ! where  He  teaches  our  heart  with 
the  word  of  power,  where  the  book  is  not  purchased,  nor  the  master  paid. 
There  life  avails  more  than  learning,  and  simplicity  than  science.  There  none 
are  refuted  save  those  who  are  for  ever  rejected ; and  one  word  of  final  judg- 
ment Ite,  or  Ytnite,  decides  all  questions  and  all  cavils  for  ever.  Would  that 
men  would  appl}'-  themselves  to  these  studies  rather  than  to  so  many  vain  dis- 
courses; they  would  find  moreIRDundant  fruit,  and  more  availing  honor.’  . 

In  these  words  we  see  the  distrust  with  which  the  representatives  of  the 
old  learning  regarded  the  rising  university  system,  contrasting  as  it  did  so 
strangely  with  the  clau.stral  discipline  in  which  they  had  themselves  been 
reared.  Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  the  fair  outside  of  the  great  city  concealed  a 
monstrous  mass  of  deformity.  James  de  Yitry,  who  had  himself  been  a 
student,  gives  a frightful  picture  of  the  vices  which  were  fostered  in  a society 
drawn  from  every  rank  and  every  country,  and  associated  together  without 
moral  discipline  of  any  kind,  at  an  age  when  the  passions  were  least  subject  to 
restraint.  The  very  sense  of  moral  rectitude,  he  says,  seems  to  have  been  lost. 
A profuse  extravagance  was  encouraged  by  the  example  of  the  more  wealthy 
students,  and  those  who  lived  frugally,  or  practiced  piety,  were  ridiculed  as 
raisers  and  hypocrites.  There  was  at  that  time  no  provision  for  the  accommo- 


748 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS.  * 


datioa  of  the  students  in  halls  or  hospices ; they  lodged  in  the  houses  of  the 
citizens  wherever  they  could  secure  the  cheapest  entertainment.  Not  un- 
frequently  the  very  schools  of  the  master  were  held  in  the  upper  story  of  some 
house  the  ground  floor  of  which  was  the  resort  of  the  most  abandoned 
characters.  There  was  no  common  table ; but  the  students  dined  at  taverns, 
where  they  often  associated  with  the  worst  companions,  and  indulged  in  the 
lowest  excesses,  and  the  jealousy  between  ‘ town  and  gown  ’ continually  broke 
out  in  disgraceful  quarrels,  terminating  not  unfrequently  in  bloodshed.  As 
most  of  those  engaged  in  these  affrays  were  clerics,  and  as  the  striking  of  a 
cleric  brought  on  the  guilty  party  the  sentence  of  excommunication,  the  results 
of  these  disorders  were  exceedingly  grave.  It  became  necessary  to  grant  ex- 
traordinary powers  to  the  university  officers,  and  to  prohibit  the  scholars  from 
bearing  arms,  a prohibition  grounded  on  the  atrocious  crimes  with  which  they 
stood  charged ; and  which  at  one  time  threatened  to  bring  about  the  total 
extinction  of  the  university.  For  the  magistrates  having  proceeded  to  revenge 
a certain  riot  which  had  arisen  out  of  a tavern  quarrel,  by  ill-judged  acts  of 
severity,  both  masters  and  scholars  resolved  to  abandon  the  city ; nor  did  they 
return  till  the  wise  and  timely  interference  of  Pope  Gregory  IX.  brought  about 
a reconciliation  between  the  civil  and  academic  authorities. 

The  university,  in  fact,  presented  the  spectacle,  at  that  time  new  in  Christen- 
dom, of  a system  of  education  which  aimed  at  informing  the  intellect  without 
disciplining  the  soul.  Its  work  was  done  in  the  lecture-room,  where  alone  the 
master  exercised  any  authority,  and  the  only  tie  existing  between  him  and  his 
disciples  was  the  salary  paid  by  one  party  and  received  by  the  other.  In  ad- 
dition to  the  dangers  incident  to  this  state  of  uncontrolled  liberty,  were  the 
more  subtle  temptations  to  pride  and  presumption  which  beset  a man  in  the 
schools.  Mere  youths  were  sometimes  seen  promoted  to  the  professor’s  chair, 
and  seeking  to  win  a passing  popularity  by  the  promulgation  of  some  new  ex- 
travagance, an  abuse  wdiich  led  to  the  passing  of  an  ordinance,  forbidding  any 
one  to  teach  theology  before  he  had  attained  the  age  of  twenty-five.  But  the 
teaching  of  the  professors  was  influenced  by  other  peculiarities  in  their  position, 
‘ The  university  doctors,’  says  Fleury,  ‘ were  doctors,  and  they  were  nothing 
more.  Exclusively  engaged  with  theoretic  views,  they  had  leisure  to  write  at 
great  length  on  the  most  frivolous  questions;  and  plentiful  occasions  were  thus 
ministered  of  quarrel  and  dispute.’  And  he  proceeds  to  notice  the  contrast 
between  such  a system  and  that  of  earlier  ages,  when  the  teachers  of  the 
Church  were  for  the  most  part  bishops,  engage#  in  the  duties  of  their  pastoral 
charge,  and  able  to  support  their  doctrines  with  the  weight  of  practical  expe- 
rience. The  character  of  the  new  professors  is  drawn  severely  enough  in  the 
curious  poem  of  Architremius,  which  was  written  towards  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century  by  John  de  Hauteville,  an  English  monk  of  St,  Albans. 
Architremius,  the  hero,  is  supposed  to  travel  through  the  world,  trying  various 
states  and  conditions,  and  finding  vanity  and  emptiness  in  all  of  them ; at  last 
he  comes  to  Paris,  and  devotes  a whole  book  to  describing  the  vanity  of  the 
masters,  and  the  miseries  of  their  disciples.  He  depicts  the  negligent  and 
squalid  appearance  of  tlie  poor  scholars,  their  ragged  dress,  uncombed  hair, 
bad  lodging,  and  hard  beds.  After  spending  half  the  night  in  study,  he  says, 
they  are  roused  at  daybreak  and  forced  to  hurry  to  the  school,  where  the  master 
treats  them  rudely,  and  where  they  have  to  endure  the  mortification  of  seeing 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


others  of  less  merit  rewarded,  and  themselves  passed  over  with  neglect.  Ho 
goes  on  to  describe  the  hill  of  presumption  whicli  he  peoples  with  doctors  and 
scholastics,  gifted  with  far  less  learning  than  conceit,  and  concludes,  that  the 
schools  are  as  full  of  vanity  and  disappointment  as  the  rest  of  the  world. 

Origen  of  Colleges^  Hulls,  Hospices,  and  Commons. 

The  sufferings  of  poor  scholars,  which  Architremius  so  graphically  describes, 
were  destined  however  to  bring  about  a most  beneficial  change  in  the  university 
system,  by  being  the  chief  occasion  of  the  foundation  of  hospices  and  colleges, 
the  multiplication  of  which,  and  their  organization  under  regular  discipline,  in 
time  applied  a remedy  to  the  worst  of  the  existing  evils.  From  a very  early 
date,  the  relief  and  support  of  poor  scholars  had  been  recognized  as  a merito- 
rious work  of  charity ; it  formed  one  of  the  favorite  devotions  of  the  two 
kings,  Robert  the  Pious  and  Louis  the  Young,  the  former  of  whom  attempted 
something  in  the  shape  of  a hospital  to  receive  them.  How  miserable  their 
condition  was,  we  may  gather  from  the  benefaction  of  the  good  knight  Jocius 
de  Londonne,  who,  returning  from  the  Holy  Land  in  1171,  found  some  poor 
scholars  miserably  lodged  in  the  Hotel-Dieu,  and  gave  money  to  provide  them 
with  beds,  and  a small  monthly  alms,  on  condition  of  their  carrying  the  Cross 
and  Holy-water  at  the  funeral  of  those  who  died  in  the  hospital,  and  repeating 
the  Penitential  Psalms  for  the  repose  of  their  souls.  The  earliest  establishment 
actually  made  for  their  reception  appears  to  have  been  the  Hospice  of  St. 
Thomas  of  Canterbury,  founded  in  the  twelfth  century  by  Robert  Dreux.  It 
embraced  a number  of  other  charitable  works,  and  was  administered  by  canons 
who  were  under  religious  vows,  the  scholars  being  governed  by  a provost  of 
their  own.  Other  colleges  gradually  arose,  some  for  scholars  of  particular 
nations,  as  those  of  the  Danes  and  Swedes ; others  for  separate  dioceses.  One 
of  the  earliest  foundations  was  the  College  of  Constantinople,  founded  by  Bald- 
win of  Flanders,  shortly  after  the  taking  of  Constantinople  by  the  Latins,  for 
the  education  of  young  Greeks  in  the  orthodox  faith.  Chapels  were  opened  in 
connection  with  these  colleges  so  early  as  1248,  in  which  year  we  find  Pope 
Innocent  IV.  granting  permission  for  such  a chapel  to  be  attached  to  the  college 
des  Bons  Enfanis.  But  the  collegiate  system  became  more  thoroughly  estab- 
lished by  the  influence  of  the  Religious  Orders,  who  very  soon  found  them- 
selves obliged  to  open  religious  houses  in  connection  with  the  university,  for 
the  education  of  their  own  students.  These  houses  of  studies  afibrded  the 
young  religious  the  regular  discipline  of  the  old  monastic  schools,  combined 
with  the  advantages  of  university  education ; and  their  example  made  it  a 
necessity  to  provide  similar  protection  for  the  secular  students. 

The  Trinitarian  Order,  founded  by  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  the  Parisian 
doctors,  and  largely  recruited  from  the  ranks  of  his  co-professors,  was  naturally 
the  first  to  associate  itself  to  the  university,  out  of  whose  bosom  it  had 
sprung ; and  so  early  as  the  year  1209,  we  find  the  friars  in  possession  of  the 
Church  of  St.  Maturin,  which  was  ordinarily  used  by  the  university  as  their 
place  of  assembly.  Next  to  them  came  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans,  the 
former  of  whom  owed  their  establishment  in  Paris  to  the  good  will  oL  the 
university  authorities,  who  made  over  to  them  certain  claims  they  possessed  on 
the  Hospital  of  St.  James,  which  had  been  granted  to  the  new  comers  by  the 
good  doctor,  John  of  St.  Quentin.  A little  later,  the  College  of  the  Bernardines 
was  founded  by  Stephen  of  Lexington,  an  Englishman,  who  had  been  a pupil 


V50 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


of  St.  I^dmund,  and  who  in  1242  became  abbot  of  Clairvaux.  Strictly  con- 
templative as  was  the  rule  of  the  Cistercians,  it  did  not  exclude  the  cultivation 
of  sacred  studies.  It  aimed  rather  at  restoring  monastic  life  to  the  ancient 
Benedictine  type,  in  which,  as  we  have  seen,  the  homely  labors  of  husbandry 
were  mingled  with  those  of  the  scriptorium.  The  Cistercians,  whilst  they 
labored  to  bring  back  religious  poverty  and  simplicity  into  the  cloister,  always 
showed  themselves  hearty  encouragers  of  learning.  St.  Stephen  Harding  had 
himself  set  on  foot  that  great  copy  of  the  Bible,  long  preserved  at  Citeaux, 
which  was  corrected  with  the  utmost  precision,  after  being  collated  with  a vast 
number  of  manuscripts,  several  learned  Jews  being  consulted  by  the  abbot  on 
the  Hebrew  text.  To  procure  a correct  version  of  the  Gregorian  Antiphonary, 
he  sent  all  the  way  to  Metz,  trusting  to  obtain  a sight  of  the  copy  laid  up 
there  by  Charlemagne.  The  library  at  Citeaux  was  rich  in  the  works  of  the 
Fathers,  though  the  outside  of  the  books  exhibited  nothing  of  that  costly 
ornament  on  w'hich  the  skill  of  monastic  binders  and  jewelers  was  elsewhere 
expended.  The  early  Cistercians  were  connected  very  closely  with  some  of 
the  best  Paris  scholars,  such  as  William  of  Champeaux,  the  friend  of  St. 
Stephen,  and  after  his  elevation  to  the  episcopate,  the  diocesan  of  St.  Bernard, 
In  England  their  ranks  had  been  largely  recruited  from  the  University  of  Ox-; 
ford,  and  their  monastery  of  Rievaux  was  famous  at  home  and  abroad  for  its 
school  of  learning.  Stephen  of  Lexington  was  not,  therefore,  departing  from 
the  traditions  of  his  order  in  considering  that  the'maintenance  of  sacred  studies 
was  a necessity  of  the  times.  Two  years  after  his  election  he  obtained  permis- 
sion from  Pope  Innocent  IV.  to  begin  the  erection  of  a college  at  Paris  for  the 
young  monks  of  his  order;  but  the  proposal  was  very  unfavorably  received  by 
the  other  Benedictine  houses,  who  saw  in  it  the  break  up  of  the  old  monastic 
system  of  studies.  The  conservative  spirit  which  was  roused  among  them  is 
discernible  in  the  complaints  of  Matthew  Paris,  who  laments  over  the  contempt 
with  which  a proud  world  is  beginning  to  regard  the  old  Benedictine  monks. 
‘This  new  institution  of  colleges,’  he  says,  ‘ is  not,  that  we  can  see,  derived 
from  the  rule  of  St.  Benedict;  on  the  contrary,  we  read  thajt  Tie  quitted  the 
schools  to  retire  into  the  desert.’ 

Stephen,  however,  persevered  in  his  design;  he  was  aware  that  the  contempt 
with  which  the  monks  were  so  frequently  treated,  both  by  the  secular  doctors 
and  the  new  orders  of  friars,  was  grounded  on  the  charge  of  their  illiteracy, 
and  he  therefore  belived  it  essential  to  provide  his  monks  with  better  means  of 
education  than,  under  the  altered  state  of  things,  they  were  now  able  to  com- 
mand in  their  claustral  schools.  His  design  was  crowned  with  perfect  success. 
Not  only,  did  the  College  of  the  Bernardines  become  illustrious  for  its  good 
scholarship,  but  the  conduct  of  its  religious  shed  a good  odor  of  edification 
over  the  whole  university,  and  ten  years  after  its  foundation,  Matthew  Paris 
himself  bore  honorable  witness  to  the  holy  example  of  the  monks,  which,  he 
said,  ‘ gave  pleasure  to  God  and  man.’  For  Stephen  there  was  reserved  the 
reward  of  disgrace  and  humiliation.  The  Chapter-General  of  Citeaux  deposed 
him  from  his  office  in  1255,  instigated,  says  Matthew  Paris,  by  envy  for  the 
superior  merits  of  an  Englishman.  Whatever  were  the  cause  of  his  disgrace, 
it  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  proving  that  his  adoption  of  what  had  seemed  an 
innovation  on  established  customs,  sprang  out  of  no  defect  in  the  religious 
spirit.  He  refused  to  accept  of  the  protection  offered  him  by  the  Pope,  in 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


Vol 


favor  of  whieli  be  might  have  been  reinstated  in  his  dignity,  and  preferred 
spending  the  rest  of  his  days  as  a private  religious,  entirely  occupied  with  his 
own  sanctification. 

The  example  of  the  Bernardinos  was  quickly  followed  by  other  religious 
orders.  The  Carmelites  took  up  their  station  at  the  foot  of  Mt.  St.  Genevieve, 
the  Augustinian.s,  in  the  Quartier  Montmartre.  The  old  Benedictines,  or  Black 
Monks,  had  their  college  near  the  abbey  of  St.  Germain,  and  the  Carthusians 
received  from  St.  Louis  a grant  of  the  royal  Chateau  de  Yauverd.  The  monks 
of  the  latter  order  were  indeed  prohibited  by  their  rule  from  attending  in  tlie 
schools,  but  the  object  of  their  establishment  so  near  the  capital  is  expressly 
stated  to  have  been,  that  they  might  profit"  by  the  salutary  streams  of  doctrine 
which  flowed  forth  from  the  city  of  letters.  To  tliese  must  be  added  the 
monks  of  Cluny  and  Marmoutier,  the  former  of  whom  provided  their  students 
with  lectures  within  their  own  cloisters;  and  a new  Institute  originally  founded 
by  four  doctors  of  theology,  who  in  1201  gave  up  their  academic  honors  and 
pursuits,  and,  smitten  with  that  desire  of  poverty  and  obscurity  which  not 
unfrequently  overtakes  men  in  the  very  zenith  of  their  popularity  and  success, 
retired  to  a wild  valley  in  the  diocese  of  Langres,  and  assumed  the  religious 
habit  of  the  Canons  Regular  of  St.  Victor.  Here  they  were  .soon  joined  by 
other  professors  and  scholars,  till  their  numbers  rendered  it  impossible  for  them 
to  find  subsistence  in  the  desolate  wilderne.ss  they  had  chosen,  exposed  to  the 
fury  of  the  mountain  torrents,  and  the  falling  of  precipitous  rocks.  They, 
therefore,  removed  in  1224  to  a more  fertile  valley,  which  obtained  theuame 
of  the  Yal  d’Ecolier.s,  a title  afterwards  bestowed  on  the  new  order  itself. 
Five  years  later  they  opened  a house  of  studies  in  Paris,  and  the  Church  of  St. 
Catharine  was  built  for  them  at  the  charge  of  a certain  knight,  in  fulfillment  of 
a vow  he  had  taken  at  the  battle  of  Bouvines,  the  young  St.  Louis  laying  the 
first  stone  with  his  own  hand. 

The  bishops  were  not  slow  to  follow  the  example  set  tliem  by  the  monastics ; 
and  indeed,  they,  more  than  others,  felt  the  necessity  of  providing  in  some 
way  or  other  for  the  training  of  their  clerks.  It  was  vain  to  think  of  compet- 
ing with  the  university  in  the  cathedral  schools;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  what 
was  to  be  hoped  from  a secular  clergy,  formed  in  no  higher  school  of  discipline 
than  that  which  James  of  Yitry  has  described?  Colleges,  therefore,  where  the 
young  clerics  might  be  reared  in  ecclesiastical  habits  were,  strictly  speaking, 
essential ; and,  accordingly,  we  find  them  established  for  the  clergy  of  different 
dioce.ses,  as  those  of  Laon,  Narbonne,  and  Bayeux.  In  these  the  scholars 
lived  in  common,  celebrated  the  Divine  Office,  had  appointed  hours  of  study 
and  recreation,  and  were  governed  and  watched  over  by  regents.  In  fact,  says 
Fleury,  ‘they  were  so  many  little  seminaries;’  differing  in  many  respects,  and, 
doubtless,  far  inferior  to  those  old  ecclesiastical  schools  which  had  been  estab- 
lished in  the  bisliop’s  house,  wherein  the  young  clerks  grew  up  under  the  eye, 
and  were  trained  by  the  lips  of  their  chief  pastor;  yet  still  schools  of  disci- 
pline, the  good  results  of  which  were  so  apparent  that,  ere  long,  every 
country  which  followed  the  Latin  rite  adopted  the  system  which  had  begun 
in  France  and  Italy.  The  most  famous  of  all  the  secular  colleges  was  that  of 
the  Sorbonne,  tlie  founder  of  which,  Robert  of  Sorbonne,  was  chaplain  to  St. 
Louis.  Crevier  calls  it  the  greatest  ornament  of  the  university,  and  from  very 
humble  beginnings  it  came  at  last  to  be  regarded  as  the  first  theological  school 


752 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


in  the  Christian  world.  In  it  were  afterwards  founded  no  fewer  than  seven 
Chairs  of  Theology;  namely,  those  of  the  Reader,  of  Contemplative,  and 
Positive  Theology,  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  of  Casuistry,  of  Controversial 
Divinity,  and  of  the  Interpretation  of  -the  Hebrew  Text. 

Origin  of  Faculties. 

Gradually,  but  surely,  the  university  freed  itself  from  the  chaotic  disorder  of 
its  first  beginnings,  and  assumed  the  form  of  a great  institution,  governed  by 
regular  laws  and  invested  with  vast  powers  and  privileges.  At  tire  period  of 
its  complete  development,  it  was  composed  of  seven  companies ; namely,  the 
Faculties  of  Theology,  Law,  and  Medicine,  and  the  four  nations  of  France, 
Picardy,  Normandy,  and  England.  These  four  nations  together  formed  the 
Facufty  of  Arts,  but  each  had  a separate  vote  in  the  affairs  of  the  university. 
The  Rector  was  chosen  by  the  nations  out  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts,  the  other 
faculties  being  governed  by  their  deans. 

Academic  Statutes. 

An  immense  benefit  was  conferred  on  the  University  by  Innocent  III.,  who 
had  himself  studied  at  Paris  at  a time  when  the  want  of  discipline  was  most 
severely  felt.  He  was  the  first  to  supply  his  Alma  Mater  with  a body  of  aca- 
demic statutes,  which  were  promulgated  in  1215  by  his  legate  Robert  de 
Cour^on,  an  Englishman  by  birth,  and  a man  of  piety  and  learning.  They 
embraced  the  whole  discipline  of  the  schools,  regulating  the  conditions  on 
which  every  one  was  to  be  admitted  to  teach,  the  books  that  were  to  be  read, 
and  those  that  were  prohibited.  No  one  was  to  profess  arts  before  the  age  of 
twenty-one,  or  without  having  previously  studied  for  six  years  under  some  ap- 
proved master.  He  must  bear  a good  reputation,  and  before  commencing  his 
lectures,  was  to  undergo  an  examination  according  to  certain  rules.  The  books 
he  was  to  read  were  to  be  the  ‘ Dialectics,’  and  ‘Topics’  of  Aristotle,  Priscian, 
and  certain  others,  the  authors  of  which  are  not  named,  but  which  seem  to 
have  been  well-known  popular  treatises  on  philosophy,  rhetoric,  grammar,  and 
mathematics.  The  physics  and  metaphysics  .of  Aristotle  were  forbidden, 
together  with  the  writings  of  certain  heretics,  such  as  Amauri  de  Rene,  who 
had  drawn  their  errors  from  the  teaching  of  the  Greek  Philosopher. 

To  teach  Theology,  the  statutes  required  that  a man  should  be  at  least 
thirty-five  years  af  age,  and  that  he  should  have  studied  under  some  approved 
master.  We  see  here  the  germ  of  the  system  of  graduation,  which  was  per- 
fected before  the  close  of  the  century.  The  rule,  as  then  established,  was  for 
a bachelor  to  begin  by  explaining  the  Sentences  in  the  school  of  some  doctor 
for  the  space  of  a year.  At  the  end  of  that  time  he  was  presented  to  the 
Chancellor  of  the  Cathedral  of  Paris,  and  if,  on  examination,  he  was  judged 
worthy,  he  received  a license  and  became  licentiate,  until  he  was  received  as 
doctor,  when  he  opened  a school  of  his  own,  in  which  he  explained  the  Sen- 
tences for  another  year.  At  the  end  of  that  time  he  was  allowed  to  receive 
some  bachelor  under  him.  The  whole  doctor’s  course  lasted  three  years ; nor 
could  any  one  take  a degree  unless  he  had  taught  according  to  these  regula- 
tions. It  was  supposed  that  before  beginning  his  theological  studies  the 
doctor  must  have  passed  through  his  course  of  arts,  the  various  stages  in  which 
were  distinguished  by  the  names  of  grammar,  poetry,  philosophy,  &c.,  in  each 
of  which,  according  to  the  theory  of  the  ancient  schools,  a student  had  to  study 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


753 


successively  for  an  appointed  time.  The  plan  was  excellent,  says  Flcury,  had 
its  execution  been  possible ; but  life  was  too  short  to  allow  of  a man’s  perfect- 
ing himself  in  every  known  branch  of  learning  before  entering  on  his  theolog- 
ical studies.  It  implied  that  his  whole  life  was  to  be  spent  in  the  schools ; and, 
indeed,  no  inconsiderable  portion  of  it  was  so  spent,  as  in  the  case  of  John  of 
Salisbur}’,  whose  academical  career  spread  itself  over  the  space  of  twelve 
years.  But,  in  estimating  the  exact  value  of  these  statements,  we  must  bear 
in  mind  that  the  university  course  at  this  time  began  at  a very  early  age,  and 
included  those  more  elementary  studies  which  occupy  a school-boy  of  our  day 
for  several  years  before  his  matriculation. 

Devotional  Duties. 

The  statutes  of  Paris  University,  first  promulgated  by  Innocent  III.,  and 
enlarged  under  subsequent  pontiffs,  not  only  regulated  all  matters  of  study  and 
discipline,  but  provided  for  the  preservation  of  that  religious  element  which 
must  always  find  a place  in  any  system  of  education  sanctioned  by  the  Church. 
The  Christian  schools,  as  we  have  seen,  found  their  cradle  in  the  monastic  and 
Plpiscopal  seminaries,  in  which,  as  a matter  of  course,  religious  exercises  were 
intermingled  with  intellectual  ones,  to  a very  large  degree.  The  Catholic 
universities,  in  their  complete  form,  adapted  this  sj^stem  to  their  own  needs, 
and  required  of  their  students  daily  attendance,  not  only  in  the  lecture-rooms, 
but  also  in  the  church  or  the  collegiate  chapel.  The  weekly  ‘chapels’  exacted 
from  our  Oxford  and  Cambridge  students  are  fragments  of  the  old  rules,  which, 
at  Paris  as  in  the  English  universities,  required  daily  attendance  at  Mass  and 
Vespers,  and,  at  certain  times  also,  at  the  Office  of  the  Dead ; and  appointed 
public  processions  at  different  seasons  of  the  j'ear,  and  days  when  the  public 
studies  were  suspended  in  order  to  give  more  time  for  the  due  celebration  of 
feasts,  and  preparation  for  the  reception  of  the  Sacraments. 

Among  the  monastic  students  the  regular  duties  of  religious  life  supplied 
these  necessary  checks,  the  ^retinacula'  as  they  were  called  by  Bede,  who  fully 
understood  their  value  and  importance ; and  the  Catholic  universities,  to  a cer- 
tain degree,  imitated  the  monastic  sj'stem,  by  requiring  fixed  religious  duties  to 
be  complied  with  by  their  students,  as  a part  of  their  academic  course.  Nor 
need  we  suppose  that  these  interruptions,  so  salutary  in  a spiritual  sense,  were 
at  all  injurious  in  an  intellectual  point  of  view.  The  discipline  of  the  Church, 
by  a beautiful  harmony,  provides  for  the  well-being  of  our  nature,  at  the  very 
time  that  she  mortifies  it.  Her  rules  of  fasting  and  abstinence,  when  observed, 
often  prove  the  best  preservatives  of  health ; and,  in  the  same  way,  her  checks 
on  study  were  not  always  hindrances.  The  truest  economy  of  time  does  not, 
obviously,  consist  in  cramming  the  twelve  hours  of  the  day  with  excessive 
work,  but  in  laying  them  out  to  the  best  advantage.  It  is  possible  to  tax  the 
mental  powers  beyond  their  strength,  in  which  ease  nature  revenges  herself  on 
those  who  violate  her  laws,  and  the  mind  itself  weakens  under  the  pressure  of 
excessive  labor.  Could  we  compare  the  horarium  of  an  Oxford  or  Paris 
student  of  the  thirteenth  century,  with  that  of  a modern  Rugby  school-boy, 
and  obtain  an  accurate  statistical  table,  showing  the  proportion  of  exhausted 
brains  to  be  found  among  an  equal  number  of  either  class,  it  might  appear  that 
the  Church  legislated  even  for  the  mental  well-being  of  her  children  when  she 
interposed  so  often  between  them  and  their  studies,  by  requiring  of  them  the 
fulfillment  of  solemn  offices  at  stated  times. 

48 


754 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


Of  course,  besides  the  principal  above  alluded  to,  there  was  the  more  mani- 
fest object  of  religious  training,  touching  which  I will  merely  quote  the  words 
of  a former  Rector  of  the  Paris  University,  wlio  wrote  in  any  thing  but  a 
religious  age,  ‘Religion,’  says  M.  Rollin,  in  his  treatise  on  ‘ Education,’ 
‘ should  be  the  object  of  all  our  instructions ; though  not  perpetually  in  our 
mouths,  it  should  always  be  in  our  minds.  Whoever  examines  the  ancient 
statutes  of  the  university  which  relate  to  masters  and  scholars,  and  takes  notice 
of  the  prayers,  solemnities,  public  processions,  festivals,  and  days  set  apart  for 
preparing  for  the  Sacraments,  may  easily  discover  that  the  intention  of  their 
pious  Mother  is  to  confsecrate  and  sanctify  the  studies  of  youth  by  religion,  and 
that  she  would  not  carry  them  so  long  in  her  bosom  were  it  not  with  the  view 
of  regenerating  them  to  Jesus  Christ,  It  is  with  this  design  that  she  requires 
that  in  every  class,  besides  their  other  exercises  of  piety,  the  scholars  should 
daily  repeat  certain  sentences  from  Holy  Scripture,  and  especially  from  the 
Gospels,  that  their  other  studies  may  be,  as  it  were,  seasoned  with  salt,’  And 
he  quotes  passages  from  the  ancient  statutes,  requiring  that  ‘the  Divine  Word 
be  mingled  witli  the  eloquence  of  the  pagans,  as  is  fitting  in  Christian  schools 
where  Christ,  the  One  Teacher  of  man,  should  not  only  be  present,  but  preside.’ 

Rhetoric  and  Dialectics. 

The  very  slight  mention  made  in  the  statutes  of  Robert  de  Cour^on  of 
Rhetoric,  as  included  in  the  course  of  arts,  is  the  last  which  we  shall  meet  with 
for  a considerable  space  of  time.  The  Bull  of  Gregory  IX,,  published  in  1231, 
and  the  statutes  of  the  Regents  of  Arts,  which  appeared  in  1254,  make  no 
reference  to  this  study.  The  arts  are  there  represented  by  philosophy  alone, 
and  there  is  no  allusion  to  the  cultivation  of  rhetoric,  or  the  reading  of  the 
classical  authors,  which  from  this  date  became  very  generally  neglected.  As  a 
natural  consequence,  grammar  also  lamentably  decayed.  It  wa.s,  of  course, 
not  absolutely  banished,  inasmuch  as  a certain  amount  of  it  was  essential  for 
the  pursuit  of  any  studies  at  all ; but  it  became  altogether  barbarized  and  de- 
based. Those  rules  of  S3’ntax  and  prosody,  over  which  the  old  monastic 
masters  had  so  lovingly  lingered,  were  totally  neglected,  and  although  Latin 
poems  were  still  produced,  their  Latinity  was  full  of  false  quantities  and  gram- 
matical solecisms.  The  tenth  century,  with  all  its  darkness,  knew  far  more  of 
humane  letters  than  the  thirteenth ; nor  was,,  the  superiority  of  the  earlier 
schools  confined  to  a knowledge  of  the  classics.  The  exaggerated  prominence 
given  to  philosophy,  or  rather  to  dialectics,  had  caused  a neglect  of  the  Fathers, 
who  were  now  chiefiy  studied  in  Sums  and  Sentences,  which  professed  to 
present  the  student  with  the  pith  of  theology  in  a single  volume,  forming  the 
text-books  on  which  the  doctors  delivered  lectures  and  commentaries,  colored, 
naturally  enough,  with  their  own  ideas.  The  original  wmrks  of  the  Fathers, 
which  had  been  the  familiar  study  of  the  monastic  students,  appear  at  this 
time  to  have  been  little  in  request ; and  when  St.  Louis,  on  liis  return  from 
Palestine,  formed  a plan  for  collecting  a library  of  all  the  most  useful  and 
authentic  ecclesiastical  writings,  he  had  to  get  copies  made  of  St.  Ambrose,  St. 
Augustine,  St.  Jerome,  St.  Gregory,  and  other  Catholic  doctors,  from  the 
‘codices  stored  up  in  remote  monastic  libraries;  for  in  the  schools  of  Paris  they 
were  not  to  be  found.  The  extreme  scholastics,  indeed,  were  accustomed  to 
speak  of  the  Fathers  as  rhetoricians : writers,  that  is,  who  expressed  them- 
selves according  to  the  rules  of  natural  eloquence,  a terrible  delinquency  in 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


Too 


the  eyes  of  the  new  illuminati,  who  considered  that  a man  should  display  his 
science  by  loading  his  pages  with  terms  of  logic — assertion,  proof,  major,  minor, 
and  corollary.  The  good  king,  however,  whose  taste  was  superior  to  that  of 
most  of  Iiis  contemporaries,  persevered  in  his  noble  enterprise,  and  at  great 
pains  and  cost,  collected  a library  of  the  best  Christian  authors,  in  which  he 
himself  studied  profoundly;  liberally  granting  its  use  to  others  also..  ‘ He  read 
the  works  of  the  Fathers,’  says  his  biographer,  ‘ whose  authority  is  established 
more  willingly  than  those  of  the  new  doctors;’  and  he  gave  as  a reason  for 
making  new  copies,  in  preference  to  buying  up  the  old  ones,  that  by  this  means 
he  multiplied  writings  which  he  desired  should  be  more  widely  known.  He 
ordered  that  after  his  death  this  library  should  be  divided  among  the  three 
monasteries  he  had  founded;  those,  namely,  of  the  Franciscans,  the  Domini- 
cans, and  the  Cistercians;  and  it  was  from  this  source  that  the  Dominican, 
Vincent  of  Beauvais,  who  filled  the  office  of  tutor  to  the  royal  children,  drew 
the  materials  of  his  famous  work.  The  Great  Mirror 
Faculty  of  Ldio. 

If  positive  theology  and  the  humanities  began  to  be  negleeted,  however, 
civil  and  canon  law  were  better  treated.  The  appearance  in  1157  of  the 
‘Decretals’  of  Gratian,  had  been  followed  by  the  erection  of  a Chair  of  Juris- 
prudence at  Bologna,  and  another  at  Paris.  The  new  branch  of  study  had  one 
advantage  which  commended  it  to  popular  favor;  it  led  to  substantial  profits, 
and  scholars  were  found  not  unwilling  to  let  Horace  and  Cicero  drop  into 
disuse  in  favor  of  a science  which  paid  so  well  for  the  time  spent  on  its  acqui- 
sition. The  prodigious  popularity  of  these  new  pursuits  at  length  caused 
grave  apprehensions  lest  the  schools  of  arts  and  theology  should  in  time  be 
altogether  deserted,  and  in  1220  Honorius  IH.  found  it  necessary  to  forbid  the 
further  study  of  civil  law  at  Paris.  Crevier  complains  of  this  prohibition  as 
injurious  to  the  universit}^  and  it  was,  in  fact,  very  generally  eluded ; although 
the  formal  permission  to  include  civil  law  in  the  Faculty  of  Right,  was  not 
granted  till  1679.  But,  in  point  of  fact,  the  alarm  which  was  felt  was  not 
without  foundation.  At  Oxford  such  a revolution  had  been  brought  about  by 
the  introduction  of  the  law  lectures,  that  it  was  feared  both  arts  and  theology 
would  be  utterly  neglected.  What  was  worse,  the  law  students  aspired  after 
and  obtained  benefices ; and  this  abuse  was  encouraged  by  sovereigns,  who 
found  law  prelates  much  more  easy  to  deal  with,  and  to  accommodate  to  their 
own  political  views,  than  theologians.  Innocent  III.  had,  at  last,  to  prohibit  the 
admission  to  benefices  of  those  who  had  only  graduated  in  law,  and  insisted 
that  all  who  aspired  to  ecclesiastical  benefices  should  also  pursue  a regular 
course  of  theology.  The  tendency  of  the  ago,  however,  was  equally  manifest ; 
the  universities  were  falling  more  and  more  away  from  that  idea  of  education 
which  the  old  system  had,  in  theory  at  any  rate,  professed  to  carry  out;  the 
presenting  of  knowledge  as  a whole,  its  various  parts  arranged  under  the  heads 
of  the  seven  liberal  arts,  presided  over  by  theology.  Philosophy,  according  to 
this  idea,  included  a knowledge  of  truth  in  all  its  various  departments,  and  all 
the  arts  were  but  branches  springing  from  one  trunk,  one  of  which  CQuld  not 
be  struck  off  without  injuring  the  proportion  and  harmony  of  the  whole. 

There  was  a deeper  cause  for  the  popularity  of  law  and  logic  in  the  Euro- 
pean schools  of  this  period  than  any  sordid  motive  or  gain,  or  any  mere  love 
of  disputation.  Both  of  them  formed  a part  of  that  extraordinary  intellectual 


756 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


revolution  wliich  marked  the  opening  of  the  thirteenth  centurj,  in  which  the 
study  of  thoughts  was  substituted  for  the  study  of  words.  Though  the  imme- 
diate result  was  to  introduce  a decay  of  polite  letters,  and  not  a few  philosophic 
extravagancies,  it  can  not  be  doubted  that  many  faculties  were  roused  into 
vigorous  action,  which,  under  the  former  system,  had  lain  dormant.  The  grand 
defect  of  the  old  monastic  scholars,  as  scholars,  was,  that  they  cultivated 
learning  rather  than  mind;  they  studied  other  men’s  thoughts,  but  were  not 
equally  exercised  in  training  their  own.  They  seldom  investigated  for  them- 
selves either  mental  or  physical  phenomena ; whatever  absurdities  were  to  be 
found  in  the  natural  philosophy  which  they  received  from  the  ancients,  were 
generally  adopted  without  question,  and  handed  on  to  the  next  generation;  and 
the  instances  are  rare  in  which  an  appeal  is  made  to  the  results  of  personal 
observation. 

MANNERS. 

The  statutes  of  Robert  de  Cour^on,  after  regulating  the  studies,  pass  on  to 
the  manners  of  the  students.  They  descend  with  great  simplicity  into  various 
details,  which  are  not  uninteresting,  as  furnishing  us  with  some  idea  of  the 
usages  of  the  times.  Great  banquets  were  forbidden  to  be  held  at  the  installa- 
tion of  new  masters,  who  were  only  allowed  to  invite  a few  companions  and 
friends.  No  master  reading  arts  was  to  wear  aught  but  a round  black  gown 
falling  as  low  as  his  heels,  ‘ At  least,’  adds  the  cardinal  with  much  naivete, 
‘ when  it  is  new'  A cloak  is  allowed,  but  the  abomination  of  pointed  shoes  is 
strictly  prohibited.  When  a scholar  of  arts  or  theology  died,  one-half  of  the 
masters  were  to  attend  his  funeral ; if  it  were  a master,  all  the  other  masters 
were  to  assist  at  the  Office  for  the  Dead.  They  were,  moreover,  to  recite,  or 
cause  to  be  recited,  an  entire  Psalter  for  his  soul,  to  remain  in  the  church 
where  the  Office  was  celebrated  until  midnight,  and  on  the  day  of  burial  all 
exercises  in  the  schools  were  to  be  suspended.  He  confirms  to  the  students 
the  free  possession  of  those  broad  and  delightful  meadows,  so  dearly  prized  as 
a place  of  recreation,  which  gave  their  name  to  St.  Germain  des  Pres,  and  for 
the  protection  of  the  scholars,  fixes  the  rate  at  which  the  citizens  shall  be 
obliged  to  furnish  them  with  lodgings. 

The  university  thus  established,  redounded,  it  need  not  be  said,  to  the  profit 
as  well  as  to  the  glory  of  tlie  French  capital.  Not  only  the  intellect,  but  the 
wealth  also,  of  Europe  flowed  into  that  great  centre.  New  branches  of 
industry  sprang  up  in  connection  with  the  schools ; the  Rue  de  Fouarre  supplied 
them  with  straw  for  their  seats,  and  the  Rue  des  Ecrivains  was  entirely  peopled 
with  booksellers  and  book-lenders,  mostly  Jews,  who  furnished  the  scholars 
with  literary  wares,  suffering  those  who  were  too  poor  to  buy,  to  hire  their 
volumes  at  a fixed  rate.  The  bookselling  trade  fell  at  last  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  university,  and  the  booksellers  were  enrolled  as  academic  officers, 
taking  an  oath  on  their  appointment  to  observe  the  statutes  and  regulations. 
They  were  not  suffered  to  open  a traffic  without  testimonials  as  to  character, 
and  the  tariff  of  prices  was  fixed  by  four  of  their  number  appointed  by  the 
university.  Fines  wore  imposed  for  incorrect  copies,  and  the  traders  were 
bound  to  hang  up  a priced  catalogue  in  their  shops.  If  books  of  heretical  or 
immoral  tendency  were  found  introduced,  they  were  burnt  by  order  of  the 
university  officers.  The  same  powers  were  exercised  over  the  book  trade  by 
the  universities  of  Vienna,  Toulouse,  and  Bologna,  and  the  name  of  Stationarii 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


757 


began  to  be  given  to  those  who  held  these  stores;  stalls,  or  shops  of  all  de- 
scriptions, being  often  denominated  Stations.  By  degrees,  however,  the  licensed 
Stationarii  lost  their  monoply  of  tlie  trade,  and  the  custom  became  tolerated  of 
allowing  poor  scholars  to  sell  books  of  low  price  in  order  to  obtain  the  means 
of  pursuing  their  studies.  The  Librarii  were  the  copjusts  of  new  books,  who 
dealt  also  in  parchment  and  writing  materials,  and  exercised  a verj’-  important 
profession  before  the  days  of  printing;  those  who  transcribed  old  books  were 
considered  a separate  branch,  and  styled  Antiquarii.^  and  by  this  distinction  the 
scholar  in  search  of  a volume  knew  at  once  from  which  Static  he  might  obtain 
the  object  of  his  desires. 

The  custom  began  to  be  introduced  among  the  scholars  of  expending  great 
sums  on  the  adornment  of  their  books  with  gilt  letters  and  fantastic  illumina- 
tions, and  writers  of  the  time  complain  of  the  extravagant  sums  thus  dissipated. 
Thus  Odofied  speaks  of  a certain  gentleman  who  sent  his  son  to  Paris,  giving 
him  an  annual  allowance  of  100  livres.  ‘ What  does  he  do  ? Why,  he  has  his 
books  ornamented  with  gold  initials  and  strange  monsters,  and  has  a new  pair 
of  boots  every  Saturday.’ 

The  Landit. 

Who  has  not  heard  of  the  great  fair  of  St.  Denis,  the  Landit,  as  it  was  called, 
originally  held  to  enable  the  Bishop  of  Paris  to  display  the  relics  preserved  in 
the  abbey  to  those  devout  multitudes  whose  numbers,  being  too  great  for  any 
church  to  contain  them,  rendered  it  necessary  to  assemble  them  in  the  open 
fields?  A French  poet  describes  this  fair  as  he  beheld  it  at  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century,  crowded  with  tailors,  furriers,  linendrapers,  leathersellers, 
shoemakers,  cutlers,  corn-merchants,  jewelers,  and  goldsmiths.  The  enumera- 
tion of  all  the  trades  at  last  passes  his  powers,  and  he  begs  his  readers  to 
excuise  his  completing  the  catalogue.  And  what  has  this  to  do  with  the 
university?  it  may  be  asked.  Much,  for  thither  also  flocked  the  sellers  of 
parchment.  The  rector  of  the  university  went  there  in  state  to  clioose  the  best 
article  which  the  fair  produced ; nay,  what  is  more,  all  dealers  in  parcliment 
were  forbidden  by  rojml  edict  to  purcliase  any  on  the  first  day  of  the  fair,  until 
the  merchants  of  the  king  and  the  bishop,  and  the  masters  and  scholars  of  the 
university,  had  laid  in  their  yearly  provision.  This  going  of  the  rector  to  the 
Landit  was  the  grand  annual  holida3\  He  was  attended  by  all  tlie  masters 
and  scholars  on  horseback,  and  not  unfrequently,  says  Leboeuf,  in  his  ‘ History 
of  the  Diocese  of  Paris,’  this  expedition  was  the  occasion  of  many  falling  sick, 
through  heat  and  fatigue,  especially  the  youngsters. 

The  Landit  was  not  the  only  recreation  day  of  the  scholars ; besides  those 
red-letter  days  which  in  olden  time  were  lavishly  provided  for  solace  and  re- 
freshment of  mind  and  body,  thej''  took  part  in  all  popular  rejoicings,  and  on 
occasion  of  the  great  victory  of  Bouvines  claimed  and  obtained  a whole  week’s 
vacation,  during  which  time,  says  Leboeuf,  ‘ they  sang  and  danced  continually.’ 

Their  country  walks  to  Chantilly  and  other  rural  villages  were  known  as  the 
Ire  ad  Campos.,  for  which  leave  had  to  be  asked  by  the  inmates  of  colleges 
James  of  Vitry  alludes  to  the  national  characteristics  apparent  in\he  different 
nations  represented  among  the  students,  the  luxurious  habits  of  the  French, 
the  love  of  fighting  exhibited  by  the  Germans,  and  the  propensity  of  the  Eng- 
lish to  indulge  in  deep  potations. 


758 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


Oral  Method  of  Instruction. 

In  the  schools  their  habits  were  simple  enough.  The  lectures  were  begun 
punctually  at  the  first  stroke  of  the  bells  of  Notre  Dame,  as  they  rung  out  the 
hour  of  Prime.  Clocks  were  not  then  very  common,  and  the  cathedral  bells, 
rung  at  the  diflerent  hours  and  heard  at  a great  distance,  furnished  citizens  and 
scholars  with  their  ordinary  mode  of  reckoning  time.  At  the  last  stroke  the 
scholars  were  supposed  to  be  all  assembled  ; seated  on  trusses  of  hay  or  straw, 
which  supplied  the  place  of  benches,  they  listened  to  the  lecture  of  the  master, 
delivered  after  the  manner  of  a spoken  harangue,  and  took  such  notes  as  they 
were  able.  The  method  of  dictation,  which  had  been  in  use  in  the  earlier 
schools,  appears  to  have  been  dropped,  or  to  have  been  retained  only  in  the 
more  elementary  schools.  The  viva  voce  lecture  was,  in  fact,  the  speciality  of 
the  university  system ; and  to  its  use  may,  in  great  part,  be  attributed  that 
enthusiasm  which  animated  the  scholars  of  some  popular  master,  who  contrived 
to  infuse  the  charm  of  his  personal  grace  and  eloquence  into  the  hard  syllogisms 
with  which  he  dealt.  ‘The  act  of  instruction  viva  voce'  says  one,  himself  a 
master,  ‘ has  I know  not  what  hidden  energy,  and  sounds  more  forcibly  in  the 
ears  of  a disciple,  when  it  passes  from  the  master’s  lips,  than  the  written  word 
can  do.’  Hence  these  dry  logicians  of  the  Middle  Ages  were  possessed  with 
as  ardent  an  enthusiasm  for  their  own  pursuits  as  that  which  kindled  the 
armies  of  the  Crusaders ; nay,  when  we  read  of  the  mad  devotion  of  Abelard’s 
followers,  or  the  resistless  impetuosity  of  those  crowds  who  mustered  in  the 
Place  Maubert  to  listen  to  the  great  Albert  as  he  lectured  on  the  Sentences,  we 
need  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  age  was  that  of  generous  impulse;  keenly  sus- 
ceptible to  personal  influence,  capable  of  being  roused  to  great  enterprises  by 
some  strong  word  spoken  to  the  heart,  and  ready  to  cast  itself  on  the  shores  of 
Palestine,  or  to  swell  the  ranks  of  a mendicant  order,  according  to  the  deep 
emotions  called  forth  by  some  eloquent  tongue. 

Prof.  H.  H.  Vaughan,  in  his  Oxford  Reform,  has  felicitously  expressed  the 
superiority  of  the  oral  method. 

The  type  is  a poor  substitute  for  the  human  voice.  It  has  no  means  of 
arousing,  moderating,  and  adjusting  the  attention.  It  has  no  emphasis  except 
italics,  and  this  meagre  notation  can  not  finely  graduate  itself  to  the  needs  of 
the  occasion.  It  can  not  in  this  way  mark  the  heed  which  should  be  specially 
and  chiefly  given  to  peculiar  passages  and  words.  It  has  no  variety  of  man- 
ner and  intonation,  to  show,  by  their  changes,  how  the  words  are  to  be 
accepted,  or  what  comparative  importance  is  to  be  attached  to  them.  It  has 
no  natural  music  to  take  the  ear,  like  the  human  voice ; it  carries  with  it  no 
human  eye  to  range,  and  to  rivet  the  student,  when  on  the  verge  of  truancy, 
and  to  command  his  intellectual  activity  by  an  appeal  to  the  common  courtesies 
of  life.  Half  the  symbolism  of  a living  language  is  thus  lost  when  it  is  com- 
mitted to  paper;  and,  that  symbolism  is  the  very  means  by  which  the  forces 
of  the  hearer’s  mind  can  be  best  economized,  or  most  pleasantly  excited.  The 
lecture,  on  the  other  hand,  as  delivered,  possesses  all  these  instruments  to  win, 
and  hold,  and  harmonize  attention ; and  above  all,  it  imports  into  the  whole 
teaching  a human  character,  which  the  printed  book  can  never  supply.  The 
Professor  is 'the  science  or  subject  vitalized  and  humanized  in  the  student's 
presence.  He  sees  him  kindle  into  his  subject;  he  sees  reflected  and  exhibited 
in  him,  his  manner,  and  his  earnestness,  the  general  power  of  the  science  to 
engage,  delight,  and  absorb  a human  intelligence.  His  natural  sympathy  and 
admiration  attract  or  impel  his  tastes,  and  feelings,  and  wishes,  for  the  moment, 
into  the  same  current  of  feeling ; and,  his  mind  is  naturally,  and  rapidly,  and 
insensibly  strung  and  attuned  to  the  strain  of  truth  which  is  offered  to  him. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


V59 


PERSONAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  PARISIAN  SCHOOLS  AND  UNIVERSITY. 

The  history  of  the  university,  indeed,  is  not  without  its  chapters  of  romance 
At  one  time  we  may  wander  in  imagination  out  into  the  green  meadows  of  St. 
Germains,  and  W’atch  a group  of  young  scholars,  John,  the  Englishman,  and 
"William  Scot,  with  another  John  of  Provencal  blood,  and  his  Italian  fellow- 
student,  the  young  Lothairius  Conti,  as  they  join  together  in  familiar  talk,  little 
thinking  of  the  changes  which  a few  short  years  are  to  make  in  the  destinies 
of  each ; when  the  Proven9al  will  have  become  the  founder  of  the  Trinitarian 
Order,  and  his  old  companions,  John  and  William,  shall  li^ve  flung  away  their 
doctors’  caps  to  assume  the  blue  and  crimson  cross,  and  it  shall  be  from 
Lothaire  himself,  now  seated  in  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  as  Pope  Innocent  III., 
that  he  is  to  receive  its  first  formal  confirmation. 

Maurice  of  Sully. 

Or,  shall  we  gaze  for  a moment  on  that  poor  ragged  boy,  begging  his  bread 
in  the  streets  of  Paris,  where,  like  a rustic  simpleton,  he  has  come  in  hopes  of 
finding  the  way  to  fame  and  fortune?  Yet,  a simpleton  he  is  not; — he  strug- 
gles on  ill-fed,  ill-lodged,  but,  thanks  to  pious  alms,  just  able  to  scrape  together 
the  means  of  study.  He  passes  from  one  grade  to  another ; and  in  time  Paris 
learns  to  be  proud  of  her  great  doctor,  Maurice  of  Sully,  and  forgets  that  he 
owes  his  surname  to  the  lordly  territory  where  his  fathers  cultivated  the  soil. 
At  last  his  fame  reaches  his  native  place,  and  his  old  mother  who  is  still  living, 
resolves  to  go  and  find  out  her  boy,  whom  she  always  knew  would  make  his 
fortune.  So,  taking  staff  in  hand,  she  found  her  way  to  the  great  city,  and 
asked  the  first  fine  ladies  whom  she  met  in  the  streets,  if  they  could  tell  her 
where  she  could  find  the  Dpetor  Maurice.  The  good  ladies,  taking  pity  on  her, 
took  her  to  their  house,  gave  her  refreshment,  and  throwing  a better  kind  of 
mantle  over  the  course  woolen  petticoat  which  she  wore,  after  the  fashion  of 
French  peasants,  led  her  to  Maurice,  and  introduced  her  to  him  as  his  mother. 
‘ Not  so,’  said  Maurice,  ‘ my  mother  is  a poor  peasant  woman,  she  wears  no 
fine  clothes  like  these ; I will  not  believe  it  is  her  unless  I see  her  in  her 
woolen  petticoat.’  Then  she  threw  off  her  cloak,  and  seeing  her  in  her 
own  garb  he  embraced  her,  and  introduced  her  to  the  great  people  who  stood 
about  him,  saying,  ‘This  is  indeed  my  mother.’  ‘And  the  thing  spread 
through  the  city,’  says  the  chronicler,  ‘ and  did  good  honor  to  the  master,  who 
afterwards  became  Bishop  of  Paris;’  in  which  office  he  did  many  notable 
things,  and  among  others  built  the  present  Cathedral  of  Notre  Dame. 

John  of  St.  Quentin. 

Let  us  look  into  that  same  cathedral  where  crowds  have  assembled  to  hear 
the  preaching  of  the  famous  doctor,  John  of  St.  Quentin.  He  has  chosen  the 
subject  of  holy  poverty,  and  he  seems  inspired  by  some  unwonted  strain  of 
eloquence  as  he  speaks  of  the  snares,  the  emptiness,  and  the  vanity  of  the 
world.  At  last  he  stops,  and  descends  the  pulpit  stairs.  Is  his  discourse 
finished,  or  what  is  he  about  to  do?  the  crowd  moves  hither  and  thither  with 
curiosity,  and  sees  him  kneeling  at  the  feet  of  the  Dominican  Prior  of  St. 
James,  of  whose  Order  little  was  then  known,  save  that  its  members  were 
mendicants,  and  owed  their  lodging  in  the  city  to  the  bounty  of  this  very  John. 
But  now  the  white  habit  is  thrown  over  his  doctor’s  gown,  the  black  mantle, 
the  garb  of  poverty  and  humility,  is  added,  and  he  returns  to  finish  his  dis- 


760 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


course,  exhibiting  to  his  wondering  audience  that  he  can  teach  not  by  words 
only,  but  by  example. 

St.  Edmund  of  Canierhury. 

Once  more  let  us  wander  into  that  old  church  of  St.  Mery,  which  even  to 
this  day  retains  a ceriaih  air  of  quaint  antiquity ; where  the  long  lancet 
windows,  and  the  Ladye  chapel  with  its  carved  wooden  reredos,  black  with 
age,  and  adorned  with  silver  statuettes,  and  its  walls  frescoed  with  the  figures 
of  saints,  carry  us  back  to  mediaeval  times;  and  the  cool  air  with  its  sweet 
frangrance  of  incense,  and  the  silence  broken  only  by  a passing  footstep  on  the 
worn  and  broken  pavement,  soothe  and  tranquilize  us  as  though  we  had 
passed  out  of  thp  busy  streets  into  the  atmosphere  of  another  world.  In  that 
church,  and  before  that  Ladye  altar,  you  might  nightly  have  seen  an  English 
scholar,  who  had  passed  over  to  Paris  whilst  still  a mere  boy  to  study  his 
course  of  arts.  Every  night  he  comes  hither  to  assist  at  Matins,  and  remains 
there  till  daybreak,  kneeling  absorbed  in  heavenly  contemplation  till  the  hour 
strikes  which  is  the  signal  lor  him  to  betake  himself  to  the  schools.  Against 
those  very  pillars,  perhaps,  he  leant  his  weary  head;  that  dusty  and  shattered 
pavement  was  once  watered  with  his  tears;  and  who  is  there  that  loves  and 
venerates  the  memory  of  St.  Edmund  of  Canterbury,  who  will  not,  for  his 
sake,  be  glad  to  escape  from  the  thoroughfares  of  the  brilliant  capital  to  spend 
an  hour  of  pilgrimage  in  the  church  of  St.  Mery  ? 

The  Cure  Falk  and  the  Fifth  Crusade. 

It  was  about  the  year  1199,  just  when  the  princes  of  Europe  were  deliberat- 
ing on  a fifth  crusade,  that  there  lived  at  Neuilly-sur-Marne,  half-way  between 
Paris  and  Lagny,  a simple  country  Cure,  named  Fulk, ’unlearned  in  worldly 
and  even  in  divine  science,  but  full  of  holy  zeal,  governing  his  parish  with  all 
diligence,  and  preaching  with  a certain  rude  eloquence — not  sparing  of  his 
reproofs,  but  ready  at  all  times  to  speak  the  truth  boldly  and  freely  alike  to  rich 
and  poor.  He  who,  of  old,  chose  unlettered  fishermen  to  be  the  heralds  of 
His  Word,  made  choice  of  this  poor  priest  to  reform  the  follies  of  those  vain 
scholars  Avho,  to  use  the  words  of  James  of  Vitry,  ‘ intent  on  vain  wranglings 
and  questions  of  words,  cared  not  to  break  the  bread  of  life  to  little  ones.’ 
Feeling  his  own  want  of  knowledge,  and  specially  his  ignorance  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  Fulk  determined,  old  as  he  was,  to  commence  a regular  course  of 
study  in  the  schools,  and  began  to  go  regularly  into  the  city,  attending  the 
theological  lectures  of  Peter  the  Chanter.  How  the  gay  scholars  stared  and 
wondered  at  the  sight  of  the  rustic  Cui'e,  in  his  coarse  frock  and  grey  hairs, 
humbly  entering  the  school,  with  his  note-book  in  his  hand,  wherein  he  entered 
only  a few  phrases,  such  as  his  poor  capacity  was  able  to  gather  from  the  lips 
of  the  speaker.  He  understood  little  and  cared  less  for  all  the  terms  of  art 
which  the  dialecticians  of  those  days  so  lavishly  dispensed  to  their  hearers ; 
and  if  his  companions  had  glanced  over  his  shoulder,  they  would  have  read  on 
the  parchment  page  nothing  but  some  scattered  texts  of  Scripture,  sprinkled 
here  and  there  with  trite  and  practical  maxims.  Yet  these  were  enough  for 
Fulk : they  were  the  seed  falling  into  good  ground,  watered  with  prajmr  and 
meditation,  and  bringing  forth  the  hundred-fold.  Often  did  he  read  and  ponder 
over  his  little  book,  and  commit  his  maxims  to  his  memory,  and  on  Sundays 
and  Festival  days,  returning  to  his  own  parish,  he  gave  forth  to  his  flock  what 
he  had  thus  carefully  gathered  in  the  schools.  His  master  observing  the  zeal 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


761 


and  fervor  of  his  new  disciple,  and  penetrating  through  that  rough  exterior 
which  concealed  a richly-gilled  soul,  required  of  him  at  last  that  he  should 
preach  in  the  Church  of  St.  Severinus  before  himself,  and  a great  number  of 
students.  Fulk  obeyed  with  his  accustomed  simplicity,  and  lol  ‘ the  Lord  gave 
to  his  servant  such  grace  and  power  that  it  seemed  as  if  the  Holy  Spirit  spoke 
by  his  mouth ; and  from  that  day,  masters  and  scholars  began  to  flock  to  his 
rude  and  simple  preaching.  They  would  invite  one  another,  saying,  ‘ Come 
and  hear  the  priest  Fulk — he  is  another  Paul.  ’ 

One  day  a vast  multitude  were  assembled  to  hear  him  in  the  Place  de  Cham- 
peaux,  for  the  churches  were  not  large  enough  to  contain  those  who  gathered 
to  the  preaching ; and  he  spoke  with  such  eloquence  that  hundreds,  pierced  to 
the  very  heart,  fell  at  his  feet,  and,  presenting  him  with  rods,  besought  him  to 
chasti.se  them  for  their  sins,  and  guide  them  in  tlie  way  of  penance.  He  em- 
braced them  all,  giving  thanks  to  God,  and  to  each  one  he  gave  some  suitable 
words  of  advice.  He  had  something  appropriate  to  say  to  all,  to  usurers  and 
public  sinners,  fine  gentlemen,  men-at-arms,  and  scholars.  He  admonished  the 
masters  to  give  more  pithy,  wholesome,  and  profitable  lectures  in  the  fear  of 
God;  he  bade  the  dialecticians  put  away  what  was  unprofitable  in  their  art, 
and  retain  only  that  which  bore  fruit ; the  canonists  he  reproved  for  their  long 
and  wearisome  disquisitions ; the  theologians  for  their  tediousness  and  over- 
subtlety ; and  so,  in  like  manner,  he  fearlessly  rebuked  and  admonished  the 
teachers  of  other  arts,  and  called  on  them  to  leave  their  vain  babblings,  and 
apply  themselves  to  what  was  profitable  to  salvation. 

The  tide  had  now  fairly  turned,  and  those  who,  awhile  before,  were  ready  to 
turn  the  poor  Cure  into  ridicule,  gladly  changed  places  with  him,  and  brought 
their  note-books  to  his  preaching,  that  they  might  take  down  the  words  from 
his  mouth.  Many  even  entreated  him  to  accept  them  as  his  followers,  and 
missions  began  to  be  preached  through  all  the  neighboring  towns  and  villages 
by  the  company  of  learned  doctors,  who  put  themselves  under  the  direction  of 
the  Cure  of  Neuilly.  Among  these  were  Peter  the  Chanter,  his  former  master; 
Alberic  de  Laon,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Rheims,"  Robert  de  Cour^on,  of 
whom  we  have  already  spoken ; and  our  own  Stephen  Langton. 

Fulk  and  his  followers  preached  throughout  France,  Burgundy,  Flanders, 
and  a great  part  of  Germany.  Their  missions  were  followed  by  a great  reform 
of  manners,  and  the  sanctity  of  Fulk  is  said  to  have  been  attested  by  miracles. 
He  had  a vein  of  pleasantry  in  him,  and  sometimes  treated  his  audience  with  a 
somewhat  rough  familiarity ; and,  if  he  could  obtain  silence  by  no  other  means, 
would  freely  use  his  stick  over  the  shoulders  of  the  disorderly.  But  the  people 
esteemed  his  very  blows  a blessing;  wherever  he  appeared,  they  pressed 
around  him  to  tear  away  morsels  of  his  habit.  One  day  he  was  nearly  suf- 
focated, and  owed  his  deliverance  to  an  ingenious  device — ‘ My  habit  is ' not 
blessed,’  he  cried,  ‘ to  what  purpose,  then,  would  you  carry  it  away  ? But  I 
will  bless  the  clothes  of  yonder  man,  and  you  may  take  as  much  as  you 
choose.’  The  individual  whom  he  indicated  was  at  once  surrounded,  and 
thought  himself  happy  to  escape  with  the  loss  of  his  mantle. 

These  scenes  were  of  daily  occurrence  when  Fulk,  having  himself  assumed 
the  Cross,  began  to  preach  the  Holy  War ; and,  in  fact,  the  throngs  who  joined 
the  5th  Crusade  from  France  and  Flanders  were  chiefly  induced  to  do  so  by  his 
eloquence.  He  chanced,  on  one  occasion,  to  hear  that  Count  Thibault  of 


762 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


Champagne  liad  proclaimed  a magnificent  tournament,  which  was  to  take  place 
at  the  Chateau  d’Ecris,  in  the  forest  of  Ardennes.  All  the  chivalry  of  France 
and  England  were  gathered  there ; but  amid  the  tossing  plumes  and  glittering 
pennons  appeared  the  figure  of  Fulk  of  Neuilly,  who  bade  them  first  hear  him, 
and  painted  to  them  the  higher  glory  which  they  might  acquire  in  the  sacred 
wars,  instead  of  wasting  their  time  and  strength  on  the  mock  combats  of  a 
tournament.  A fiery  ardor  kindled  the  brilliant  throng,  and  Thibault  himself, 
with  his  noble  guest,  Simon  de  Montfort,  and  the  two  brothers,  Walter  and 
John  de  Brienne,  the  latter  of  whom  was  destined  to  wear  the  crown  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  five  of  the  house  of  Joinville,  and  that  heroic  knight.  Sir  Matthew  de 
Montmorency,  whose  valor  was  so  renowned  that  Richard  of  England  reckoned 
it  his  greatest  deed  of  prowess  to  have  overcome  him  in  single  combat : — all 
these,  and  many  more,  hastened  to  receive  the  Cross  from  the  hands  of  the 
preacher,  and  to  prepare  for  that  expedition  which  was  to  terminate  with  the 
Conquest,  not  of  Jerusalem,  but  of  Constantinople. 

Paris  Teachers  of  John  of  Salisbury. 

John  of  Salisbury  appears  to  have  come  to  Paris  for  the  first  time  in  1136, 
being  then  a youth  of  sixteen,  and,  like  thousands  of  the  same  age,  was 
launched  into  the  world  of  the  great  capital,  to  complete  his  education  under 
the  many  wise  professors  who  were  contending  for  popular  favor.  Here  we 
catch  a glimpse  of  the  new  system  which  was  gradually  establishing  itself. 
Education  was  no  longer  given  exclusively  in  cloistered  schools,  but  in  great 
cities,  where  the  young  aspirant  after  science,  instead  of  being  sheltered  under 
law  and  discipline,  was  cast  abroad  to  shift  for  himself,  and  only  required  to 
attend  the  lectures  of  some  licensed  master.  NcT  doubt  it  was  an  excellent 
way  of  teaching  liim  a knowledge  of  the  world,  but  this  had  not  hitherto  been 
included  in  the  branches  of  a noble  youth’s  early  education.  However,  at 
sixteen  John  had  to  take  care  of- himself  in  the  great  world  of  Paris,  which 
exercised  over  him  the  fascination  of  which  all  were  conscious  who  passed 
from  the  semi-barbarous  isle  of  Britain  to  the  brilliant  capital,  and  beheld  the 
gay  vivacity  of  its  citizens,  the  gravity  of  its  religious  ceremonials,  the 
splendor  and  majesty  of  its  many  churches,  and  the  busy  life  of  its  schools. 
‘ Happy  banishment,’  wrote  the  young  scholar,  ‘ that  is  permitted  here  to  find 
a home !’  His  first  care  was  to  choose  what  Professor  he  would  attend.  It 
was  just  the  time  when  Abelard’s  fame  was  at  its  greatest  height,  and  the 
English  youth  was  naturally  enough  led  to  join  the  crowds  tliat  thronged  the 
school  of  St.  Genevieve.  His  first  impression  was  one  of  delight,  but  soon  his 
English  good  sense  revolted  at  the  shallcfwness  which  he  detected  under  the 
showy  outside,  while  the  contemptuous  neglect  with  which  Abelard  was  wont 
to  treat  the  ancient  learning  was  unendurable  in  the  eyes  of  one  who,  young 
as  he  was,  already  had  a thoroughly-formed  taste  for  the  classics.  So  bidding 
adieu  to  St.  Genevieve,  ho  placed  himself  under  the  two  English  masters, 
Robert  de  Melun  and  William  de  Conches;  by  the  first  of  whom  he  was 
initiated  into  the  art  of  logic.  He  praises  the  disinterestedness  shown  by 
Robert,  who,  in  his  conduct  as  Professor,  despised  worldly  gain  and  sought 
only  the  benefit  of  his  scholars.  Robert  afterwards  became  bishop  of  Here- 
ford, and  in  that  capacity  acquired  a very,  unenviable  notoriety  as  one  of  the 
chief  opponents  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury.  Under  William  de  Conches, 
John  next  passed  three  years  with  very  great  profit,  studying  grammar,  which 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


763 


was  then  understood  to  include  the  explanation  of  good  authors.  He  never 
regretted  the  time  he  devoted  to  this  study.  William  was  a disciple  of  the  old 
school,  a stout  champion  of  the  liberal  arts,  and  warmly  opposed  to  the  new 
system  introduced  by  Abelard.  He  liked  to  exercise  his  pupils  in  prose  and 
verse,  and  required  not  only  good  prosody,  but  also  good  sense  from  his 
scholars.  It  was  doubtless  a fine  thing  to  hear  the  warm-hearted,  testy  Eng- 
lishman speak  of  the  schools  in  which  he  had  been  brought  up,  half  a century 
ago,  when  boys  were  taught  to  behave  like  boyf?,  and  to  listen  to  their  masters 
in  silence.  Things  were  much  altered  now  ; and  it  was  no  longer  the  custom 
to  follow  the  wholesome  rule  which  Pythagoras  taught  his  disciples,  namely, 
to  listen  in  silence  for  seven  years,  and  only  begin  to  ask  questions  in  the 
eighth.  On  the  contrary,  these  new  scholars  would  come  into  your  school 
with  a supercilious  air,  and  propose  you  their  doubts  and  quibbles  before  they 
were  well  seated.  They  seemed  to  fancy  that  they  knew  every  thing  when 
they  had  followed  the  schools  for  a year,  and  as  if  their  business  was  to  in- 
struct their  masters  by  their  amazingly  clever  questions.  On  all  these  abuses 
Master  William  was  wont  to  expend  his  honest  indignation,  but  he  certainly 
could  not  complain  that  John  of  Salisbury  exhibited  any  of  these  marks  of 
reprobation.  Far  from  seeming  to  think  he  knew  every  thing  after  a year’s 
study,  John,  after  spending  twelve  years  in  the  schools,  regarded  himself  as 
still  a learner.  After  his  tliree  years  of  grammar,  he  spent  seven  years  more 
in  successive  courses  of  rhetoric,  mathematics,  and  theology.  Among  the 
masters  whose  lectures  he  attended  were  Robert  Pullus  or  Pulleyne,  and 
Gilbert  do  la  Poiree.  The  latter  afterwards  became  bishop  of  Poitiers,  in 
which  dignity  he  was  accused  of  teaching  certain  heterodox  opinions  on  the 
Holy  Trinity,  which  were  condemned  at  the  Council  of  Rheims,  in  1148.  His 
errors,  like  those  of  Abelard,  appear  to  have  arisen  out  of  an  abuse  of  that 
scholastic  method  of  argumentation  so  popular  among  the  professors  of  the 
time,  and  which  too  often  proved  dangerous  weapons  in  the  hands  of  men 
whose  theological  studies  by  no  means  kept  pace  with  the  cultivation  of 
dialectics.  Robert  Pullus,  the  English  master  of  theology,  and  restorer  of 
sacred  studies  at  Oxford,  was  a man  of  far  more  solid  learning.  ‘ He  knew,’ 
says  his  great  disciple,  ‘how  to  be  wise  with  sobriety.’  The  soundness  of  his 
doctrine  was  evinced  by  his  ‘Sum  of  Theology,’  and  his  disinterestedness,  by 
his  refusal  of  a bishopric  offered  him  by  Henry  I.  Robert  declined  abandoning 
a life  of  study  for  the  precarious  honors  of  a dignity  which  exposed  its  owner 
to  the  almost  certain  contingency  of  a struggle  with  the  crown.  He  desired 
nothing  more  honorable  than  the  life  of  a master ; nevertheless,  h§  was  unable 
to  avoid  the  dignities  thrust  on  him  by  Celestine  II.,  who  created  him  cardinal 
and  chancellor  of  the  Roman  Church. 

Adam  du  Petit  Pont — Richard  VEveque. 

During  the  whole  time  of  his  residence  at  Paris,  John  of  Salisbury  enjoyed  a 
scholar’s  honorable  state  of  poverty,  and  supported  himself  by  giving  lessons  to 
younger  students,  much  after  the  fashion  of  a modern  college  tutor.  His 
tutorship  was,  however,  by  no  means  a very  profitable  post,  and  supplied  him 
with  little  beyond  the  bare  necessaries  of  life.  Happily,  however,  the  thread- 
bare gown  of  the  poor  scholar  was  still  regarded  with  respect,  and  his  humble 
circumstances  did  not  prevent  him  from  ‘forming  many  valuable  friendships. 
Among  his  friends  he  numbered  the  two  great  masters  Adam  du  Petit  Pont, 


764 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS 


and  Richard  I’jfiveque,  the  former  of  whom  he  describes  as  a man  of  undoubted 
learning,  but  so  vain  that  he  wrapped  up  his  knowledge  in  a cloud,  of  obscurity, 
and  made  himself  unintelligible  for  the  sake  of  appearing  profound,  saying  to 
those  who  reproached  him  with  this  weakness,  that  were  he  only  to  teach  in 
the  common  w^ay  he  should  get  no  one  to  attend  his  lectures.  Richard  was  a 
man  of  a very  different  temper ; his  pride  lay  rather  in  concealing  what  he 
knew,  than  in  displaying  it ; he  cared  nothing  at  all  for  worldly  applause,  and 
was  deemed  as  holy  in  life  as  he  was  erudite.  At  first  he  followed  the  excel- 
lent method  of  Bernard  of  Chartres,  but  by  degrees  he  yielded  to  the  fashion 
of  the  times,  and  giving  up  the  teaching  of  grammar  and  rhetoric,  confined 
himself  entirely  to  lecturing  on  dialectics. 

Thomas  d Becket. 

To  these  friends  of  John  of  Salisbury,  we  must  add  the  name  of  a third,  an 
Englishman  like  himself,  and  one  of  Anglo-Saxon  blood.  He  was  a young 
law  student,  who,  if  inferior  to  many  of  his  companions  in  scholastic  acquire- 
ments, made  up  for  the  deficiency  by  the  brilliancy  of  his  native  gifts,  and  those 
personal  graces  which  add  so  largely  to  the  power  of  wit  or  eloquence.  The 
large  grey  eyes,  thin  aquiline  nose,  and  beautiful  countenance,  so  calm,  yet 
with  a glance  so  full  of  fire,  are  all  known  to  us;  for  if  the  features  of  St. 
Thomas  a Becket  have  not  been  preserved  chiseled  in  marble,  they  have  yet 
been  made  familiar  to  us  by  the  description  of  tho.se  who  laid  up  in  their 
hearts  the  memory  of  that  beloved  countenance.  It  bore  the  unmistakable 
impress  of  genius,  and  of  that  sensitive  organization  with  which  genius  is  so 
frequently  accompanied.  But  his  great  natural  gifts  had  received  very  imper-' 
feet  culture  in  the  schools  of  Merton  and  those  of  the  English  metropolis.  At 
Paris  his  studies  were  almost  exclusivel}^  confined  to  law,  and  he  afterwards 
regretted  that  he  had  not  devoted  more  time  during  his  academic  career,  to 
sacred  learning.  The  intimacy  wdiich  sprang  up  between  him  and  John  of 
Salisbury  was  not,  therefore,  based  on  any  similarity  in  their  literary  tastes. 
The  letters  of  both  evince  a striking  difference  in  their  intellectual  training; 
those  of  St.  Thomas,  powerful  in  matter,  are  yet  abrupt,  harsh,  and  technical 
in  style — tho.se  of  his-friend,  on  the  other  hand,  are  conveyed  in  classic  phrase- 
ology, and  betray  the  careful  polish,  not  always  free  from  affectation,  of  one 
who  has  laboriously,  formed  himself  on  ancient  models. 

In  the  midst  of  his  studies,  his  tutorships,  and  his  passages  of  arms  with  the 
C!ornificians,  twelve  years  slipped  away,  at  the  end  of  which  time,  John  of 
Salisbury  found  himself  possessed  of  a vast  fund  of  erudition,  and  an  empty 
purse.  The  latter  circumstance  was  not  one  which  greatly  disquieted  him,  for 
his  theory  was  that  the  keys  which  opened  the  door  of  philosophy  were  not  of 
gold,  but  consisted  of  povert}’’,  humility,  silence,  and  a quiet  life,  together  with 
that  detachment  from  family  and  worldly  ties  which  is  best  found  in  a foreign 
land.  So  little  had  he  of  the  spirit  of  worldly  ambition,  that  when  in  1148 
Peter  des  Celles,  Abbot  of  Moutier  des  Celles,  offered  him  a chaplaincy  in  his 
monastery,  he  gladly  accepted  a post,  which,  however  humble,  gave  him  at 
least  the  leisure  and  the  means  to  study.  He  remained  in  this  retreat  for  the 
space  of  three  years. 

Btter  des  Celles — Peter  de  Blots. 

Peter  des  Celles  was  one  to  the  most  remarkable  men  of  his  time,  and  has 
made  himself  best  known  by  his  epistles;  for,  like  most  of  the  literary  per- 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


765 


sona^os  of  the  twelfth  century,  he  wa.s  a great  letter  writer.  Tie  had  received 
lii.s  education  in  the  monastic  school  of  St.  Martin  des  Champs,  and  docs  not 
seem  to  have  been  one  whit  behind  the  more  fashionable  students  of  Paris, 
‘I  had,’ he  writes,’ an  insatiable  appetite  for  learning;  my  eyes  were  never 
tired  of  beholding  books,  or  my  ears  of  listening  to  them ; yet  with  all  my 
ardor,  God  was  alwaj’s  the  beginning,  centre,  and  end  of  all  my  studies  They 
had  but  Him  for  their  object,  though  indeed  I studied  every  thing,  even  law, 
without  prejudice,  however,  to  the  duties  of  my  state,  attendance  on  the 
Divine  Office,  and  my  accustomed  prayers.’  This  worthy  inheritor  of  the 
genuine  monastic  spirit  acted  the  part  of  a true  father  to  our  English  scholar, 
who  at  last,  through  the  favor  of  St,  Bernard,  obtained  the  post  of  secretaiy  to 
Theobald,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  whose  household  he  renewed  his 
acquaintance  with  two  of  his  former  fellow-students,  Peter  de  Blois,  and 
Thomas  a Becket. 

Peter  de  Blois  had  been  one  of  his  pupils;  a man  of  versatile  talents,  who 
had  studied  first  at  Tours,  then  at  Paris,  and  lastly  at  Bologna,  and  had  seen 
something  of  half  the  courts  of  Europe.  He  was  equally  skilled  in  law,  medi- 
cine, and  theology,  but  it  is  by  his  epi.stles  that  he  is  chiefly  known,  and  his 
ready  and  somewhat  gossiping  pen  has  left  us  graphic  sketches  of  the  manners 
and  customs  of  his  time.  He  was,  in  fact,  the  Horace  Walpole  of  the  twelfth 
century,  curious,  fluent,  and  volatile.  Henry  II.  made  him  archdeacon,  first  of 
Bath,  then  of  London,  and  often  employed  him  as  secretary,  so  that  he  had 
excellent  opportunities  for  studying  the  court  of  our  first  Plantagenet  sovereign, 
which  he  describes  in  a sufficiently  amusing  manner.  He  assures  us  that 
Henry’s  court,  from  the  conversation  of  learned  men,  and  the  discussion  of 
questions,  was  a daily  school.  The  king,  he  says,  is  deeply  versed  in  liter- 
ature, and  has  more  gifts  of  mind  and  body  than  he  can  so  much  as  enumerate; 
nevertheless,  he  lets  out  the  ugly  fact  that  it  is  best  not  to  go  too  near  him 
when  he  is  out  of  humor,  as  he  is  then  more  of  a lion  than  a lamb,  and  is 
quite  as  likely  as  not  to  tear  out  your  eyes.  How  any  man  of  letters  can  ever 
attach  himself  to  a court  life  is  more  than  he  can  understand ; and  how  any 
man,  lettered  or  unlettered,  could  be  brought  to  endure  the  daily  miseries  he 
describes,  such  as  the  eating  of  ‘moldy  bread  and  stale  fish,  wine  that  can 
only  be  drunk  with  the  eyes  shut,  lodgings  for  which  pigs. would  be  ashamed 
to  quarrel,’  and  days  spent  ‘without  order,  plan,  or  moderation  of  any  kind,’ 
must  seem  equally  incomprehensible  to  his  readers.  But  he  has  something 
more  cheering  to  say  of  the  household  of  Archbishop  Theobald.  It  is  crowded 
with  learned  men,  who  spend  their  time  between  prayers  and  dinner,  in  lec- 
turing, disputing,  and  examining  causes.  All  the  knotty  questions  of  the 
kingdom  are  referred  to  them,  and  discussed  in  the  common  hall;  and  there  is 
no  sort  of  jealousy  or  contention,  but  the  youngest  present  is  listened  to  with 
courtesy  and  attention.  In  these  letters  Peter  de  Blois  has  a good  deal  to  say 
on  the  subject  of  education.  He  tells  us  that  in  his  youth  he  was  trained,  not 
in  idle  fables,  but  solid  literature,  and  names  Livy,  Quintius  Curtius,  Tacitus, 
Suetonius,  and  Josephus  among  the  books  then  most  commonly  used  in 
schools.  He  regards  the  new  scholasticism  with  undisguised  contempt ; it  is 
good,  he  says,  neither  at  home  nor  abroad,  neither  in  the  church,  the  cloister, 
the  camp,  the  court,  or  the  bar.  In  fact,  in  his  literary  tastes  he  showed  him- 
self a worthy  disciple  of  John  of  Salisbury. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


vee 

Meanwhile  the  latter  attached  himself  to  the  rising  fortunes  of  St.  Thomas, 
and  dedicated  to  him,  when  chancellor,  his  two  great  works,  the  Polycraticoii 
and  the  Metalogicon^  the  last  of  which  is  a formal  apology  for  humane  letters, 
and  is  considered  to  display  an  amount  of  learning  and  literary  elegance  far 
exceeding  any  thing  which  had  been  produced  since  the  day  of  Boethius. 
When  St.  Thomas  became  primate,  his  friend  continued  to  retain  the  office  he 
had  held  under  his  predecessor,  and  never  spared  the  archbishop  the  benefit  of 
his  frank  and  fearless  advice.  Among  other  things  he  took  on  him  to  give 
him  some  directions  with  regard  to  his  studies  which  are  worth  quoting,  as 
showing  the  view  taken  at  that  time  by  spiritual  men,  of  the  danger  resulting 
from  an  excessive  application  to  law  and  logic.  ‘ My  counsel  is,’  he  says,  ‘ that 
you  put  off  some  of  your  other  occupations,  in  order  to  give  your  whole  mind 
to  prayer.  Laws  and  canons  are  all  very  well,  but  believe  me,  they  nourish 
curiosity  more  than  devotion.  . , Who  ever  rose  from  the  study  of  law 

with  a sentiment  of  compunction  in  his  heart?  Nay,  I will  say  more,  the  ex- 
ercises of  the  schools  often  increase  knowledge  till  a man  is  puffed  up  with  it, 
but  they  rarely  inflame  devotion.  I would  far  rather  that  you  meditated  on 
the  Psalms  or  read  the  ‘ Morals  of  St.  Gregory,’  than  that  you  were  learned  in 
philosophy,  after  the  fashion  of  the  scholastics.’  St.  Thomas  was  not  slow  in 
taking  his  friend’s  advice,  and  both  at  Canterbury  and  Pontigny  often  spent 
whole  nights  in  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  and  was  wont  always  to  carry  a 
few  pages  in  the  loose  sleeve  of  his  tunic,  that  he  might  have  them  at  hand 
whenever  he  found  a leisure  moment  for  reading. 

We  need  not  pursue  further  the  history  of  John  of  Salisbury.  The  fidelity 
with  which  he  adhered  to  the  cause  of  St.  Thomas  exposed  him  to  no  small 
loss  and  personal  danger,  and  after  the  martyrdom  of  the  saint  he  had  to  fly 
from  England,  and  taking  refuge  in  France,  became  bishop  of  Chartres  in  1176, 
his  election  being  entirely  due  to  his  personal  merits,  and  the  honor  with  which 
the  French  clergy  regarded  one  who  had  been  the  companion  of  the  Blessed 
Martyr. 

The  Three  Peters — Comestor,  Chanter,  and  Lomlard. 

Before  concluding  our  notice  of  the  Parisian  masters,  it  remains  for  us  to 
name  the  three  Peters,  as  they  are  called,  who  all  illustrated  the  schools  about 
the  same  period.  TIfe  first  was  Peter  Comestor,  or  the  Eater — so  called  from 
his  habit  of  devouring  books — a very  famous  personage  in  his  day,  who  became 
chancellor  of  Paris  in  1164,  but  resigned  all  his  dignities'to  put  on  the  habit  of 
the  canons  of  St.  Victor’s.  His  Historia  Scholastica,  or  Epitome  of  Sacred 
History,  was  so  much  esteemed  in  the  twelfth  century,  that  portions  of  it  were 
read  in  the  churches.  A namesake  of  his,  culled  Peter  the  Chanter,  was 
almost  of  equal  fame.  He  too,  after  filling  the  eye  of  the  public  for  several 
years,  withdrew  from  their  applause  and  became  a simple  religious  in  the 
Abbey  of  Long-Pont,  where  he  died  in  1197.  Both  were  men  of  tried  virtue, 
and  showed  themselves  hostile  to  the  sophists  of  the  day,  whose  wranglings 
they  declared  to  be  opposed  to  the  simplicity  of  the  Gospel.  But  more  re- 
nowned than  either  was  the  Italian  scholar,  Peter  Lombard,  the  master  of  the 
Sentences,  and  the  real  father  and  founder  of  scholastic  theology.  H^  com- 
menced his  study  of  civil  law  at  Bologna,  and  thence  passed  on  to  Paris, 
where  he  was  admitted  among  the  canons  of  St.  Victor’s,  and  afterwards  taught 
for  some  years  in  the  cathedral  school.  In  1159  he  became  bishop  of  Paris, 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


167 


through  the  influence  of  his  royal  pupil,  prince  Philip,  brother  to  the  reigning 
king,  Louis  the  Young.  The  king  offered  the  bishopric  to  his  brother,  who 
was  educated  for  the  ecclesiastical  state,  but  he  nobly  refused  it  in  favor  of  his 
master.  Peter  Lombard’s  great  work  was  the  celebrated  Book  of  Sentences, 
consisting  of  a number  of  passages  selected  from  the  works  of  the  fathers,  and 
commented  on  in  such  a manner  as  to  present  the  student  with  a body  of 
theological  doctrines  systematically  arranged.  The  convenience  of  finding 
every  point  of  theology  treated  of  in  a precise  and  methodical  order,  and 
wfithin  the  compass  of  a single  volume,  was  speedily  recognized,  and  the  Book 
of  the  Sentences  soon  became  the  favorite  text-book  used  in  the  scliools,  both 
for  the  lectures  of  the  masters  and  the  private  study  of  their  disciples.  Hence 
the  title  ot  Sententiarus,  which  came  to  be  applied  to  those  who  taught  or 
studied  the  Sentences.  Notwithstanding  the  immen.se  popularity  obtained  by 
this  work,  it  is  said  to  contain  several  important  omissions,-  and  even  some 
theological  errors,  one  of  which  was  formally  condemned  by  Pope  Alexander 
HI.  Its  importance  is  derived  from  the  circumstance  of  its  being  the  first 
attempt  to  reduce  theology  to  a compact  and  orderly  scientific  system  ; and 
from  this  period  we  dat6  the  real  rise  of  the  science  of  scholastic  theology. 

St.  Vincent  of  Beauvais — The  Great  Mirror. 

Yincent  of  Beauvais,  the  author  of  ^TUe  Great  Mirror^'  was  the  librarian  of 
the  good  king  St.  Louis,  and  the  tutor  of  his  children.  He  devoted  a great 
part  of  his  life  to  a gigantic  undertaking,  the  very  conception  of  which  attests 
the  colossal  scale  on  which  men  of  those  days  thought  and  labored  for  futurity. 
He  desired  to  facilitate  the  pursuit  of  learning  by  collecting  into  one  work 
every  thing  useful  to  be  known.  The  plan  was  not  a new  one ; many  such 
Encyclopsedias  had  already  been  produced,  as  that  of  St.  Isidore,  and  their 
value  was  great  in  an  age  when  the  scarcity  of  books  rendered  it  next  to 
impossible  for  any  ordinary  student  to  procure  all  the  authors  he  would  require 
to  consult,  if  he  desired  to  perfect  himself  in  various  sciences. 

He  had  some  special  facilities  for  carrying  out  his  design  which  were  not  at 
the  command  of  ordinary  students.  He  was  able  to  make  free  use  of  that 
noble  library  collected  by  St.  Louis,  and  attached  by  him  to  the  Sainte 
Chapelle,  It  was  thence  that  he  drew  the  materials  of  his  work,  and  nature 
had  endowed  him  with  exactly  the  kind  of  genius  which  his  task  demanded. 
Antoine  Poissevin  says  of  him  that  he  was  a man  who  was  never  tired  of 
reading,  writing,  teaching,  and  learning;  the  most  gigantic  labors  did  not 
alarm  him ; neither  work,  watching,  nor  fasting  was  ever  known  to  cause  him 
fatigue ; and  after  devoting  one-half  of  his  life  to  reading  the  royal  library,  and 
every  other  collection  of  books  that  came  within  his  reach,  he  did  not  shrink 
from  employing  the  other  in  producing  a compendium  of  all  he  had  read.  He 
limited  himself  to  no  one  subject,  or  section  of  subjects;  but  resolved  to  em- 
brace all  arts  and  all  sciences,  whatever  ^he  found  that  was  beautiful  and  true, 
in  the  physical  or  in  the  moral  world ; whatever  could  make  known  the 
wonders  of  nature,  or  the  yet  greater  wonders  of  grace ; all  that  poets,  philos- 
ophers, historians,  or  divines  had  said  that  was  worth  remembering — all  this 
he  determined  to  set  before  his  readers  in  orderly  arrangement;  and  undis- 
mayed at  the  magnitude  of  his  enterprise,  he  labored  at  it  day  and  night  till  it 
was  accomplished.  ‘ The  Great  Mirror,''  as  he  calls  his  work,  is  divided  into 


V68 


UNIVERSITY  OF  PARIS. 


three  parts,  in  which  are  treated  separate!}^,  Nature,  Doctrine,  and  Histor}^ 
All  his  scientific  and  philosophic  views  are  not,  of  course,  original,  for  he  pro- 
posed rather  to  give  to  the  world  the  cream  of  other  men’s  thoughts  than  liis 
own.  But  for  this  very  reason  the  statements  contained  in  his  book  are  of 
greater  value,  as  they  show  the  shallowness  of  those  charges  so  continually 
brought  against  the  science  of  the  middle  ages,  by  writers  who  have  probably 
concerned  themselves  very  little  to  ascertain  in  what  that  science  consisted. 
Vincent  did  not«write  to  support  new  theories  or  explain  away  vulgar  errors ; 
he  aimed  only  at  presenting,  in  a compendious  form,  tlie  commonly-received 
views  of  his  own  time,  and  the  times  anterior  to  his  own,  occasionally  illus- 
trating his  subject  with  a sagacious  remark,  derived  from  reflection  or  personal 
observation.  And  what  a host  of  misconceptions  and  traditional  calumnies 
fall  to  pieces,  as  we  glance  through  such  an  analysis  of  his  pages  as  is  given 
by  Rohrbacher ! How  then,  we  exclaim,  did  not  the  mediaeval  savants  oscillate 
between  the  opinion  that  the  earth  was  a flat  plane,  and  that  other  equally 
luminious  view,  that  it  was  a cube?  Is  is  possible  that  they  knew  anytliing 
of  the  principle  of  the  attraction  of  gravitation,  and  stranger  still,  that  they 
explained  the  spherical  form  of  the  earth  by  reasoning  drawn  from  that  very 
principle?  Are  we  to  believe  our  eyes  when  we  read  that  Vincent  of  Beauvais 
illustrates  this  part  of  his  subject  by  reminding  us  of  the  globular  form  of  the 
rain  drops,  which  he  says,  in  language  which  reads  like  an  anticipation  of  the 
verses  of  Montgomery,  are  so  formed  by  the  very  same  law  as  that  which 
regulates  the  shape  of  the  earth? 

And  who  would  expect  to  find  the  librarian  of  St.  Louis  putting  forth  the 
argument  which  still  does  good  service  in  our  popular  class-books,  wherein 
the  spherical  form  of  the  earth  is  demonstrated  by  the  gradual  disappear- 
ance below  the  horizon  of  the  hull  and  sails  of  a receding  ship,  and  their  as 
gradual  reappearance  in  a contrary  order,  on  its  approach  towards  us  ? Yet 
there  it  is,  together  with  yet  more  learned  things ; such  as  the  method  for 
measuring  an  arc  of  the  meridian,  as  a means  of  obtaining  the  circumference 
of  tlie  earth,  quoted  from  the  writings  of  Gerbert.  His  treatment  of  the 
metaphysical  questions  which  occupied  so  much  attention  at  the  time  at  which 
he  wrote,  is  no  less  remarkable  than  his  natural  philosophy,  and  Rohrbacher 
comparing  his  explanation  of  universal  ideas  with  that  of  Bossuet,  gives  the 
preference  in  point  of  profundity  to  the  mediaeval  friar.  ‘ Thus,  then,’  he  con- 
tinues, ‘ by  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  religious  of  St.  Dominic 
and  St.  Francis  had  resumed  all  Christian  doctrine,  the  teaching  of  the 
Scriptures,  the  Fathers,  and  the  Councils  into  a Sum  of  theologj'- ; St.  Thomas 
had  examined  in  detail  the  pagan  philosophy,  had  corrected  it,  and  reconciled 
it  with  Christian  truth.  Roger  Bacon,  the  Franciscan,  not  content  with  the 
ancient  sciences  catalogued  by  Aristotle,  had  begun  to  penetrate  deeper  into 
the  secrets  of  nature,  and  the  Dominican,  Vincent  of  Beauvais,  presented  in 
his  ‘ i/irror  ’ an  epitome  of  all  that  man,  up  to  that  time,  knew  in  nature, 
science,  art,  philosophy,  and  history.’  In  this  work  the  latter  aimed  to  show 
that  ‘all  illumination  descends  to  man  from, God,  the  Fontal  Light;  all  liuman 
science  emanates  as  from  its  source,  from  the  Divine  light.  There  is'the  light 
of  sensitive  knowledge,  the  light  of  mechanical  arts,  the  light  of  rational 
philosophy — natural  and  moral,  and  lastly,  the  light  of  grace  and  Holy  Scripture.’ 


M.  GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 

(Continued  from  No.  XXVI.  p.  280.) 


II.  SECONDARY  INSTRUCTION. 

In  laboring  to  establish  a system  of  secondary  education,  in  which  the 
rights  of  old  institutions  and  the  liberty  of  education  guaranteed  by  the 
charter  should  be  harmonized,  I found  myself  engaged  with  a vast  estab- 
lishment, thoroughly  founded,  systematic,  complete,  and  in  full  activity ; 
and  also  with  the  numerous  and  powerful  rivals,  I will  not  call  them  ene- 
mies, of  that  institution,  passionately  demanding  full  liberty  of  action  for 
themselves.  The  freedom  thus  claimed  presented  itself  as  a new  fact  to 
the  body  against  which  it  was  directed,  and  one  entirely  opposed  to  their 
origin  and  constitutive  principles.  Founded  in  the  spirit  of  the  maxim 
that  education  belongs  to  the  state,  the  university  reposed  on  its  double 
basis  of  privilege  and  absolute  power.  I was  therefore  called  upon  to 
introduce  liberty  to  an  in.stitution. where  it  had  no  natural  existence,  and 
to  defend  that  institution,  at  the  same  time,  against  formidable  assailants. 
This  was,  in  fact,  to  preserve  the  fortress  while  opening  its  gates. 

The  university  had  two  classes  of  opponents,  almost  equally  distinct 
and  determined.  The  liberals,  who  taxed  it  with  despotism;  and  the 
devout,  who  accused  it  of  irreligion.  Its  constitution,  and  I might  even 
say  its  physiognomy,  were  repugnant  to  the  former ; they  disliked  this 
educating  body  which  reminded  them  of  the  old  corporations  they  had 
so  strenuously  combated,  and  shrank  from  the  forms  and  discipline  which 
trained  up  the  rising  generation  in  the  military  system  they  detested  in 
the  state.  The  zealous  Catholics  had  no  confidence  in  the  religious 
opinions  of  a great  number  of  the  masters  of  the  university.  They 
regretted  the  old  associations  in  which  religion  and  education  were  closely 
linked  together,  and  struggled  to  revive  them  to  confide  their  children  to 
their  care.  Several  of  these  societies,  in  fact,  more  or  less  disguised,  had 
reestablished  themselves  under  the  Restoration ; and  to  insure  their  suc- 
cess, their  partisans  incessantly  assailed  the  university,  which  they  rep- 
resented as  being  imbued  with  the  irreligious  spirit  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  engaged  in  disseminating  amongst  the  youth  of  the  day,  if 
not  impiety,  at  least  indifference. 

In  these  attacks  there  was  much  injustice  and  some  ingratitude.  The 
government  of  the  university,  whether  head  master  or  general  council, 
minister  or  president,  had  always  exercised  its  power  with  signal  moder- 
ation. At  the  same  time  rival  and  controller  of  all  private  establishments 
• of  secondary  instruction,  it  had  superintended  them  without  jealousy  or 


770 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


severity,  sanctioning  them  wherever  there  appeared  a prospect  of  legiti- 
mate success,  and  never  without  powerful  reasons  aiming  a blow  at 
their  stability  or  liberty.  In  the  midst  of  general  despotism,  and  des- 
potically instituted  itself,  the  university  exhibited  a just  and  liberal 
administration. 

The  position  of  the  university  was  not  less  delicate  in  regard  to  religion 
than  to  liberty.  Its  government  had  always  fostered  the  religious  senti- 
ment. In  the  general  course  of  instruction,  in  the  choice  of  masters,  in 
its  daily  exercises,  religious  objects  and  considerations  had  ever  occupied 
an  important  place.  But  the  ruling  incentive  in  this  line  of  conduct  was 
the  advancement  of  social  order  rather  than  faith ; reaction  against  revo- 
lutionary unbelief  was  stronger  than  the  return  toward  Christian  piet3L 
Honest  services  were  rendered  to  religion  without  expelling  indifference 
from  the  soul.  In  the  present  day,  it  is  a common  conclusion  that  when 
the  full  exercise  of  its  rites  and  ceremonies  is  secured  to  the  church, 
when  its  temporal  wants  are  provided  for,  and  outward  respect  mani- 
fested, all  has  been  done  that  could  be  desired,  and  that  we  have  a right 
to  expect  in  return  every  thing  that  allies  can  require  from  each  other. 
A profound  mistake.  Religion  is  not  content  to  be  looked  upon  as  an 
implement  of  order,  and  a great  social  advantage.  She  has  a more  lofty 
idea  of  her  delegated  trust.  She  requires  to  believe  that  her  political 
associates  are  also  faithful  disciples,  or  at  least,  that  they  should  under- 
stand and  truly  respect  her  divine  character.  And  when  not  thoroughly 
convinced  that  these  are  the  true  sentiments  entertained  toward  her,  the 
church  stands  upon  reserve,  and  even  while  rigidly  discharging  her 
duties,  withholds  her  devotedness. 

Engaged  in  conflict  with  the  official  leaders  and  daring  volunteers  of 
the  church,  the  university  was  unable  to  find,  even  in  laical  society  itself, 
the  support  it  had  a right  to  expect.  Not  only  did  many  Catholic  fami- 
lies participate  in  the  religious  mistrust  manifested  toward  it  by  the 
clergy,  but  the  ardent  liberals  persisted,  on  their  side,  in  taxing  it  with 
bigotry  as  well  as  despotism.  By  reason  of  its  essential  character,  and 
from  the  idea  that  had  presided  at  its  foundation,  it  encountered,  within 
a certain  sphere  of  French  society,  but  little  confidence  and  sympathy. 
When  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  in  creating  the  university,  commanded  it 
as  the  leading  object  of  its  mission  to  eraploj’’  all  its  resources  and  repu- 
tation in  the  advancement  of  secondary  instruction,  of  classical  and  liter- 
ary studies,  he  was  actuated  by  a profound  instinct  of  our  social  condi- 
tion, of  its  history,  its  nature,  and  its  wants.  He  knew  that  after  the 
astounding  overthrow  produced  by  our  revolution,  after  the  violent  fall 
of  all  the  higher  ranks  and  institutions,  in  the  midst  of  so  many  new  and 
sudden  fortunes — to  sanction  in  some  degree  the  triumph  of  the  middle 
classes,  and  to  assure  their  influence,  it  was  necessary  to  cultivate  and 
develop  amongst  them  elevated  studies,  habits  of  mental  exercise,  learn- 
ing, and  intellectual  superiority  ; and  by  these  means  to  make  them  ap- 
pear, and  render  them,  in  fact,  worthy  of  their  position.  It  was  neces- 
sary, too,  that  at  the  same  moment  when  new  France  proved  her  strength, 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


771 


and  covered  herself  with  glory  in  the  battle-field,  she  should  undergo  the 
same  trials,  and  achieve  corresponding  fame  in  peaceful  civilization. 
Magistrates,  administrators,  advocates,  physicians,  eminent  professors, 
men  of  science  and  literature,  are  not  alone  internally  essential  to  a nation, 
but  they  are  indispensable  to  its  dignity  and  credit  in  the  world.  The 
university  was  especially  dedicated  to  the  advancement  of  the  higher  or- 
der of  the  middle  classes  in  these  influential  avocations.  Many  families 
of  the  old  French  nobility  regarded  with  ill  will  this  center  of  activity 
and  social  strength,  in  which  the  citizens  raised  themselves  to  the  level 
of  their  toilsome  destinies,  and  still  hesitated  to  venture  their  children  in 
this  common  arena,  to  acquire  there  the  same  means  of  success,  and  to 
prepare  themselves  by  intelligence  and  labor  to  resume  their  places  in  the 
state. 

It  was  in  presence  of  these  facts  and  opposing  interests  that  I under- 
took to  prepare  and  submit  to  public  debate,  this  bill  on  secondary  edu- 
cation, or  rather  to  determine  once  more,  for  public  instruction  in  France, 
under  its  most  difficult  aspect,  the  eternal  problem  of  reconciliation  be- 
tween power  and  liberty. 

One  favorable  solution  alone  presented  itself.  To  renounce  entirely 
the  principle  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  state  on  the  question,  and  to  adopt 
without  reserve,  in  all  its  consequences,  that  of  free  competition  between 
the  state  and  its  rivals,  laical  or  ecclesiastical,  private  or  incorporated. 
This  course  appeared  to  be  at  once  the  most  simple,  able,  and  efficacious. 
It  reduced  all  the  enemies  of  the  university  to  silence  by  satisfying  at  one 
stroke  their  loudest  pretensions,  while  to  remain  in  the  lists,  it  demanded 
from  them  unremitting  exertions ; for  the  state  also  retained  the  power 
of  giving  to  its  own  schools  all  the  development  and  advantages  which 
social  interest  or  the  public  wish  might  suggest  or  require.  None  of  the 
contending  parties  could  find  any  ground  of  complaint,  for  they  retained 
the  full  and  free  use  of  all  their  arms  ; but  it  was  the  state  itself  which 
regulated  the  conditions  of  the  combat,  by  accepting,  while  it  abandoned 
empire,  the  salutary  obligation  of  omitting  no  efforts  to  maintain  or 
recover  its  superiority. 

Experience,  which  usually  inculcates  reserve  and  prudence,  has  taught 
me  a contrary  lesson.  When  we  are  in  the  right,  we  can  risk  more  than 
we  believe  we  may.  It  would  have  been  far  better  for  the  university  to 
have  boldly  accepted  battle  with  free  rivals,  than  to  reduce  itself  to  the 
necessity  of  defending  with  hesitation  its  sovereignty  and  privileges 
against  inveterate  enemies.  The  first  shock  once  over,  it  would  have 
been  in  a condition  to  continue  the  struggle,  not  only  with  success,  but 
credit,  and  would  speedily  have  emerged  from  it  with  added  power  and 
dignity. 

But  every  thing  under  the  government  of  July  opposed  this  complete 
and  daring  polic}’",  which  notwithstanding  its  leaning  toward  the  church, 
the  Restoration  had  never  ventured  to  attempt.  An  immense  majority 
of  the  public,  I might  even  say  the  public  unanimously,  beheld  in  eccle- 
siastical liberty  the  precursor  and  instrument  of  ecclesiastical  rule — the 


772 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


object  of  universal  antipathy  and  terror.  The  laical  spirit,  which  had 
become  so  powerful,  w'as  also  bitterly  suspicious,  and  would  have  doubted 
its  own  security,  if  its  rivals  displayed,  like  itself,  and  possibly  in  direct 
opposition,  the  liberty  it  had  conquered  from  them.  The  traditions  of 
the  old  monarch}'-  came  in  also,  on  this  point,  to  second  the  passions 
of  new  France.  Our  ancient  laws  on  the  relations  betw'een  the  state  and 
the  church,  on  the  interdictions  or  fetters  imposed  on  religious  associa- 
tions, were  appealed  to  as  the  rampart  of  liberal  victories.  To  these  gen- 
eral and  historical  suspicions,  the  Revolution  of  1830  had  added  others 
more  distinct  and  personal.  The  state  and  the  church  are  never  really 
in  mutual  understanding,  but  when  each  believes  itself  sincerely  trusted 
by  the  other,  and  when  they  feel  assured  that  no  hostility  whatever 
exists  between  their  essential  principles  and  vital  interests.  This,  un- 
fortunately, had  ceased,  since  1830,  to  be  the  common  sentiment  between 
the  two  powers.  They  lived  in  peace,  but  not  in  intimacy,  exchanging 
support  without  confidence  or  reciprocal  attachment.  In  the  very  bosom 
of  the  church,  thus  officially  linked  to  the  new  rule,  there  often  appeared 
regrets  and  reserved  thoughts  favorable  to  the  fallen  authority ; while 
the  church,  in  turn,  frequently  saw  itself  exposed  to  the  ironical  indiffer- 
ence of  the  disciples  of  Voltaire,  or  the  savage  hostility  of  the  converts 
of  the  Revol<|tion.  The  warm  apostles  of  free  education  themselves  ag- 
gravated the  obstacles  opposed  to  it  by  this  state  of  parties  and  minds. 
The  extravagances  of  the  Abbe  de  La  Mennais,  alternately  theocratic  and 
revolutionary,  redoubled  the  suspicions  and  indignation  of  the  most  oppo- 
site civilians,  conservatives  as  well  as  liberals,  magistrates,  lawyers,  and 
students.  Any  one,  who  at  that  time  would  have  ventured  to  advise  the 
government,  in  the  question  of  public  instruction,  to  resign  ab.solutely 
the  control  of  the  state,  the  system  of  the  university,  the  curbs  of  the 
church  and  religious  associations — and  to  incur  wdthout  strong  precau- 
tions the  unfettered  competition  of  such  a host  of  rivals  (I  will  not  call 
them  enemies),  would  have  been  looked  upon  as  a concealed  Jesuit,  a 
base  deserter,  or  a blinded  visionary. 

Without  understanding  all  these  difiBcultics  as  thoroughly  as  I do  now, 
I entertained,  in  1836,  a lively  impression  of  them,  and  thereupon  regu- 
lated my  conduct  both  in  preparing  and  debating  the  bill  on  secondary 
education.  I concentrated  my  plan  and  object  on  three  points  : to  main- 
tain the  university,  to  establish  liberty  by  its  side,  and  to  postpone  the 
opposing  questions  which  the  present  state  of  parties  and  feelings  ex- 
cluded from  a profitable  or  permanent  solution.  I took  the  university, 
its  organization  and  educational  establishments,  as  a great  existing  fact, 
good  in  itself,  and  capable  of  being  adapted  to  the  constitutional  system, 
but  not  calling  for  revived  discussion.  I submitted  it  to  the  free  compe-. 
tition  of  all  its  rivals,  without  distinction  or  reserve,  and  wdthout  impos- 
ing on  any  of  them  special  conditions.  I referred  to  other  times  and  laws 
the  questions  which  had  no  essential  bearing  on  the  principle  I desired 
to  lay  down  ; amongst  others,  those  relating  to  the  small  seminaries, 
religious  congregations,  and  various  establishments,  clerical  or  laical. 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 

which  had  been  the  objects  of  special  measures  either  of  indulgence  or 
severity. 

A bill  conceived  in  this  spirit,  combined,  I will  not  hesitate  to  say, 
disinteredness  and  courage.  By  firmly  supporting  the  university,  while 
franklj’^  admitting  liberty,  I encountered  at  once  the  attacks  of  the  oppos- 
ing liberals,  and  of  a considerable  number  of  my  conservative  friends. 
By  shutting  out  from  debate  the  university  and  the  exceptional  rule  of 
certain  ecclesiastical  establishments,  I closed  the  arena  against  new  sys- 
tems and  old  passions.  My  bill  assumed  the  aspect  of  timidity  mingled 
with  obstinacy,  and  I reduced  myself  to  the  defence  of  positions  formida- 
bly menaced  on  every  side,  instead  of  encountering  the  gratifications  and 
chances  of  a great  war  in  the  open  field  against  one  class  of  enemies 
alone. 

The  debate  taught  me  that  in  spite  of  my  prudence  in  the  enterprise, 
I had  been  too  sanguine  in  my  hope.  M.  Saint-Marc  Girardin,  by  order 
of  the  committee  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  drew  up  an  able  report,  a 
model  of  the  art  in  which  he  excels,  of  marching  to  battle  by  sometimes 
verging  from  the  direct  road  either  to  the  right  or  left,  and  by  drawing 
advantage  alternately,  with  impartial  complaisance,  from  contrary  ideas, 
without  either  deserting  his  own  or  entirely  adopting  them.  This  report, 
w’hile  introducing  an  ample  allowance  of  modifications  into  the  bill,  con- 
firmed nevertheless  its  principles,  and  made  no  change  in  the  essential 
results.  When  the  debate  came  on,  M.  de  Tracy  and  M.  Arago,  the  first 
with  honest  regret,  the  latter  with  a certain  infusion  of  learned  display 
and  labored  pleasantry,  attacked  the  bill  as  incomplete,  restricted,  and 
solely  calculated  to  repair  here  and  there  the  edifice  of  the  university, 
when  it  was  necessary  to  construct  a grand  and  comprehensive  system 
of  public  education.  They  explained  their  own  views,  and  the  nature  of 
the  bill  they  would  have  introduced,  much  more  fully  than  they  discussed 
the  measure  now  before  the  Chamber.  I felt  little  alarm  at  these  general 
and  vague  attacks,  which  left  untouched  the  fundamental  question  my 
bill  proposed  to  solve.  But  before  long,  members  of  inferior  renown,  and 
not  all  identified  with  the  opposition,  directed  their  assaults  against  this 
delicate  point.  Uneasy  as  to  the  consequences  of  liberty,  and  above  all, 
of  ecclesiastical  libert}^  which  in  their  eyes  amounted  to  public  instruc- 
tion handed  over  to  the  Jesuits,  they  demanded  on  the  one  hand,  that 
the  small  seminaries  should  be  subjected  to  all  the  conditions -imposed  by 
law  upon  private  secondary  schools ; and,  on  the  other,  that  every  head 
of  such  establishments  should  be  compelled,  not  only  to  take  the  political 
oath,  but  to  swear  also  that  he  belonged  to  no  unauthorized  society  or 
corporation.  I succeeded  in  throwing  out  the  first  of  these  amendments, 
but  the  second  was  adopted.  This  amounted  to  imposing  on  the  liberty 
of  the  Catholic  church  and  its  militia,  personal  restrictions  in  educational 
matter.s,  while  it  took  from  the  proposed  law  the  leading  characteristic 
of  sincerity  and  common  liberal  right  with  which  I anxiously  desired  it 
should  be  impressed. 

M.  de  Lamartine,  who  at  that  time  neither  ranked  amongst  my  adver- 


774 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


saries  nor  friends,  was  the  only  one  of  the  orators  taking  part  in  the  de- 
bate who  perfectly  comprehended  the  importance  of  this  feature,  or  the 
merit  of  the  bill  to  which  it  belonged.  “ I have  heard,”  he  said,  “ for 
several  days,  many  members  holding  different  views,  declare  that  they 
will  black-ball  this  bill.  I am  sorry  for  it.  Some  are  prepossessed  with 
that  phantom  of  Jesuitism  which  is  incessantly  conjured  up  here,  and 
which  must  be  declared  more  powerful  than  ever,  if  it  can  induce  us  to 
recede  before  liberty.  Others  seem  to  apprehend  that  the  clergy  may 
appropriate  to  themselves  the  exclusive  education  of  our  youth,  and  that 
the  spirit  of  the  time,  represented  by  the  university,  may  exercise  a mo- 
nopoly over  the  traditional  and  religious  element  represented  by  educa- 
tional societies.  It  is  exactly  on  account  of  these  disagreements  between 
opposing  parties  that  I shall  vote,  and  conjure  the  Chamber  to  vote  for 
this  bill,  under  a more  certain  conviction.  What ! after  seven  years  of 
expectation,  after  a revolution  made  to  acquire  this  very  right  of  free  in- 
struction, after  it  has  been  called  for  by  men  of  the  most  contrasted 
views,  and  inscribed  in  the  charter  as  a synallagmatic  condition  of  the 
government  of  1830,  are  we  going  to  reject  it  from  the  hands  of  the  sin- 
cere and  courageous  minister  who  offers  it,  and  to  induce  France  and 
Europe  to  suppose  that  the  sphere  of  liberty  is  not  wide  enough  for  all, 
and  that  we  wish  to  restrict  it  to  ourselves  alone  ? No,  gentlemen,  this 
is  not  possible.  Let  us  hasten,  in  spite  of  all  objections,  in  spite  of  this 
impolitic  oath,  and  these  restrictions,  more  or  less  oppressive  ; let  us 
hasten,  I say,  to  pass  this  bill.  It  is  a pledge  of  liberty  which  all  parties 
place  involuntarily  in  your  hands,  against  religious  intolerance  or  athe- 
istic tyranny  ; and  which  can  never,  at  a future  period,  be  wrested  from 
us.” 

The  law  eventually  passed  in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies.  But,  a few 
days  after,  the  cabinet  fell,  I left  office,  and  my  bill  subsided  with  me, 
without  going  to  the  Chamber  of  Peers.  If  it  had  remained,  such  as  I 
first  presented  it,  perhaps,  notwithstanding  a few  incoherencies  and  gaps, 
it  might  have  sufficed  to  settle  the  question  of  free  education,  and  to  pre- 
vent the  deplorable  contest  of  which  that  question  subsequently  became 
the  object.  But  through  the  amendments  to  which  it  was  subjected,  the 
bill,  by  restraining  the  liberty  promised  by  the  charter,  expressly  from 
the  church  and  its  officials,  added  fresh  venom  to  the  quarrel  instead  of 
bringing  it  to  an  end.  The  failure  called  for  no  regret. 

By  the  same  bill  I had  undertaken  to  follow  up  the  solution,  already 
commenced  in  my  law  for  primary  instruction,  of  a question  which  has 
recently  been  much  discussed ; that  of  the  intermediate  and  practical 
training  which  applies  to  employments  and  social  positions  important 
from  their  number,  activity,  and  influence,  to  the  strength  and  repose  of 
the  state.  Superior  elementary  schools  formed  the  first  degree  of  this 
department  of  teaching  intended  to  become  more  complete  and  special  in 
the  communal  colleges  of  the  second  class,  and  to  occupy  a place  in  the 
great  colleges  of  the  state  and  the  cities,  without  detriment  to  the  higher 
order  of  literary  and  scientific  instruction,  essential  and  of  necessity  com- 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


775 


mon  to  all  liberal  professions.  Liberty  of  general  education,  with  the 
development  of  intermediate  teaching,  were  the  two  vital  principles  of  the 
bill ; they  fell  together. 

I shall  say  nothing  here  of  a multitude  of  special  measures,  of  which, 
during  the  four  years  of  my  administration,  the  establishments  for  secon- 
dary education  were  the  object.  The  great  problems  of  that  important 
degree  of  popular  teaching  are  the  only  ones  on  which  I have  at  heart  to 
recall,  with  accuracy,  my  views  and  labors.  My  position  in  that  respect, 
and  I have  already  stated  it,  was  much  more  complicated  and  difficult 
than  in  the  matter  of  elementary  instruction. 

III.  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

My  office  as  minister  of  public  instruction  became  infinitely  more 
agreeable  when  the  subject  under  debate  was  superior  education,  than 
when  confined  to  the  elementary  or  secondary  branches.  I encountered 
no  strong  public  opinion  pressing  me  to  some  new  and  general  work  in 
the  higher  department.  There,  I had  neither  to  contend  with  an  ardent 
appeal  to  liberty  nor  with  embittered  emulation.  In  mathematical  and 
physical  science,  the  superiority  and  independence  of  the  French  schools 
were  acknowledged.  In  letters,  philosophy,  and  history,  our  public 
teaching  had  very  recently  displayed  itself  with  success,  and  given  proofs 
of  freedom. 

Undoubtedly  superior  instruction  at  Paris  wanted  nothing  either  in 
vigor,  dignity,  or.  reputation.  In  the  university,  the  faculties  of  litera- 
ture, science,  law,  and  medicine,  had  many  different  chairs  occupied  by 
eminent  men.  Beyond  the  university,  and  unconnected  with  its  system, 
the  college  of  France,  the  botanical  garden,  {Jardin  des  Plantes^)  the  va- 
rious special  seminaries,  secured  the  independence  and  extension  of  supe- 
rior teaching,  and  prevented  either  the  exclusive  spirit  or  routine  of  any 
single  body  from  taking  possession  of  it.  In  the  choice  of  masters  and 
in  the  system  of  instruction  itself,  merit  and  liberty  were  not  without 
guarantees.  Either  by  presenting  candidates,  or  by  direct  cooperation, 
the  educational  and  learned  societies,  the  faculties,  the  special  schools, 
and  the  Institute,  exercised  a proper  share  of  influence  in  the  nomina- 
tions. The  government  neither  interfered  nor  pretended  to  interfere  with 
the  teaching,  beyond  the  appointment  of  professors  according  to  the  es- 
tablished rules,  and  the  maintenance  of  public  order  in  the  courts. 
Neither  practical  efficiency  for  the  y®uths  intended  for  the  different  lib- 
eral professions,  nor  intellectual  luxury  for  the  amateurs  of  mind  and 
science,  w'ere  wanting  in  these  combined  sources  of  superior  instruction. 
Nevertheless,  according  to  my  judgment,  they  were,  as  a whole,  far  from 
being  adequate,  throughout  the  entire  land,  to  the  serious  necessities  of 
French  civilization,  and  above  all,  to  the  moral  development  of  the  gen- 
erations verging  on  the  age  of  manhood,  and  ready  in  time  to  assume 
their  part  in  the  destiny  of  the  country  as  in  their  own  personal  fortunes. 
There  were  still  important  deficiencies  in  regard  to  national  intelligence, 
liberty,  and  morality,  unheeded  by  the  public,  but  with  which  I was 
deeply  impressed  and  felt  an  anxious  desire  to  supply. 


116 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


I was  cautious,  however,  not  to  commence  at  once  the  reforms  and  in- 
novations I proposed.  In  the  various  departments  of  government,  public 
instruction  is,  perhaps,  of  all  others,  the  one  which  most  requires  the 
minister  to  conciliate  the  opinions  of  those  who  surround  him,  and  to 
secure  their  support  in  his  undertakings  ; for  they  possess  the  rights, 
and  sometimes  the  pretensions  of  men  of  intelligence  by  profession,  ac- 
customed to  the  constant  and  free  use  of  reasoning  and  reflection.  In  no 
other  branch  of  administration  do  the  choice  of  agents,  the  relations  be- 
tween the  leader  and  his  associates,  personal  influence  and  mutual  confi- 
dence, perform  such  important  parts.  Before  entering  on  the  difficult 
questions  in  superior  education,  as  yet  undisturbed,  I was  desirous  of 
finding  amongst  the  masters  of  the  principal  schools,  not  merely  fellow- 
laborers  but  friends,  disposed  and  able  to  second  me. 

The  course  of  events  soon  supplied  natural  opportunities.  During  the 
first  year  of  my  ministry,  four  chairs,  those  of  the  Greek  Language  and 
Philosophy,  of  the  Sanscrit  and  its  Literature,  of  French  Literature,  and 
of  Political  Economy,  became  vacant  in  the  college  of  France.  The  pro- 
fessors, by  whose  deaths  the  vacancies  occurred,  Messrs.  Thurot,  De 
Chezy,  Andrieux,  and  J.  B.  Say,  enjoyed  honorable  reputations  in  the 
world  of  letters ; some  were  even  celebrated  and  popular.  They  required 
adequate  successors.  I could  only  select  them  from  amongst  the  candi- 
dates, proposed  by  the  college  of  France  and  the  Institute.  I had  reason 
to  expect,  for  two  of  these  chairs  at  least,  contested  presentations,  which 
would  devolve  on  me  the  embarrassment  and  responsibility  of  choice.  I 
am  almost  unconscious  of  embarrassment,  and  I have  no  dread  of  respons- 
ibility. The  chair  of  the  Sanscrit  Language  and  Literature  was  no 
object  of  competition.  Presented  both  by  the  college  of  France  and  the 
Academy  of  Inscriptions,  still  young,  and  destined  to  die  at  an  early  age, 
exhausted  before  his  time  b}^  the  enthusiasm  and  labor  of  science,  M. 
Eugene  Burnouf  was  as  if  named  beforehand  by  all  the  learned  oriental- 
ists of  Europe,  and  I could  only  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  officially  confirm- 
ing their  suffrage.  For  the  chairs  of  Greek  Philosophy,  French  Litera- 
ture, and  Political  Economy,  my  position  was  less  simple.  Amongst  the 
candidates  presented  by  the  college  of  France,  were  Messrs.  Jouffroy, 
Ampere,  and  Rossi^  who  were  known  to  be  my  friends,  and  whose  suc- 
cess I openly  desired.  But  M.  Jouffroy  had  engaged  in  the  philosophic 
combats  of  the  school  of  spiritualists,  excited  by  Messrs.  Royer-Collard 
and  Cousin,  against  the  sensualism  of  the  last  century.  In  place  of  M. 
Ampere,  the  French  Academy  had  proposed,  for  the  chair  of  Literature, 
one  of  their  most  distinguished  members,  M.  Lemercier,  a brilliant  poet, 
notwithstanding  his  failures,  and  an  eminent  critic,  despite  the  irregular- 
ity of  the  greater  part  of  his  works.  M.  Rossi,  an  Italian  refugee,  and 
professor  at  Geneva,  had  only,  as  yet,  in  France,  one  of  those  reputations 
readily  acknowledged,  as  long  as  they  are  at  a distance,  but  which,  as 
soon  as  they  come  near,  encounters  .adversaries  and  rivals.  The  Acade- 
my of  Moral  and  Political  Science  opposed  to  this  candidate  their  perma- 
nent secretary,  M.  Charles  Comte,  a man  of  solid  acquirements  and  con- 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


m 

scientious  opinions,  equally  just  and  firm  in  character,  and  the  son-in-law 
of  M.  J.  B.  Say,  to  M hom  a successor  was  to  be  appointed.  It  was  evi- 
dent that  Messrs.  Ampere,  JoufFroy,  and  Rossi,  could  not  be  elevated  to 
the  head  of  public  instruction  without  exciting  active  jealousies,  and  at 
the  risk  of  exposing  the  power  that  placed  them  there  to  be  charged  with 
the  spirit  of  party  and  coterie,  of  personal  and  of  unreasonable  partiality. 

I hesitated  not;  and  in  the  face  of  the  discontent  and  attacks  which  I 
foresaw,  Messrs.  Ampere,  Jouffroy,  and  Rossi,  were  appointed,  with  M. 
Eugene  Burnouf,  to  the  vacant  chairs. 

No  one  as  yet  demanded,  or  at  least  persevered  in  requiring  that  the 
principle  of  unrestricted  teaching  should  be  applied  to  superior  instruc- 
tion. In  point  of  fact,  the  degree  of  liberty  already  extensively  permitted 
in  that  particular  branch  of  national  e#ucation  satisfied  the  general  de- 
sire. Asa  principle,  the  good  sense  of  the  public  foresaw  the  extreme 
danger,  and  therefore  the  impossibility,  of  according  to  the  first  comer 
the  right  of  opening  a place  of  assembly  for  all  who  might  follow ; of  ele- 
vating a pulpit  there,  and  of  professing  openly  on  all  educational  matters 
connected  with  the  higher  department,  every  opinion  or  idea  which  might 
cross  the  human  mind.  What  were  the  limits  to  be  assigned  to  this 
privilege,  and  the  securities  to  be  required  for  its  proper  exercise?  These 
points  were  rather  glanced  at  than  formally  laid  down,  and  the  authori- 
ties were  under  no  practical  or  pressing  necessity  of  bringing  them  to  a 
solution.  It  is  exactly  at  such  a moment  that  it  becomes  a judicious 
government  to  grapple  with  and  determine  similar  questions,  and  this 
they  can  then  do  with  foresight  and  moderation,  without  being  driven  to 
a struggle  against  passions  or  systems  already  in  full  vigor;  and  by 
placing  strong  guarantees  for  order  and  public  morals  in  close  proximity 
with  a freedom  as  yet  but  sparingly  familiarized.  I felt  convinced  that, 
before  long,  with  the  natural  progress  of  ideas  and  institutions,  the  same 
amount  of  liberty  would  be  demanded  for  superior  education  as  for  the 
elementary  and  secondary  branches,  and  I was  anxious  that  this  desire, 
when  it  became  pressing,  should  already  find  itself  regulated  and  re- 
• strained  as  well  as  satisfied. 

The  institution  of  substitutes  in  various  faculties  presented  a natural 
mode  of  accomplishing  this  end.  These  professors,  still  young,  and  wait- 
ing for  vacancies,  elected  by  their  masters  after  the  trying  ordeal  of  com- 
petition, existed  since  the  3’'ear  1823,  in  the  faculty  of  medicine;  and, 
under  the  title  of  deputy  lecturers,-  in  that  of  law,  into  which  they  were 
admitted  to  assist  the  professors  in  actual  office.  In  1840,  M.  Cousin,  at 
that  time  minister  of  public  instruction,  extended  this  arrangement  to 
the  faculties  of  literature  and  the  sciences,  and  gave  it  full  exercise 
by  allowing  these  substitutes,  in  every  faculty,  to  have  their  own  free 
courses  of  lectures  in  common  with  those  delivered  by  the  titular  profes- 
sors of  the  state.  This  was  exactly  what  I proposed  to  do  in  1835,  with 
the  view  of  opening  to  superior  instruction,  a convenient  localit3'  for  the 
principle  of  liberty.  I should  probably  have  regulated  the  conditions  on 
a different  plan  from  that  of  M.  Cousin.  I might  have  given  liberty  some 


GUIZOT'S  MINISTRY  OP  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


*7 '78 

additional  securities,  in  regard  either  to  the  opening  or  suspension  of  the 
lectures  of  the  deputies,  and  have  added  considerably  to  the  power  in- 
tested  in  the  faculties  themselves,  of  intervention  between  the  minister 
of  public  instruction  and  the  free  professors.  But  in  itself,  and  in  its 
essential  provisions,  the  measure  was  an  excellent  one,  and ‘had  it  been 
carried  out  in  the  spirit  of  its  conception,  it  would  have  realized,  in 
superior  education,  one  of  the  principal  improvements  I proposed  to 
introduce. 

On  another  point  of  reform,  much  more  important,  M.  Cousin  and  I 
held  also  similar  opinions.  I have  already  spoken  in  these  “ Memoirs  ” 
of  the  part  I had  taken  in  the  decree  of  the  17th  of  February,  1815,  issued 
by  King  Louis  XVIII.,  for  the  general  organization  and  system  of  the 
university.  Its  object  was  to  uncentralize,  as  the  modern  phrase  runs, 
not  the  government  of  public  instruction,  but  education  itself,  and  par- 
ticularly the  higher  department.  It  established,  much  too  numerously, 
private  universities,  distributed  through  various  parts  of  the  country,  in 
which  every  section  of  superior  learning  was  included ; — literature,  phi- 
losophy, history,  the  mathematics,  and  physical  sciences,  law  and  medi- 
cine ; the  entire  range  of  human  knowledge,  and  all  the  acquirements 
necessary  for  the  liberal  professions.  "VVe  can  not  deceive  ourselves  as 
to  the  following  fact : if  we  cast  our  looks  throughout  France,  we  shall 
see,  everywhere,  except  in  Paris,  these  noble  studies  on  the  decline. 
While  the  general  level  of  primary  and  industrial  education  exalts  itself, 
that  of  superior  instruction  and  lofty  intellectual  development  has  become 
abased  ; and  France  of  the  present  day,  far  better  provided  than  formerly 
with  elementary  schools  and  good  practical  scholars  in  many  classes, 
contains,  beyond  the  capital,  a much  smaller  number  of  minds  richly  en- 
dowed and  nobly  ambitious  than  she  possessed  in  1789,  when  the  Con- 
stituent Assembly  sprang  suddenly  from  her  bosom.  I place  great  value 
on  elementary  and  practical  knowledge.  It  is  the  daily  bread  of  nations ; 
but  the  Gospel  tells  us  “man  shall  not  live  by  bread  alone.”  When  na- 
tions have  become  great,  and  seek  to  preserve  their  eminence,  the  lofty 
cultivation  of  the  mind  ought  not  to  remain  a rare  phenomenon,  concen- 
trated exclusively  on  the  summit  of  the  social  system.  This,  unfortun- 
ately, is  the  state  of  things  at  present.  Paris  morally  allures  and  absorbs 
all  France.  Material  wealth  and  comfort  increase  everywhere,  but  to- 
ward the  capital  alone  minds  direct  themselves  and  ambitions  aspire. 
We  no  longer  see  in  our  departments,  as  in  the  provinces  formerly,  men 
eminent  for  their  intellectual  lights  and  tastes,  as  for  their  social  position, 
remaining  stationary  in  their  native  towns  or  districts,  actively  and  con- 
tentedly employed,  disseminating  around  them  the  treasures  of  their 
knowledge,  and  the  resources  of  their  fortune.  Political  economists  com- 
plain that  population  flows  beyond  measure  toward  the  great  cities ; 
above  all,  in  the  direction  of  Paris.  Moralists  have  even  more  reason  to 
reiterate  the  same  regret,  for  the  attraction  of  intellectual  life  to  the  me- 
tropolis not  only  tends  to  enervate  and  extinguish  it  in  the  provinces,  but 
changes,  weakens,  and  corrupts  it  in  the  very  focus  of  concentration.  A 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OP  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


'7'79 


great  nation  requires  something  more  than  cultivated  and  enlightened 
minds.  It  demands  varied,  original,  unfettered  spirits,  M^ho  labor  inde- 
pendentl}’-,  think  without  restraint,  and  continue,  vidiile  gradually  devel- 
oping their  powers,  what  nature  and  the  particular  accidents  of  their 
destiny  have  made  them.  Now,  few  minds  preserve  these  valuable  qual- 
ities, unless  when  they  expand  and  live  where  they  were  born,  receiving 
light  from  every  point  of  the  horizon  that  presents  it,  but  without  remov- 
ing from  the  paternal  soil.  Men  can  live  everywhere,  body  and  soul ; 
nevertheless,  he  loses  by  transplantation  much  of  his  individual  beauty 
and  natural  vigor.  National  unity  is  admirable,  assimilation  of  weights 
and  measures  is  good,  but  uniformity  of  minds  sooner  or  later  leads  to 
their  weakness  or  servitude  ; a result  as  much  to  be  lamented  for  the 
liberty  of  a nation  as  for  its  honor  and  influence  in  the  world. 

I do  not  believe  that  three  or  four  universities,  placed  here  and  there  at  a 
distance  from  Paris,  could  possess  the  virtue  of  curing  this  evil,  produced 
and  fomented  by  so  many  causes,  some  of  them,  perhaps,  insurmountable. 
But  of  all  the  remedies  available  in  such  a case,  this  appears  to  be  one  of 
the  readiest  and  most  efficacious.  Many  powerful  ties,  both  of  feeling 
and  interest,  attach  men  to  the  scenes  of  their  birth  and  infancy,  and 
these  bonds  exert  their  empire  over  active  spirits  thirsting  for  study  and 
science,  as  also  upon  less  aspiring  temperaments,  whose  desires  are  lim- 
ited to  the  cultivation  of  the  fields,  or  to  following,  under  the  natal  roof, 
the  business  of  their  fathers.  Men  who  are  warmly  imbued  with  intel- 
lectual ambition  are  induced  to  leave  their  native  town  or  district,  be- 
cause they  can  not  find  there  the  means  of  reaching  the  object  to  which 
they  aspire,  and  the  enjoyments,  when  once  that  end  is  attained,  with 
which  they  can  no  longer  dispense.  Let  there  be  established  in  various 
parts  of  France,  great  centers  of  study  and  intellectual  life,  where  litera- 
ture and  science  may  open  to  their  adepts  sound  lessons,  the  instruments 
of  their  labor,  honorable  careers,  the  gratifications  of  self-respect,  and  the 
pleasures  of  cultivated  society  : undoubtedly,  eminent  professors,  and 
young  men  of  rising  reputation,  will  willingly  resort  thither,  where  they 
find  so  many  advantages  combined,  and  within  their  reach.  They  will 
gradually  draw  after  them,  and  form  there,  a public  animated  by  similar 
tastes  and  sensible  of  the  same  allurements  ; and  Paris,  without  ceasing 
to  be  our  great  theater  of  literary  and  scientific  activity,  will  no  longer 
be  the  abyss  in  which  so  many  spirits  capable  of  a more  useful  life,  and 
worthy  of  a better  fortune,  are  swallowed  up  and  lost. 

But  to  respond  to  their  destination,  such  establishments  require  to  be 
complete  and  distinguished.  If  scientific  or  economic  parsimony  inter- 
feres, it  wfill  strangle  them  in  the  moment  of  their  birth.  In  these  new 
universities,  and  their  various  faculties  of  literature,  science,  law,  medi- 
cine, and  theology,  (supposing  the  church  to  cooperate,)  it  is  essential 
that  the  object  and  number  of  the  chairs  should  be  in  accordance  with 
the  existing  state  of  knowledge,  and  that  the  circumstances  of  the  pro- 
fessors should  be  made  permament,  honorable,  and  easy. 

An  object  so  important  calls  upon  the  state  for  the  indispensable  sacri- 


'780 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


fices.  It  is  moreover,  the  disposition  of  our  country  to  doubt  the  success 
of  innovations,  unless  they  are  bold  and  grand.  To  obtain  a favorable 
reception  for  newly  founded  establishments,  much  should  be  done  and 
required.  I therefore  intended,  when  proposing  to  the  Chambers  the 
creation  of  local  universities,  to  explain  this  scheme  of  superior  instruc- 
tion in  its  complete  extent,  and  to  demand  all  the  conditions  necessary 
for  its  success.  I had  studied  the  difficult  question  of  the  most  eligible 
places  in  which  to  revive  and  encourage  such  establishments.  The  four 
towns  of  Strasbourg,  Rennes,  Toulouse,  and  Montpellier,  appeared  to 
offer  the  most  favorable  chances,  and  to  satisfy,  better  than  any  others, 
the  general  necessities  of  France.  I should  have  introduced,  in  this  re- 
spect, a comprehensive  bill,  with  the  view  of  obtaining  a complete  result 
at  one  blow.  When  M.  Cousin,  in  1840,  attempted  the  execution  of  the 
same  idea,  he  adopted  a different  line  of  proceeding,  and  confined  him- 
self to  asking  for  Rennes  alone,  already  endowed  with  faculties  of  law 
and  general  literature,  the  creation  of  two  others,  in  science  and  medi- 
cine, introducing  his  bill  as  an  experiment  and  sample  of  “ the  great  cen- 
ters of  superior  instruction  which  the  government  intended  to  create  at 
certain  points  of  France.”  Even  restricted  as  it  was  wdthin  these  narrow 
limits,  the  proposal  suffered  further  mutilation.  The  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties rejected  its  most  important  condition,  the  establishment  of  a faculty 
of  medicine  at  Rennes.  A bolder  and  more  exacting  bill  would,  in  my 
opinion,  have  met  with  greater  success. 

A third  reform,  moral  rather  than  scientific,  was,  of  all  my  projects 
with  regard  to  superior  instruction,  that  on  which  I was  most  intent. 

When  I visited  the  universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  one  point 
struck  me  in  particular — discipline  united  with  liberty  ; the  masters 
present  and  vigilant  in  the  midst  of  a community  of  youths  enjoying  a 
high  degree  of  independence,  and  teaching  still  continued  at  the  age  of 
emancipation  and  superior  studies.  The  scholars  live — the  greater  num- 
ber, at  least — within  the  walls  of  the  different  colleges  of  which  these 
universities  are  composed  ; left  much  to  themselves  in  their  private 
apartments,  but  taking  their  meals  together ; expected  to  attend  public 
prayers  every  day,  and  to  be  in  by  a fixed  hour  at  night;  subject  to  cer- 
tain rules  and  customs,  which  recall  the  interior  economy  of  a family — 
submission  of  many  to  one,  and  respect  for  authority — and  restrain 
within  strict  duties  and  powerful  influences  the  already  effervescing  tem- 
perament of  those  fresh  generations,  who  approach  the  moment  when 
they  in  turn  will  assume  possession  of  the  wmrld.  There  are  many 
young  men  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  who  study  very  little,  lead  irreg- 
ular lives,  gamble,  commit  baneful  excesses,  and  run  into  debt;  there  is 
much  liberty,  but  the  rules  are  in  force  and  make  themselves  felt.  Au- 
thority lives  in  the  bosom  of  freedom,  and  is  present  to  the  mind  though 
it  may  fail  to  control  the  act.  It  is  in  small  secluded  towns,  exclusively 
devoted  to  study,  and  far  removed  from  the  great  centers  of  population 
and  movement,  where  educational  establishments  meet  the  eye  at  every 
turn,  and  the  pupils  are  incessantly  in  presence  of  their  teachers,  that 


GUIZOT'S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


781 


the  youth  of  England  are  trained  up,  under  a special  and  wholesome  sys- 
tem, neither  subjected  to  vexatious  exactions  nor  left  to  themselves  in  an 
undistinguished  crowd  : moderately  enough  instructed  in  certain  points, 
but  morally  restrained  and  disciplined  at  the  moment  of  trying  their 
strength,  and  in  the  difficult  passage  from  boyhood  to  manly  maturity. 

IVhat  a contrast  between  this  system  and  the  position  of  the  youths 
who  hurry  to  Paris  to  complete  their  higher  studies,  and  to  qualify 
themselves  for  their  future  professions ! On  leaving  their  schools  and 
families,  they  are  thrown  into  this  immense  city,  alone,  without  guardian 
or  counselor ; entirely  emancipated  from  all  authority  and  restriction, 
lost  in'  the  crowed,  and  in  the  obscurity  of  their  lives  a prey  to  all  the 
weariness  of  isolation,  to  all  the  contagious  temptations  of  passion,  inex- 
perience, opportunity,  and  example,  without  moral  check  or  support,  at 
the  exact  epoch  when  they  stand  in  the  most  urgent  need  of  both.  I 
have  never  reflected  without  a profound  sentiment  of  grief  on  the  deplor- 
able condition  of  the  young  men  who  pour  in  crowds  into  our  great  sem- 
inaries. No  one  knows  or  is  able  to  calculate  how  many  of  our  children 
lose  themselves  entirely  under  this  irregular  and  unrestrieted  trial,  or 
what  traces  of  it  remain,  through  the  whole  course  of  their  after  lives  on 
the  minds,  ideas,  and  characters  of  those  W'hom  it  has  not  utterly 
overthrown. 

Why  should  we  not  place  by  the  side  of  our  great  colleges  of  superior 
instruction,  establishments  in  which  our  youths  might  recognize  some 
traces  of  the  domestic  hearth,  and  would  live  in  a certain  communion, 
W'ith  enough  of  personal  independence  and  liberty,  but  subject  also  to 
prescribed  discipline,  watched  and  sustained  in  their  conduct,  wdiile 
assisted  and  encouraged  in  their  studies  ? At  the  head  of  these  institu- 
tions should  be  placed  well-informed,  respected  men,  fathers  of  families, 
disposed  to  take  a serious  interest  in  the  moral  cultivation  as  in  the  stu- 
dies of  their  young  guests,  or  qualified  to  lead  them  by  personal  influ-- 
ence.  It  was  with  this  view,  and  almost  under  this  form  that  those 
colleges  w^ere  provided  in  various  provinces,  anciently  called  nations^ 
w^here  the  students,  flocking  to  the  lessons  of  the  university  of  Paris,  re- 
sided and  lived  in  common.  The  forms,  regulations,  and  customs,  of  such 
houses  must  in  our  days  be,  of  necessity,  very  different  from  w^hat  they 
formerly  were ; but  the  idea  and  the  result  might  be  the  same.  The 
young  students  would  be  equally  protected  from  irregularity  and  isola- 
tion. Out  of  respect  to  present  habits  and  manners,  I would  prescribe 
nothing  obligatory  on  these  points.  The  students  who  preferred  it  might 
live  alone  and  in  the  crowd,  as  they  do  now;  but  the  moral  advantages 
of  the  social  companionship  Lam  speaking  of,  would  be  so  evident,  and 
it  would  be  so  easy  to  combine  with  them  many  valuable  aids  to  study 
also,  that  a great  majority  of  the  fathers  of  families  wmuld  not  hesitate  to 
prefer  it  for  their  sons. 

Such  was  the  institution  I proposed  to  found,  and  the  example  I 
wished  to  supply  of  prolonging  education  in  the  higher  departments,  and 
of  exercising  a certain  degree  of  moral  influence  over  young  minds  in 


782 


GUIZOT'S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


their  passage  from  the  college  to  the  world.  Far  from  desiring  to  place 
such  establishments  under  the  control  of  the  state  alone,  1 was  anxious, 
on  the  contrary,  that  a certain  number  should  at  the  same  time  be  insti- 
tuted, different  in  origin  and  tendency,  and  perfectly  independent.  I 
explained  this  idea  to  a worthy  Catholic  divine  and  to  a pious  bishop, 
who  entertained  it  favorably,  and  seemed  disposed  to  support  by  their 
patronage  a foundation  of  this  character.  I also  conversed  on  the  subject 
with  several  of  my  Protestant  friends,  who  desired  nothing  better  than  to 
promote  in  concert,  for  the  students  of  their  own  communion,  the  open- 
ing of  such  a center  of  regular  and  laborious  life.  Objections  and  diffi- 
culties beset  the  first  steps  of  every  sincere  reformer,  nevertheless  there 
are  many  chances  of  success  when  the  moving  authority  is  not  afraid  of 
compromising  itself,  and  accepts  unhesitatingly  the  cooperation  of  liberty. 

But  what  is  most  wanting  to  arduous  enterprises,  in  the  present  day, 
is — time;  we  can  scarcely  command  a few  hours  of  undisturbed  or 
effectual  activity.  AVe  live  in  the  midst  of  tempests  or  dead  calms,  con- 
demned alternately  to  shipwreck  or  inaction.  More  rapid  and  controll- 
ing than  ourselves,  events  carry  away  our  ideas  and  intentions  before 
they  have  passed  into  facts,  and  not  unfrequently  before  they  have  even 
ripened  into  attempts.  I have  perhaps  less  to  complain  of  than  others 
from  this  unremitting  commotion  of  my  own  time,  since,  as  minister  of 
public  instruction,  I have  been  able  to  leave  some  enduring  traces  of  my 
passage.  Nevertheless,  I can  not  banish  certain  feelings  of  regret  when 
my  thoughts  revert  to  the  projects  I had  formed,  believing  them  to  be 
salutary,  and  of  which  not  even  a glimpse  was  permitted  to  appear. 

IV.  ACADEMIES  AND  LITERARY  ESTABLISHMENT. 

I entered  on  the  ministry  of  public  instruction  profoundly  convinced 
that  the  time  had  arrived  when  it  became  an  object  of  the  first  import- 
ance for  the  government  of  France,  under  whatever  name  it  might  be 
carried  on,  to  show  itself  not  only  without  fear,  but  an  encouraging  pro- 
tector of  all  the  labors  of  the  human  mind,  including  with  every  other 
field  of  exercise,  that  of  the  moral  and  political  sciences.  I can  not 
imagine,  in  the  present  day,  a more  false  or  damaging  position  for  power, 
than  to  be  looked  upon  as  a suspicious  and  systematic  opponent  of  intel- 
lectual activity,  even  when,  entirely  divested  of  incidental  views  or  party 
bias,  that  activity  applies  itself  exclusively  to  the  investigation  of  truth.  I 
know  the  potent  ties  which  connect  abstract  ideas  with  the  positive  interests 
of  society,  and  how  rapid  is  the  transition  from  principles  to  facts,  from 
theory  to  application.  I am  also  aware  that  there  are  times  and  places 
in  which  truth,  though  general  and  purely  scientific,  may  become  peril- 
ous and  embarrassing  to  established  order.  I abstain  from  discussing 
this  difficult  position  ; I think  only  of  my  own  country  and  my  own 
time.  At  the  point  of  national  life  we  have  now  reached,  after  the  ex- 
periments we  have  tried,  and  the  scenes  we  have  witnessed,  order  and 
authority,  far  from  having  any  thing  to  fear  from  the  free,  serious,  and 
scientific  development  of  human  intelligence,  should  draw  from  it  addi- 


GUIZOT'S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


783 


tional  strength  and  support.  Many  and  dangerous  errors  will  still  rise 
up ; but  in  the  elevated  regions  of  intelligence  and  society,  dangerous 
errors,  moral  or  political,  have  ceased  to  sail  before  the  wind  ; they  are 
speedily  recognized,  opposed,  and  cried  down.  It  is  no  longer  with  the 
higher  but  with  the  lower  classes  that  theories  calculated  to  promote  dis- 
order are  favorably  received  and  readily  attain  influence  ; it  is  not  from 
the  educated  but  from  the  ignorant  world  that  they  are  to  be  apprehended 
or  checked  when  they  appear.  In  exalted  life,  the  tendency  of  minds  is 
to  correct  and  purify  themselves.  It  is  in  the  obscurest  stations,  and 
emanating  from  inferior  quarters,  that  malignant  spirits  now  congregate 
and  ferment,  perpetually  increasing  in  their  perversity.  Let  the  govern- 
ment learn  to  place  confidence  in  intellectual  progress  above  ; it  promises 
help,  not  danger.  And  let  it  be  indefatigable  in  resisting  intellectual  dis- 
order below  : facts  will  too  frequently  supply  the  occasion  and  necessity. 
For  if  it  be  true  that  amongst  the  lower  orders,  at  present,  errors  of  the 
imagination  are  active  and  contagious,  it  is  there  also  that  they  rapidly 
transform  themselves  into  anarchial  passions  and  destructive  deeds,  and 
fall  under  the  just  attacks  of  authority. 

It  was  with  these  views  and  hopes  thus  limited,  that  a few  days  after 
the  formation  of  the  cabinet,  I proposed  to  the  King  to  reestablish,  in  the 
institute,  the  class  of  moral  and  political  sciences,  founded  in  1795  by  the 
Convention,  and  suppressed  in  1803  by  Napoleon,  at  that  time  First 
Consul,  Latel}'-,  at  the  highest  point  of  the  political  and  intellectual 
orgies  of  1848,  General  Cavaignac,  then  at  the  head  of  the  Republican 
government,  called  upon  that  academy  to  strengthen  in  the  public  mind, 
by  the  publication  of  little  works  profusely  circulated,  the  fundamental 
principles  of  social  order, — marriage,  family  ties,  property,  respect,  and 
duty.  With  a good  intent  he  essentially  deceived  himself  as  to  the  na- 
ture of  the  labors  of  such  a community  and  the  range  of  their  action.  It 
exceeds  the  province  of  science  to  repress  anarchy,  and  to  bring  back  the 
bewildered  masses  to  reason  and  virtue.  For  such  an  undertaking, 
higher  and  more  universal  powers  are  wanting; — God  and  calamity.  It 
is  in  regular  times,  by  a just  satisfaction  given,  and  a wholesome  direc- 
tion imparted  to  elevated  and  enlightened  minds,  that  learned  -associa- 
tions can  exercise  a salutary  influence  for  the  advantage  of  intellectual 
order,  and  may  lend  to  power  itself,  if  it  knows  how  to  maintain  mutual 
relations,  an  indirect  but  useful  support.  This  w^as  the  result,  neither 
more  nor  less,  that  I promised  myself  from  the  academy  of  moral  and  po- 
political  sciences.  The  King  and  the  cabinet  eagerly  adopted  the 
proposition. 

Nevertheless  it  encountered  serious  objections,  and  there  were  men  of 
sound  judgment  who  received  it  with  little  favor.  In  my  own  party,  and 
amongst  the  firmest  supporters  of  our  policy,  more  than  one  had  a strong 
mistrust  of  speculative  philosophy,  and  doubted  whether,  with  the  wisest 
intentions,  it  could  help  to  strengthen  order  and  authority.  Others  saw 
with  regret,  men,  notorious  in  the  worst  times  of  the  revolution,  restored  to 
honor  in  behalf  of  science,  and  in  despite  of  the  unpleasant  re  miniscences 


784 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


associated  with  their  names.  The  first  and  inevitable  consequence  of  the 
proposed  measure,  was,  in  fact,  to  call  back,  as  the  nucleus  of  the  new 
academy,  the  twelve  members  still  living  of  the  old  class  of  moral  and 
political  sciences.  Two  amongst  them,  the  Abbe  Sieyes  and  M.  Merlin  de 
Douai,  had  voted  for  the  death  of  Louis  XVI.  A third,  M.  Garat,  was 
minister  of  justice  at  that  sanguinary  period,  and  read  the  King’s  sen- 
tence to  him.  Nearly  all  belonged  to  the  sensualistic  school  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  and  accorded  ill  with  spiritual  philosophy  and  the  senti- 
ment of  religion.  The  return  of  such  an  influence  produced  uneasiness, 
and  a feeling  of  sorrow  that  the  government  should  appear  to  become  its 
patron. 

I encountered  an  unanswerable  evidence  of  this  feeling  in  a portion  of 
the  public.  M.  Royer-Collard,  who  was  absent  at  the  moment  when  the 
restored  academy  was  preparing  to  complete  itself  by  the  election  of  new 
members,  w’rote  to  me  thus:  “If  the  public  and  the  literary  world  take 
much  interest  in  5mur  academy  of  moral  and  political  sciences,  you  have 
done  well  as  regards  yourself ; but  as  it  appears  to  me  little  better  than 
an  absurdity,  a mere  commonplace  revival,  raised,  moreover,  on  conven- 
tional and  revolutionary  foundations,  I have  no  desire  whatever  to  figure 
there.  I have  written  to  this  effect,  and  some  days  since,  to  Cousin. 
Remove  therefore  my  name.”  In  compliance  w’ith  this  wish,  a name  so 
naturally  associated  with  the  institution  was  at  once  withdrawn. 

M.  Royer-Collard  was  perfectly  at  liberty,  in  this  circumstance,  to  con- 
sult his  own  personal  tastes  and  dislikes  ; but  in  my  position,  I should 
have  done  very  wrong  had  I acted  under  a similar  impulse.  In  my  pub- 
lic capacity  I had  two  duties  to  discharge : the  one,  to  reestablish  a 
scientific  institution  which  I t’nought  good ; the  other,  to  place  this  insti- 
tution beyond  the  pale  of  political  resentments  and  dissensions,  even 
though  they  might  be  legitimate.  I well  know  that  philosophical  ideas, 
very  contrary  to  my  own,  prevailed  in  that  class  of  the  Institute,  from  its 
original  foundation,  and  wmuld  reappear  with  its  revival ; but  I had  no 
fear,  that  within  the  inclosure  I thus  opened  to  them,  these  ideas  could 
become  powerful  or  formidable ; and  the  objections  of  a few  reminiscences 
of  the  revolution,  were,  in  my  judgment,  very  insignificant,  in  compari- 
son with  the  present  and  future  advantages  of  that  brilliant  demonstra- 
tion, in  the  bosom  of  a free  country,  of  the  confidence  of  authority  in  the 
laborious  and  well-considered  liberty  of  the  human  mind. 

The  measure  being  decided,  I hesitated  as  little  on  the  mode  of  execu- 
tion as  on  thej^rinciple.  I determined  to  make  no  academic  appointment 
by  royal  decree.  Election  is  the  essence  of  all  learned  bodies,  to  which 
no  one  can  be  worthily  admitted  except  by  the  choice  of  his  peers.  I 
remembered  that  an  old  and  faithful  royalist,  the  Abbe  de  Montesquieu, 
appointed  in  1816  to  the  French  Academy,  by  a royal  decree  which  re- 
moved from  that  community  several  of  its  members,  had  alwa3"S  refused 
to  take  his  seat  there,  saying,  “ I am  no  academician  ; academicians  are 
not  made  by  the  King.”  I even  withheld  the  decree  of  reestablishment 
until  I had  concerted  its  arrangements  with  the  surviving  members  of  the 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


'785 


old  class  of  moral  and  political  sciences  who  were  to  resume  their  func- 
tions. I have  as  little  taste  for  the  forms  as  for  the  maxims  of  absolute 
power ; I am  easy  and  satisfied,  as  regards  myself,  in  testifying  toward 
all  with  whom  I may  be  placed  in  intercourse,  the  respect  due  to  intelli- 
gent and  free  beings.  Setting  aside  ^ my  personal  bigs,  power,  in  a ma- 
jority of  cases,  derives  much  more  advantage  from  accepting  frankly  the 
assistance  of  previous  labor  and  deliberation,  than  from  blindly  provok- 
ing criticism  by  abrupt  decision,  according  to  its  exclusive  knowledge 
and  fantasy.  When  it  acts  thus,  it  is  more  frequently  from  laziness  and 
want  of  skill,  than  from  necessity  or  prudence.  Having  determined  to 
communicate  to  the  old  academicians  the  basis  of  my  plan,  I sought 
amongst  them  the  one  most  likely  to  understand  my  views,  and  possess- 
ing the  greatest  degree  of  influence  over  his  colleagues.  Of  all  the  sur- 
vivors, the  Abbe  Sieyes  had  the  greatest  reputation.  I went  to  visit  him 
accordingly.  I had  some  difficulty  in  being  admitted,  and  found  him  in 
extreme  prostration  of  mind  and  memory.  For  a moment,  during  our 
short  interview,  the  name  of  the  class  of  moral  and  political  sciences  ap- 
peared to  revive  within  him  a flash  of  intere.st — an  unsteady  glimmer 
w^hich  rapidly  disappeared.  I at  once  gave  up  the  idea  of  all  intervention 
on  his  part  in  the  negotiation  I meditated.  Looking  over  the  other 
names.  Count  Roederer  appeared  the  mo.st  eligible  for  my  purpose.  He 
was  a man  of  open  disposition,  flexible,  judicious,  liberal,  learned,  and 
despite  the  prepossession  of  many  prejudices  belonging  to  his  time,  ex- 
empt from  passion  and  party  obstinacy  in  practical  matters.  He  was  at 
his  country  residence  at  Matignan,  avxd  at  my  urgent  request  came  imme- 
diately to  Paris.  I communicated  to  him  my  plan,  and  my  views  for  its 
execution  ; requesting  him  at  the  same  time  to  call  his  old  associates 
together,  and  discuss  the  matter  with  them.  He  undertook  the  office 
with  ardor,  and  on  the  24th  of  October,  1 received  from  him  the  follow- 
ing letter ; — 

“ Sir  ; — I have  read  to  the  old  members  of  the  class  of  moral  sciences 
of  the  Institute,  the  letter  which  you  have  done  me  the  honor  to  address 
to  me  this  morning. 

“They  highly  approve  the  reestablishment  of  this  class. 

“ They  think,  that  without  dividing  it  into  sections,  it  would  be  better 
to  combine  in  a general  article  the  duties  of  the  sections,  and  to  add  to 
them  the  philosophy  of  history  (or  the  methods  to  be  adopted  in  histor- 
ical compositions,  so  as  to  render  them,  as  far  as  possible,  advantageous 
to  morality  and  policy.) 

“ They  conceive  that  this  class  should  be  limited  to  thirty  members, 
and  receive  the  title  of  Academy  of  Moral  and  Political  Sciences. 

“ They  consider  as  a consequence  of  the  restoration  of  this  class,  the 
restoration  of  all  the  still  surviving  members,  and,  in  addition,  that  of  two 
members  who  were  only  associates  at  the  time  of  the  dissolution,  but 
who  have  since  received  the  electoral  character  in  one  of  the  existing 
classes. 

“ They  think  it  desirable  to  add  four  members  to  elect  the  fifteen  others 

50  • 


786 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


who  are  to  make  up  the  complement  of  the  academy  ; but  they  are  also 
of  opinion  that  this  addition  should  be  made  by  means  of  regular  election^ 
and  that  no  election  can  be  considered  regular  until  after  the  issuing  of 
the  decree  for  reestablishing. 

“ They  think  that  the  election  ought  to  take  place  at  three  periods. 
The  first,  immediately  after  the  publication  of  the  decree  : this  will  name 
the  four  new  assistants. 

“At  the  second  election,  the  fifteen  members,  formed  by  the  addition 
of  the  above-named  assistants  to  the  eleven  old  members,  will  name  eight 
more,  amounting  in  all  to  twenty-three. 

“At  the  third  election,  the  twenty-three  members,  will  name  the  seven 
who  are  to  complete  the  full  number  of  the  class. 

“ Such,  sir,  is  the  result  of  our  long  deliberation,  during  which  all 
present  expressed  the  most  favorable  sentiments  toward  the  proposed 
plan.” 

Every  thing  in  this  letter  was  in  perfect  accordance  with  the  ideas  I 
had  communicated  to  M.  Roederer,  and  the  decree  followed  immediately. 
But  when  we  came  to  its  execution,  and  first  of  all  to  the  election,  by  the 
old  members,  of  the  four  assistants,  who,  in  concert  with  them,  were  to 
complete  the  academy,  many  rivalries,  susceptibilities,  and  philosophical 
suspicions  began  to  appear.  The  four  assistants  were  to  be  taken  from 
the  other  classes  of  the  Institute,  and  amongst  the  names  placed  foremost 
for  choice,  there  appeared,  very  naturally,  that  of  M.  Cousin.  M.  Dau- 
nou  rejected  it ; not,  as  he  said,  that  he  desired  absolutely  to  exclude  M. 
Cousin  from  the  academy ; he  considered  it  proper  and  even  necessary 
that  he  should  become  a member;  but  he  asked  that  he  should  be 
elected  at  a later  period,  and  on  the  final  completion  of  the  class.  Being 
pressed  by  objections  and  interrogatories,  he  replied  that  he  did  not  wish, 
by  electing  M.  Cousin  amongst  the  four  first  assistants,  to  give  him  an 
influence  in  the  following  elections,  which  he  might  abuse  “for  the  ad- 
vantage of  his  own  doctrinal  party  against  ours.”  As  the  discussion  con- 
tinued, M,  Daunou  ended  by  saying  that  he  had  no  objection  to  the 
government  taking  upon  itself  the  appointment  of  the  four  assistants,  in 
the  decree  for  the  restoration  of  the  academy,  and  to  the  inclusion  of  M. 
Cousin  in  the  number ; “ in  such  a course  there  would  be  no  deviation 
from  the  examples  of  the  past,  and  nothing  could  be  said  against  it.”  M. 
Merlin  accorded  with  this  opinion.  These  academicians  thus  renounced 
their  exclusive  right  to  elect  colleagues,  and  provoked  the  government  to 
an  act  of  its  own  will  to  save  themselves  the  embarrassment  of  rejecting, 
or  the  arrogance  of  admitting  a candidate  whose  philosophical  doctrines 
disturbed  their  own.  I declared  that  I would  never  propose  to  the  King 
to  name  the  academicians  himself,  and  that  the  old  members  of  the  rees- 
tablished class  were  perfectly  free  to  elect  the  four  first  assistants  accord-  • 
ing  to  their  pleasure.  The  election  took  place  accordingly.  I do  not 
know  how  M.  Daunou  voted,  but  M.  Cousin  was  amongst  the  chosen 
four.  The  fifteen  thus  combined,  completed  the  full  number  by  two  suc- 
cessive elections,  adding  respectively  eight  and  seven  new  members ; and 


GUIZOTS  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


787 


on  the  4th  of  January,  1833,  M.  Rocderer  opened  the  session  of  the 
academy  thus  definitely  constituted,  by  a speech  replete  with  joyful  sat- 
isfaction, and  hopes  a little  inflated  on  the  score  of  philosophy  ; — a per- 
severing characteristic  of  the  brilliant  and  stirring  generation  to  which  he 
belonged. 

Two  years  later  I met  with  a remarkable  instance  of  the  confident  and 
energetic  activity  of  these  surviving  relics  of  1789,  in  the  simplest  as  in 
the  most  important  circumstances  of  life.  I happened  one  morning, 
in  company  with  others,  to  be  at  the  house  of  M.  de  Talleyrand,  who  had 
come  on  leave  from  London  to  Paris.  “ Gentlemen,”  he  said  to  us,  with 
a smile  of  satisfaction  almost  youthful,  which  I have  more  than  once  seen 
on  his  cold  features,  “I  must  mention  to  you  what  happened  to  me  ye.s- 
terday.  I went  to  the  Chamber  of  Peers  ; when  I entered  the  hall  we 
only  counted  six  who  had  arrived — M.  de  Montlosier,  the  Duke  de  Cas- 
tries, M.  Roederer,  Count  Lemercier  (I  forget  who  he  named  as  the  fifth), 
and  myself.  We  had  all  sat  in  the  Constituent  Assembly,  and  were  all 
more  than  eighty  years  of  age.”  These  staunch  old  men  were  delighted 
to  see  and  remark  that  they  were  still  first  at  their  post. 

Another  ancient,  a wreck  of  an  assembly  no  less  celebrated,  and  who 
probably  thought  himself  equally  renowned  by  the  great  scenes  and  ter- 
rible consummation  in  which  he  had  participated,  M.  Lakanal,  a member 
of  the  National  Convention,  and  one  of  those  who  voted  for  the  death  of 
Louis  XVL,  had  also  been  a member  of  the  old  class  of  moral  and  polit- 
ical sciences.  It  was  he  who,  in  1795,  had  proposed  and  carried  in  the 
convention,  the  fundamental  regulation  of  the  Institute,  and  the  list  of 
original  members.  In  1832,  when  the  reestablishment  of  the  academy 
to  which  he  had  belonged  came  under  consideration,  no  one,  not  even 
amongst  his  former  colleagues,  either  thought  of  or  inquired  as  to  what 
had  become  of  him.  He  was  believed  to  be  dead,  and  was  entirely  for- 
gotten. Nevertheless  he  still  survived,  and  had  become  a settler  in  one 
of  the  recently  incorporated  states  of  America,  Alabama — at  that  time  the 
extreme  limit  between  civilization  and  savage  life.  There  he  heard  of 
the  revival  of  his  academy,  and  of  the  reenrolment  of  ^is  old  associates. 
He  wrote  to  me,  demanding  his  privilege  of  resuming  place,  amongst 
.them.  This  indisputable  claim  was  transmitted  to  the  whole  body.  The 
death  of  M.  Garat  at  that  precise  moment  left  a vacancy  open  in  the  depart- 
ment of  morals.  M.  Lakanal  succeeded  to  it  by  right  and  without  elec- 
tion. As  soon  as  I communicated  this  to  him,  he  hesitated  on  returning 
to  France,  and  in  reply,  offered  his  services  in  the  United  States.  His 
letter  was  a singular  mixture  of  just  and  confused  ideas,  of  experimental 
prudence  and  fidelity  to  his  revolutionary  remembrances.*  I declined 
his  offer;  M.  Lakanal  then  returned  to  France,  resumed  his  seat  in  the 
academy,  and  died  in  1845,  still  obscure,  but  with  all  the  accompanying 
honors  to  which  his  position  entitled  him. 

In  active  exercise  for  twenty-seven  years,  the  Academy  of  Moral  and 


* See  Historic  Documents,'  No.  VIII. 


188 


GUIZOT  S MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


Political  Sciences  has  fully  demonstrated  itself  and  justified  its  founda-. 
tion.  It  has  never  been  governed  by  the  spirit  of  political  party  or  phil- 
osophic intolerance.  Some  symptoms  have  occasionally  appeared  there 
as  the  natural  consequences  of  liberty,  but  they  have  always  been  coun- 
terbalanced and  restrained.  Such  a result  arises  from  the  continual 
intercourse  of  men  differing  in  position  and  opinions,  but  united  in  a 
common  predilection  and  respect  for  science  and  truth.  In  its  dealings, 
whether  with  the  public  or  the  government,  the  academy  has  invariably 
given  proofs  of  independence  and  moderation.  On  all  occasions  it  has 
strenuously  opposed  disorder,  and  boldly  seconded  the  regular  progress 
of  mind.  The  published  reports  of  their  sittings  and  the  collection  of 
their  papers  attest  the  intellectual  activity  of  the  members.  By  the  em- 
ulation it  has  excited  and  the  questions  proposed,  it  has  given  rise, 
beyond  its  own  immediate  sphere  of  action,  to  many  important  and  some 
very  remarkable  labors  in  philosoph}’’,  history,  legislation,  political  econ- 
omy, and  all  the  beautiful  and  difficult  sciences  to  which  it  is  devoted. 
Men  of  merit,  previously  unknown,  laborious  and  distinguished  youths, 
have  been  brought  into  notice  and  placed  on  the  track  of  elevated  study 
and  substantial  success.  Nothing  can  be  more  ill-timed  and  unintelli- 
gent in  the  present  day  than  opposition  to  academies.  We  live  under  a 
state  of  society  more  equally  balanced  and  more  careful  of  the  general 
good  than  has  hitherto  prevailed  in  the  greater  part  of  human  associa- 
tions ; but  we  are  deficient  in  varied  centers,  enduring  groups,  strongly 
cemented  aggregations,  and  independent  impulses.  We  have  a society 
at  once  dissolved  and  concentrated,  which  exhibits  everywhere  the  insu- 
lated individual  in  face  of  the  all-powerful  unity  of  the  State.  We  have 
long  sought,  and  hitherto  without  success,  some  remedy  in  political  order 
for  these  deficiencies  in  a social  condition,  which,  in  conjunction  with 
great  public  advantages,  leaves  weakly-established  rights,  ill-secured  lib- 
erties, and  individual  existences  equally  languishing  and  unsettled. 
Academies  offer,  in  the  present  day,  and  for  the  influence  of  intellectual 
order,  the  natura^and  almost  the  only  remedy  for  this  weighty  defect  in 
our  general  society.  They  assemble  under  a pacific  flag,  without  impos- 
ing any  yoke  or  factitious  unity,  illustrious  men,  who  without  this  link 
would  continue  strangers  to  each  other ; and  by  mutual  association  they 
all  obtain,  with  the  enjoyments  of  liberal  intercourse,  means  of  influence 
atid  securities  for  independence.  In  the  outer  world  they  draw  cultiva- 
ted minds  to  studies  and  questions  in  which  they  can  exercise  and  satisfy 
themselves  without  running  into  extremes  ; they  restrain  them  within 
certain  limits  of  reason  and  convenience,  while  exciting  their  activity  and 
supporting  their  freedom. 

Prepossessed  with  these  ideas,  I endeavored  to  apply  them  beyond  the 
confines  of  Paris,  and  to  obtain  the  cooperation  of  the  learned  societies  in 
the  provinces,  for  the  sound  regulation  and  progress  of  intellectual  order. 
The  number  of  these  communities,  the  strong  attachment  borne  to  them 
by  the  greater  portion  of  their  members,  the  favor  in  which  they  are  gen- 
erally held  in  the  elective  councils  of  their  departments  and  towns,  prove 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


789 


that  they  are  imbued  with  animated  sentiments  which  seek  only  the  op- 
portunity of  development.  But  the  leading  element  of  success  is  too 
often  wanting  in  these  liberal  associations — public  S3’^mpathy  and  noto- 
^iet3^  Many  of  them  languish  for  want  of  full  light,  and  their  most  zeal- 
ous members  feel  discouraged  by  being  alternately  deprived  of  the  means 
of  study  they  require,  and  of  their  just  proportion  of  credit  after  labors 
accomplished.  Some  generous  spirits — amongst  others,  a learned  French 
archaeologist,  and  one  of  the  most  active  correspondents  of  the  Academy 
of  Inscriptions  and  Polite  Literature,  M.  de  Caumont — endeavored,  either 
by  scientific  congresses  or  by  the  formation  of  local  societies,  fictitiously 
united  under  the  name  of  Provincial  Institutes,  a general  although  scat- 
tered community,  to  impart  to  all  these  bodies  the  motion  and  productive 
publicity  in  which  they  were  deficient.  I am  unable  to  estimate  cor- 
rectly what  was,  or  to  predict  what  might  have  been,  the  success  of  these 
efibrts;  but,  be  that  as  it  may,  it  was  my  opinion,  in  1834,  that  the  cen- 
tral ^power  was  called  upon  to  lend  its  hand  to  the  work;  and  after  hav- 
ing obtained  precise  information  on  the  scientific  associations  of  France, 
I addressed  a circular  letter  to  all,  inviting  them  to  establish,  betw^een  the 
minister  of  public  instruction  and  themselves  a regular  correspondence. 
“ The  societies,”  I said,  “ will  make  me  acquainted  with  the  particular 
nature  of  their  present  labors,  and  those  they  wish  to  undertake ; with 
the  resources  they  stand  in  need  of  in  every  class,  whether  books,  instru- 
ments, or  scientific  information.  I shall  endeavor  to  supply  them  with 
all  that  they  require  to  assist  their  free  exertions,  and  shall  cause  to  be 
published  every  year,  under  the  auspices  of  the  government,  at  first,  a 
collection  of  some  of  the  most  important  papers  read  in  the  principal  lite- 
rary communities  of  the  kingdom,  and  subsequently  a condensed  general 
report  of  their  labors,  drawn  up  from  their  own  individual  statements  or 
from  the  accounts  transmitted  tome;  thus  perpetuating  a correct  monu- 
ment of  the  intellectual  activity  of  the  country — at  least,  as  far  as  it  man- 
ifests itself  through  the  organ  of  scientific  associations.” 

To  convince  these  societies  that  in  addressing  them  I was  not  actuated 
by  mere  administrative  curiosity,  and  that  I attached  a solid  importance 
to  my  proposition,  I added,  to  motives  drawn  from  their  own  interest, 
another  of  general  and  superior  importance.  “At  the  moment,”  I said, 
“when  popular  instruction  expands  in  every  quarter,  anc^  when  th& 
effects  of  which  it  is  the  object  ought  to  excite  a great  and  animated 
movement  amongst  the  numerous  classes  devoted  to  manual  labor,  it  is 
most  essential  that  the  classes  in  more  easy  circumstances,  who  employ 
themselves  in  intellectual  occupations,  should  not  subside  into  indiffer- 
ence or  apathy.  In  proportion  as  elementary  instruction  becomes  gen- 
eral and  active,  it  is  indispensable  that  in  the  superior  branches  of  study 
the  labors  of  exalted  science  should  advance  in  a similar  ratio.  If  the 
progress  of  intelligence  went  on  increasing  with  the  masses,  whilst  sloth 
prevailed  amongst  the  higher  orders  of  societjq  sooner  or  later  a danger- 
ous perturbation  would  ensue.  I consider  it,  therefore,  a duty  imposed 
on  the  government,  for  the  interest  of  society  at  large,  to  impart,  as  far  as 


790 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


ill  it  lies,  a powerful  impulse  to  elevated  study  and  pure  science,  as  much 
as  to  practical  and  popular  instruction.”  Finally,  to  dissipate  before- 
hand, in  the  literary  associations  of  the  departments,  the  mistrust  I an- 
ticipated, I concluded  thus: — “ There  is  no  question  here  of  any  central- 
ization of  business  or  power.  1 have  no  intention  of  infringing  on  the 
liberty  or  individuality  of  the  learned  societies,  or  of  imposing  on  them 
any  general  organization  or  ruling  idea.  The  matter  at  issue  is  simply 
to  transmit  to  them,  from  a common  center,  the  means  of  successful  ex- 
ertion which  they  could  derive  from  no  other  quarter,  and  for  them  to 
return  to  the  same  source  the  fruits  of  their  activity  to  be  disseminated 
in  a more  extensive  sphere.  Far  from  abstracting  any  portion  of  their 
local  independence  or  importance  from  the  learned  societies,  this  measure 
is  calculated,  on  the  contrary,  to  secure  and  augment  both,  by  giving  in- 
creased efficacy  and  scope  to  their  efforts.” 

This  circular,  despatched  to  seventy-five  learned  associations  scattered 
over  the  kingdom,  excited  a certain  degree  of  stir  and  expectation.  Sev- 
eral of  them  commenced  an  animated  correspondence  with  my  depart- 
ment. I forwarded  to  them  books,  national  and  foreign  documents, 
scientific  information,  and  small  sums  of  money  to  assist  them  in  their 
researches  and  local  publications.  One  of  my  successors  in  the  ministry 
of  public  instruction,  M.  de  Salvandy,  resumed  in  1837  and  in  1846,  wdth 
the  generous  ardor  he  threw  into  all  his  undertakings,  the  work  thus 
commenced  ; he  asked  and  obtained  from  the  Chambers  a special  section 
in  his  budget,  devoted  to  the  learned  associations,  and  endowed  with  fifty 
thousand  francs.  This  sum  he  divided  amongst  sixty  of  the  number — a 
mode  of  support  I am  far  from  considering  as  generally  futile,  but  which 
in  this  particular  case  I can  not  look  upon  as  the  most  necessary  or  effica- 
cious. Encouragement  ought  to  be  bestowed  on  the  persons  and  their 
works ; intellectual  consideration  rather  than  pecuniary  aid  is  of  leading 
importance  to  learned  bodies.  What  they  preeminently  desire  is  to  find 
themselves  recognized  and  appreciated  in  the  literary  world.  I proposed 
to  employ,  in  my  department,  one  or  two  distinguished  men  in  an  assid- 
uous systematic  correspondence  with  these  societies,  and  to  prepare,  in 
concert  with  them,  the  publications  of  which  they  were  to  be  the  object. 
This  kind  of  encouragement,  I venture  to  think,  would  have  been  more 
agreeable  and  serviceable  to  them  than  a small  share  of  a limited  allocation. 

I should  say  nothing  in  respect  to  some  measures  of  little  importance 
wdiich  I introduced  in  the  various  scientific  and  literary  establishments, 
libraries,  museums,  and  collections  dependent  on  my  ministry,  if  my 
ideas  on  these  points  had  not  been,  and  did  not  still  continue  materially 
different  from  those  which  obtain  credit  in  the  present  day,  I am  there- 
fore anxious  to  state  with  precision  what  my  intentions  and  conduct  were 
toward  these  several  communities. 

I am  a steady  partizan  of  monarchy  and  administrative  government. 
France  owes  to  both  much  of  her  pi'osperity  and  progress.  I feel  sin- 
cerely grateful  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  I.,  for  having  said  to  M.  de  Fon- 
tancs,  ‘‘Leave  us  at  least  the  republic  of  letters;”  and  I adopt  these 


GUIZOT'S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION.  YOl- 

words  more  seriously  than  perhaps  Napoleon  himself  meant  when  he 
uttered  them.  The  system  of  administrative  monarchy,  its  intractable 
unity,  its  monotonous  bearing  from  head  to  foot,  its  frigid  prepossession 
for  things  rather  than  persons,  its  severity  against  disorder,  and  its  want 
of  sympath}’-  with  liberty — all  these  characteristics  are  unsuited  to  the 
region  in  which  the  literary  and  scientific  character  holds  rule.  Such 
establishments  require  a large  share  of  independence  and  spontaneous 
action,  of  variety  and  personal  government.  Not  to  gratify  vain  or  fan‘ 
tastic  whims,  but  from  the  very  nature  of  the  men  with  whom  we  treat, 
and  the  matters  specially  treated  of  in  such  cases.  General  and  superior 
administration  requires  rules  and  agents ; above  all  things,  it  fears  and 
rejects  individual  caprices,  unforeseen  acts,  anomalies,  and  abuses.  It  is 
ill  suited  to  the  management  of  scholars  and  philosophers,  men  accu.s- 
tomed  and  di.sposed  to  invent,  to  criticise,  to  determine  their  own  ideas 
and  labors,  and  with  whom  it  is  necessary  to  converse  and  argue  inces- 
santly, instead  of  simply  sending  them  a copy  of  instructions  or  a formal 
circular.  Shall  government  place  over  them  an  agent  analogous  to  itself, 
a petty  administrative  sovereign  ? In  that  case,  the  scholars  and  philos- 
ophers thus  controlled,  take  offense,  the  government  incurs  their  secret 
opposition  and  ill-humor;  they  resign,  and  nullify  themselves,  leaving 
the  affairs  of  letters  and  science  to  be  transacted  by  mere  strangers  to 
their  necessities,  their  tastes,  their  desires,  their  pleasures,  their  studies, 
and  their  books ; who  may  perhaps  introduce  order  into  literary  estab- 
lishments, while  they  utterly  destroy  their  vitality.  Then  follows  a gen- 
eral feeling  of  astonishment  that  letters  languish  and  scholars  become 
disaffected ! 

Let  me  cite  an  example  of  the  errors  into  vrhich  authority  falls,  and 
the  mischief  it  does,  when  it  applies  ideas  purely  administrative  to  literary 
and  scientific  establishments.  In  doing  this,  I shall  select  one  of  the 
instances  most  favorable  to  government,  a case  in  which  plausible  mo- 
tives appear  to  justify  the  measures  adopted.  For  a long  time,  and  under 
the  parliamentary  system,  as  at  present,  the  apartments  assigned  in  the 
scientific  establishments  to  the  keepers,  professors,  and  different  officers 
who  exercise  their  functions  on  the  spot,  have  been  condemned  as  abuses. 
Their  dwelling-houses  have  been  alternately  pronounced  too  numerous, 
too  spacious,  or  too  magnificent.  I have  already  inserted  the  stinging 
answer  of  an  illustrious  scholar  to  these  repeated  complaints.  To  put  an 
end  to  abuse,  this  practice  has  recently  been  abolished  in  the  Imperial 
Library ; it  has  been  decided  that  no  keeper  or  officer  should  any  longer 
live  within  the  walls,  and  an  indemnity  has  been  granted  to  those  who 
were  in  consequence  expelled.  This  was  intended  and  believed  to  be  an 
act  of  judicious  legislation  ; but  it  evinces  a profound  misunderstanding 
of  the  nature  and  moral  power  of  scientific  establishments,  whilst  it 
strikes  a heavy  blow  against  scholastic  life  and  habits.  A public  library, 
a museum  of  natural  history,  the  conservatories  of  great  collections,  are 
in  the  eyes  of  the  men  intrusted  with  their  charge,  with  the  care  of  en- 
riching them,  and  of  giving  lectures  on  their  contents,  very  different 


192 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


places  from  the  mere  buildings  in  which  they  perform  their  duties.  They 
become  the  home  of  their  souls ; a country  in  which  they  live  surrounded 
by  the  instruments  of  their  labor  and  the  pleasures  of  their  thought.  I 
might  call  them  laical  convents  devoted  to  science,  in  which  men  freely 
enclose  themselves,  to  whom  science  is  their  all  in  all,  constituting  aliko 
their  employment  and  recreation.  They ’do  much  more  than  receive  the 
public  there,  and  reply  to  their  questions ; they  themselves  work  the 
mine  of  wealth  they  watch  over ; the  libraries  and  museums  in  which 
they  live  are  their  personal  laboratories.  It  is  by  means  of  this  continued 
cohabitation,  this  material  intimacy,  if  I may  so  express  myself,  with  the 
monuments  and  repositories  of  science,  that  the  chief  portion  of  the  great 
works  emanating  from  thence  have  been  prepared  and  completed  by  the 
resident  officers  of  the  scientific  establishments.  Is  it  to  be  expected 
that  the  same  sentiments  will  develop  themselves,  the  same  ties  be  pre- 
served, and  the  same  results  obtained,  when  these  establishments  become 
deserted  buildings,  except  on  certain  days,  and  at  particular  hours,  when 
the  keepers  and  professors  repair  thither  with  the  public  to  discharge  a 
task,  and  retire  as  soon  as  it  is  concluded,  to  seek  within  their  own  homes 
those  studious  and  domestic  enjoyments  no  longer  associated  in  their 
minds  with  the  halls  and  buildings  in  which  they  have  ceased  to  reside  ? 
The  city  and  the  family  of  literature  have  been  broken  up.  Scattered 
functionaries,  even  though  they  were  the  most  learned  and  punctilious  in 
the  world,  can  never  replace  them. 

We  are  too  often  inclined  to  suffer  ourselves  to  be  exclusively  prepos- 
sessed with  certain  faults  and  evils  which  strike  the  mind  and  ruffle  the 
temper,  and  to  forget  or  sacrifice  in  the  desire  for  their  abolition  the  valu- 
able advantages  with  which  they  are  combined.  I am  no  advocate  for 
abuses  ; but  I would  rather  nourish  two  or  three  parasitical  plants  around 
the  tree  than  weaken  or  cut  down  the  tree  itself.  I believe,  moreover, 
that  by  a few  persevering  measures  of  inspection  and  publicity,  it  would 
be  easy  to  anticipate  or  reform  the  greater  part  of  the  complaints  raised 
against  the  administration  of  scientific  establishments,  without  depriving 
them  of  their  essential  character.  Be  this  as  it  may,  when,  in  November, 
1832,  I was  called  upon  by  the  demands  and  committees  of  the  Chambers 
themselves,  to  apply  certain  modifications  to  the  system  of  the  Royal 
Librar}^  I took  the  greatest  care  that  they  should  in  no  way  affect  the 
ancient  independence,  or  what  I may  call  the  literary  autonomy  of  that 
establishment.  I left  the  interior  government  to  the  assembly  of  its  con- 
servators ; I merely  imposed  on  them  the  obligation  of  recommending, 
of  their  own  accord,  and  chosen  from  amongst  themselves,  by  the  pre- 
sentation of  three  candidates,  a president  of  the  conservatory,  who-would 
act,  within,  as  the  executive  power,  and  would  constitute,  without,  their 
representative  with  the  "general  administration.  I thus  introduced  into 
the  establishment  a principle  of  unity  and  responsibility,  without  inter- 
fering with  the  dignity  of  its  learned  heads,  or  depriving  them  of  their 
natural  privileges.  I even  strengthened  the  position  of  the  superior  and 
inferior  officers  of  the  library,  by  giving  them,  through  their  own  nomin- 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION.  '793 

ation  and  advancement,  important  securities  against  the  spontaneous  and 
arbitrary  action  of  the  central  power. 

The  government  of  the  Museum  of  Natural  History  might  have  been 
susceptible  of  some  analogous  reforms  ; but  they  were  less  loudly  called 
for  by  the  public,  and  the  heads  of  the  establishment,  all  professors  of 
reputation,  appeared  to  look  upon  them  with  greater  dread.  I therefore 
left  untouched  their  old  organization,  under  which  science  and  teaching 
had  made  satisfactory  progress,  and  to  which  it  had  imparted  so  much 
brilliancy. 

I effected  for  these  two  societies  a measure  of  more  importance  to  the 
prosperity  of  literature  and  science,  than  the  suppression  of  a few  houses, 
and  a trifling  number  of  administrative  irregularities,  by  asking  and  ob- 
taining from  the  Chambers  a considerable  increase  to  their  dotation. 
From  I’SSS  to  1837,  the  ordinary  budget  of  the  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory w’as  carried  from  337,000  to  434,000  francs  ; and  that  of  the  Royal 
Library,  from  205,000  to  274,000;  an  augmentation  of  one-third,  princi- 
pally applied  to  placing  in  good  order  and  enriching  the  material  of  both 
establishments.  In  virtue  of  the  law  for  extraordinary  public  works, 
proposed  by  M.  Thiers  on  the  29th  of  April,  1833,  and  promulgated  on 
the  27th  of  June  following,  a^um  of  2,400,000  francs  was  appropriated 
to  the  extension  of  the  grounds  belonging  to  the  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory, and  to  the  erection  of  a mineralogical  gallery  and  numerous  green- 
houses, long  desired  to  assist  the  labors  of  the  professors,  and  to  gratify 
the  curiosity  of  the  public.  King  Louis-Philippe  laid  the  first  stone  of 
the  mineralogical  gallery  on  the  29th  of  July,  1833,  on  the  occasion 
of  which  ceremony  I accompanied  him.  The  crowd  was  enormous, 
including  all  the  learned  members  of  the  Museum,  the  habitual  visitors, 
the  students,  and  the  national  guard  of  the  quarter.  In  the  name  of  that 
public,  I thanked  the  King  for  the  additional  means  he  thus  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  science,  of  employing  its  riches  to  their  full  advantage.  “ It 
is  your  destiny,  sire,”  I said  to  him,  “ as  it  will  also  be  your  glory,  in 
trifling  as  in  great  affairs,  to  accomplish  what  has  been  projected,  to  ter- 
minate what  has  been  begun,  to  reach  the  end  universally  desired,  to 
satisfy  the  moderate  necessities  of  science,  as  well  as  the  all-powerful  in- 
terests of  society.”  In  these  words  I expressed  the  sentiments  of  all  who 
then  listened  to  them.  The  sincerest  hopes  are  presumptuous ; but  men 
would  feel  their  hearts  freeze  within  them,  and  would  sink  into  apathy, 
could  they  but  divine  the  uncertainty  of  their  works,  and  if  the  future 
ceased  to  be  concealed  from  their  view. 

V.  HISTORICAL  STUDIES. 

Our  tastes  easily  become  manias,  and  an  idea  which  has  long  and 
powerfully  possessed  us,  assumes  an  importance  in  our  estimation  to 
which  vanity  often  lends  too  much  faith.  Nevertheless,  the  more  I 
reflect,  the  more  I feel  convinced  that  I have  not  exaggerated  to  myself 
the  interest  which  a nation  ought  to  take  in  its  own  histoiy  ; nor  the  ad- 
vantage it  gains  in  political  intelligence  as  well  as  in  moral  dignity,  by 


794  GUIZOT’S  MlNISTrvY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 

completely  understanding  and  attaching  itself  to  this  subject.  In  the 
long  course  of  successive  generations,  denominated  a people,  how  rapidly 
each  passes  away  ? And  in  that  short  passage  how  narrowly  is  the  hor- 
izon bounded ! How  insignificant  is  the  place  we  occupy,  and  how  little 
do  we  see  with  our  own  eyes!  We  require  to  magnify  our  thoughts, 
that  we  may  be  able  to  take  a serious  view  of  life.  Religion  opens  the 
future  and  places  us  in  presence  of  eternity.  History  brings  back  the 
past  and  adds  to  our  own  existence  the  lives  of  our  fathers.  When  we 
turn  to  them,  our  perceptions  rise  and  extend.  When  we  thoroughly 
know  them,  we  acquire  a better  knowledge  and  comprehension  of  our- 
selves. Our  own  destiny,  our  present  situation,  the  circumstances  which 
surround  and  the  necessities  which  press  upon  us,  become  more  clear 
and  natural  in  our  eyes.  We  not  only  gratify  science  and  imagination, 
by  thus  associating  ourselves  with  the  events  and  persons  that  have  pre- 
ceded us  on  the  same  soil  and  under  the  same  heaven,  but  we  take  from 
the  ideas  and  passions  of  the  day  much  of  their  narrow  sourness. 
Amongst  a people  interested  and  well  instructed  in  their  own  history,  we 
are  almost  sure  of  finding  a more  wholesome  and  equitable  judgment  on 
their  present  affairs,  the  conditions  of  their  progress,  and  their  chances 
for  the  future. 

The  same  idea  and  hope  by  which  I had  been  governed  and  animated 
in  my  course  of  lectures  at  the  Sorbonne,  on  the  development  of  French 
civilization,  followed  me  to  the  ministry  of  Public  Instruction,  and  regu- 
lated my  efforts  to  revive  and  expand  the  taste  for,  and  study  of  our  na- 
tional history.  From  this  source,  assuredly,  I looked  for  no  rapid  or 
widely-spreading  effect,  either  as  to  the  abatement  of  political  passions 
or  the  correction  of  popular  prejudices.  I knew  too  well  already  how 
deeply  they  are  rooted,  and  that  powerful  and  repeated  blows  from  the 
hand  of  God  himself  are  necessary  to  extirpate  them.  But  I expected 
that  in  Paris,  in  the  first  instance,  in  the  center  of  studies  and  ideas,  and 
subsequently  in  various  parts  of  France,  a certain  number  of  intelligent 
spirits  would  acquire  more  correct  and  impartial  notions  of  the  different 
elements  of  what  French  society  is  composed,  of  their  mutual  relations 
and  rights,  and  of  the  value  of  their  historical  traditions  in  the  new  social 
combinations  of  our  own  days.  I was  not  disheartened  by  the  inevitable 
slowness  of  this  intellectual  progress,  nor  by  the  still  more  tardy  effect  of 
its  public  influence.  There  is  pride  in  the  pretension  of  reforming  the 
errors  of  our  time  ; those  who  indulge  in  it  must  be  content  with  even  a 
glimpse  of  .success.  They  preach  patience  to  nations  in  the  pursuit  of 
their  desires  ; let  them  learn  to  practice  patience  themselves  in  their  own 
labors  and  hopes. 

Before  1830,  I had  obtained,  not  only  Muth  the  public  and  by  my  lec- 
tures, but  in  the  general  system  of  public  instruction,  some  important 
results  in  respect  to  the  study  of  history.  This  study  was  not  even 
named  in  the  law  which,  under  the  Consulate,  in  1802,  had  reestablished 
secondary  education.  “ In  the  lyceums  will  be  taught,”  says, the  tenth 
article,  “ the  classical  languages,  rhetoric,  logic,  moral  philosophy,  and 


GUIZOT’S  l^INISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


795 


the  elements  of  mathematical  and  physical  science.”  A step  was  made 
in  the  statute,  by  which  the  council  of  the  university,  in  1814,  regulated 
the  discipline  and  course  of  study  in  the  colleges  ; instruction  in  history 
and  geography  was  then  introduced,  but  in  a very  accessory  form.  The 
professors  of  the  old  languages  were  ordered  to  undertake  these  branches 
in  addition  to  their  literary  teaching.  During  the  summer  months,  from 
the  1st  of  April  to  the  vacations,  half  an  hour  was  added  to  the  evening 
classes;  “and  this  half-hour,”  says  Article  129,  “will  be  exclusively  de- 
voted to  geography  and  history.”  It  was  not  until  1818  that  a decisive 
and  effectual  measure  came  into  operation.  M.  Royer-Collard  and  M. 
Cuvier,  with  whom  I had  often  considered  the  subject,  carried  a resolu- 
tion to  the  following  effect : — 

“ Seeing  the  present  arrangement  in  the  colleges,  which  assigns  to  the 
professors  during  the  summer  months  an  additional  half-hour  at  the  ter- 
mination of  every  evening  class,  for  giving  instruction  in  history  and 
geography ; 

“ And  considering  that  the  intent  of  this  regulation  has  not  been  gen- 
erally carried  out  to  the  present  time,  and  also  that  it  is  desirable  to  give 
to  this  department  of  classical  study  the  full  development  required  by 
the  state  of  society  and  the  wishes  of  families ; 
is  decreed  as  follows: — 

“ Instructions  in  history  and  geography  in  such  royal  and  depart- 
mental colleges  as  will  be  pointed  out  by  the  committee  will  henceforward 
be  intrusted  to  a professor  or  substitute  specially  appointed.” 

The  result  responded  to  the  expectation.  Special  professors  of  history 
were  named,  with  suitable  appointments;  instruction. in  the  different 
historical  epochs  was  distributed  through  the  successive  classes ; history 
and  geography  assumed  their  due  share  in  the  honors  of  general  compe- 
tition and  their  place  in  the  schools  of  the  state. 

A little  later,  in  1820,  the  committee  of  public  instruction,  when  com- 
municating to  the  professors  the  new  plan  of  teaching,  determined  very 
judiciously  its  scope  and  character.  “The  professor,”  it  said,  “will 
form  an  erroneous  idea  of  the  advantages  expected  from  his  zeal,  if  he 
believes  himself  called  upon  to  enter  into  the  development  and  discussion 
of  high  criticism  which  belong  to  more  exalted  instruction.  This  is  not 
to  be  considered  a faculty  class.  The  professor  can  only  expect  to  be- 
come useful  to  his  pupils  by  measuring  their  standard.  The  class  must 
be  formed  for  them,  and  not  for  himself.  His  object  being  to  impress  on 
their  memories  the  leading  facts  of  history,  the  knowledge  of  which  is 
laboriously  and  imperfectly  acquired  at  a more  advanced  age,  he  must 
not  seek  other  sources  of  interest  than  the  simple  exposition  of  historical 
events,  and  the  natural  connection  subsisting  between  them.  Above  all, 
he  must  avoid -every  allusion  that  might  lead  his  pupils  into  the  field  of 
politics,  and  supply  food  for  party  discussion.” 

Notwithstanding  this  reserve,  when  influence,  in  the  first  place,  and 
power  afterwards,  passed  into  the  hands  of  M.  de  Yillele,  or  rather  of  his 
party,  historical  teaching  became  suspected  ; and  in  the  measures  of  the 


796  GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSPTRUCTION. 

X 

day — particularly  in  the  new  statute  drawn  up  in  September,  1821,  for 
the  government  of  the  colleges — a concealed  effort  was  perceptible,  if  not 
to  abolish  this  department  altogether,  at  least  to  reduce  and  cast  it  into 
the  shade. 

But  the  effort  was  visibly  embarrassed  and  timid.  At  that  epoch  it 
was  the  fault  and  misfortune  of  the  parties  in  conflict,  whether  friends  or 
enemies  of  the  Restoration,  to  fear  each  other  too  much,  and  mutually  to 
overrate  their  power.  Their  reciprocal  apprehensions  far  exceeded  their 
actual  dangers,  and  they  threatened  more  than  they  struck.  In  spite  of 
the  proclaimed  suspicions  and  hostile  acts  of  what  was  called  the  Asso- 
ciation against  the  University  and  its  progress,  when  the  Restoration  fell, 
not  only  did  the  university  remain  unshaken,  but  in  its  bosom,  and  in 
the  different  gradations  of  public  instruction,  in  the  colleges  as  in  the 
faculties,  historical  teaching  was  established. 

The  system  of  1830  banished  all  uneasiness  as  to  the  security  of  this 
teaching  in  the  colleges,  but  injured  it  in  the  higher  departments.  Sev- 
eral of  its  ablest  exponents  dedicated  themselves  entirely  to  political  life, 
and  historical  labors  soon  suffered  from  the  effects  of  the  disorganization 
of  minds.  M.  Augustine  Thierry,  at  that  time  ill  and  almost  blind,  and 
living  near  his  brother  Amedee,  then  prefect  of  the  Upper  Saone,  wrote 
thus  to  me  from  Luxeuil  on  the  3d  of  September,  1833  : — “ Do  you  be- 
lieve, my  dear  friend,  that  my  presence  in  Paris  would  be  of  an3^  service 
to  historical  studies?  Our  school  is  dissolved  by  your  general  pension  ; 
nothing  remains  of  it  but  a few  fragments,  which  are  disappearing  from 
day  to  day.  I could  collect  them  together  and  make  m3’self  a center ; 
and,  in  truth,  the  matter  is  pressing.  See  what  light  and  unsteady  teach- 
ing has  already  l^ecome  popular.  What  is  published  in  books  is  even 
more  extraordinary.  Under  the  name  of  history  people  compose  dithy- 
rambics  and  poetry.  You  have  established  a conservator  of  historical 
monuments.  Create  also  a preserver  of  style  and  method  in  history; 
without  which,  before  four  years  have  expired,  no  trace  will  remain  of 
what  has  cost  us  all,  and  you  in  particular,  so  much  anxiety  and  labor. 
I will  devote  to  this  work  the  remnant  of  my  life.  Place  me  in  a position 
to  live  in  Paris  ; let  your  justice  decide  on  the  rights  I have  acquired  by 
what  I have  done  and  lost  for  science,  and  Providence  will  accomplish 
the  rest.” 

1 was  more  impatient  than  any  one  else  to  open  new  sources  of  whole- 
some strength  and  prosperity  to  the  studies  to  which  I was  so  warml3^ 
attached,  and  which  I saw  seriously  endangered.  Public  feeling  came 
to  my  assistance.  If  superior  instruction  in  history  had  suffered  a con- 
sidei  able  check,  the  taste  for  historical  researches  and  reflections  was  evi- 
dently extending,  and  afforded  intellectual  gratification,  with  the  chance 
of  literary  fame,  local  or  general,  to  man3’-  active  minds  who  were  neither 
attracted  nor  encouraged  by  political  life.  Several  of  my  friends  com- 
municated to  me  their  project  for  founding,  under  the  title  of  Society  of 
the  History  of  France^  an  association  specially  devoted  to  the  publication 
of  original  documents  relative  to  our  national  history,  and  with  a view  to 


GUIZOT  S MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


797 


disseminate,  either  by  correspondence  regularly  carried  on,  or  by  a 
monthly  Bulletin^  a general  knowledge  of  the  scattered  and  neglected 
labors  of  which  it  was  the  object.  I hastened  to  give  this  plan  my  assent 
and  cooperation.  AYe  met  together  on  the  27th  of  June,  1833,  to  the 
number  of  twenty  institutors  ; w'e  arranged  the  bases  of  the  association, 
and  a little  more  than  six  months  later,  on  the  23d  of  January,  1834,  the 
Society  of  the  History  of  France,  reckoning  already  one  hundred  mem- 
bers, formed  itself  into  a general  assembly,  adopted  definitive  regulations, 
appointed  a council  to  superintend  its  labors,  and  took  the  field  in  full 
activity.  What  it  has  since  accomplished  during  twenty-five  years  is 
well  known.  It  has  printed  seventy-one  volumes  of  memoirs  and  unpub- 
lished documents,  nearly  all  of  the  highest  interest  to  our  history,  and 
some  containing  authentic  discoveries,  equally  curious  and  important  for 
the  amateur  and  the  professional  scholar.  It  has  expended  on  these  pub- 
lications 360,000  francs,  (£14,440.)  It  has  excited  throughout  the 
country,  and  in  a multitude  of  small  towns  entirely  without  scientific  es- 
tablishments, an  inquisitive  investigation  of  their  own  local  annals,  with 
all  their  reminiscences  and  documents.  At  present  it  enumerates  452 
members ; and  this  number  continually  increasing,  the  importance  of  its 
publications,  the  extent  of  its  correspondence,  and  the  regularity  and 
interest  of  its  monthly  Bulletin,  all  tend  to  secure  a long  and  productive 
future. 

But  even  at  the  moment  of  its  establishment,  and  from  my  interviews 
with  its  most  zealous  founders,  I felt  convinced  that  it  would  fall  far  short 
of  its  imposed  task,  and  that  the  government  alone  possessed  the  literary 
and  financial  resources  indispensable  to  such  a work.  I resolved  to  un- 
dertake it,  as  minister  of  public  instruction,  and  to  give  it,  from  the  be- 
ginning, the  extent  and  brilliancy  whiclu would  alone  incline  the  Cham- 
bers to  the  large  contributions  I should  be  compelled  to  ask  from  them. 
In  intellectual  as  in  political  arrangements,  it  is  by  great  expectations 
and  demands  that  human  sympathy  and  activity  are  stirred  up  to  ener- 
getic efforts.  I had  several  ends  to  attain.  I wished  to  seek  out,  collect 
together,  and  place  in  security,  throughout  all  France,  the  monuments 
of  our  history  which  had  not  perished  in  the  revolutionary  spoliations 
and  destructions.  I was  anxious  to  select,  in  the  local  archives  thus  re- 
stored, and  in  those  of  the  state,  w'hether  diplomatic  or  military,  every 
important  document  of  national  histor3q  and  to  publish  them  in  succes- 
sion, without  wounding  any  public  interest  or  convenience,  and  also 
without  puerile  timidity.  To  execute  such  a labor  worthily,  required 
the  association  of  men  eminent  in  historical  study,  to  decide,  either  in 
committee  with  the  minister  of  public  instruction,  on  the  importance 
and  merit  of  the  documents,  or  individually  to  superintend  their  publica- 
tion. It  was  also  essential,  that  throughout  the  entire  country,  the  local 
scholars  and  archaeologists  should  enter  into  correspondence  with  the 
minister  and  his  council,  to  point  out  to  them  the  concealed  treasures, 
and  to  assist  in  their  exhumation.  Under  these  conditions  alone  could 
the  work  respond  to  the  idea,  and  produce  a collection  of  hitherto  unpub- 


198 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


lished  documents  calculated  to  throw  living  light,  not  on  a single  period 
or  province,  but  on  the  entire  series  of  ages  and  multiplied  theaters  of 
the  long  and  energetic  life  of  Prance. 

In  the  financial  budget  presented  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  on  the 
10th  of  January,  1834,  I demanded  a special  allocation  of  120,000  francs, 
to  commence  this  undertaking.  Opposition  was  raised  against  such  a 
novel  and  heavy  expenditure.  The  committee  specially  charged  with  the 
examination  of  the  budget  of  my  department  proposed  to  reduce  it  to 
50,000  francs.  The  general  committee  of  the  budget  called  upon  the 
Chamber  to  reject  it  altogether.  I supported  my  proposal.  The  debate 
was  animated  and  embroiled.  I found  supporters  amongst  my  adversa- 
ries, and  adversaries  amongst  my  friends.  M.  Garnier-Pages  accused  me 
of  endeavoring  to  draw  away  from  the  journals,  the  young  writers  who 
maintained  principles,  to  attract  and  engage  them  in  studies  unconnected 
with  politics.  In  reply,  M.  Mauguin  congratulated  himself  and  me  on 
the  publicity  I proposed  to  give  to  political  archives  and  correspondence  ; 
an  excellent  school,  he  said,  in  which  to  form  the  politicians  of  whom 
France  stood  in  need,  and  added : “ When  you  have  only  created  a few 
of  these,  you  will  be  indemnified  a hundred-fold  for  your  expenses.”  M. 
de  Sade  and  M.  Pages  de  I’Ariege,  M.  Pelet  de  la  Lozere,  and  M.  Gillon, 
adduced  more  serious  arguments  for  and  against  my  demand ; the  pas- 
sion of  economy  and  the  love  of  science  were  mutually  opposed.  The 
Chamber  placed  confidence  in  me  on  such  questions  as  these,  and  received 
with  favor  measures  of  a liberal  character  not  interfering  with  the  policy 
of  order  and  resistance.  I gained  my  cause.  As  soon  as  the  budget 
was  voted,  I presented  a report  to  the  King,  in  which  I explained,  in  de- 
tail, the  motives  and  hopes,  the  plan  and  executive  means  of  the  under- 
taking. On  returning  it,  he  wrote  as  follows: — “My  dear  minister;  I 
have  read  with  much  interest  the  report  you  have  transmitted  to  me  this 
morning.  You  will  find  it  inclosed  and  confirmed  by  my  approbation. 
You  have  undertaken  a great  and  useful  work.  The  thought  was  worthy 
of  you,  and  its  execution  could  not  be  intrusted  to  hands  more  capaWe 
of  assuring  success.  I find  in  this  a new  reason  for  being  thankful  that 
I have  such  a minister.”  Thus  supported  by  the  great  public  authori- 
ties, I immediately  applied  mj’^self  to  the  task. 

The  good-will  and  effective  activity  with  which  I was  met  by  all  the 
friends  of  historical  study,  soon  became  certain  guarantees  of  a happy 
result.  Messrs.  Augustin  Thierry,  Mignet,  Fauriel,  Guerard,  Cousin, 
Auguste  Le  Prevost,  and  General  Pelet,  anxiously  hastened,  not  only  to 
associate  themselves  with  the  labors  of  the  central  committee  instituted 
in  my  ministry,  but  to  superintend  themselves  the  first  important  publi- 
cations destined  to  inaugurate  the  collection.  The  number  and  zeal  of 
our  distinguished  correspondents  in  the  provinces  rapidly  increased. 
Eighty-nine  were  enrolled  by  December,  1834,  when  I sent  them  my  re- 
port to  the  King,  and  general  instructions  as  to  the  labors  in  prospect. 
Five  months  later,  in  May,  1835,  either  by  voluntary  offers  or  new  nom- 
inations, the  number  reached  one  hundred  and  fifty-three.  It  thus  be- 


GUIZOT'S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION.  79Q 

came  evident  that  a national  and  scientific  sentiment  was  excited  and 
satisfied. 

I find  amongst  the  papers  I have  preserved  connected  with  that  epoch, 
two  names  which  I can  not  read  without  an  impression  of  sad  and  affec- 
tionate regrets  a report  from  M.  Michelet,  on  the  libraries  and  archives 
of  the  south-west  of  France,  which  I had  commissioned  him  to  visit,  and 
a letter  from  M.  Edgar  Quinet,  who  offered  me  his  assistance  in  the 
search  for  and  publication  of  inedited  documents.  With  both,  I had  en- 
tered into  important  and  friendly  communications.  M.  Quinet’s  transla- 
tion of  the  great  work  of  Herder,  on  the  history  of  humanity,  and  the 
remarkable  Introduction  with  which  he  accompanied  it,  had  inspired  me 
with  a lively  interest  for  him.  By  my  own  selection,  M.  Michelet  officia- 
ted for  a time  as  substitute  in  my  chair  at  the  Sorbonne,  and  upon  my 
recommendation  was  called  to  the  Tuileries  to  give  lessons  in  history,  at 
first  to  her  Royal  Highness,  Mademoiselle,  now  Duchess  of  Parma,  and 
subsequent!}’-  to  the  young  princesses,  daughters  of  King  Louis-Philippe. 
The  report,  which  I find  from  him,  dated  in  1835,  is  simple  and  clear,  a 
purely  archaeological  journey  without  pretension  or  fantasy.  M.  Quinet’s 
letter,  written  on  the  18th  of  May,  1884,  runs  thus:  “If  you  thought 
that  the  publication  of  some  epic  fragments  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries  might,  with  propriety,  be  comprised  in  your  collection,  I w'ould 
most  readily  apply  myself  to  this  work.  I should  be  equally  at  your 
disposal  if  it  entered  into  your  plan  to  explore  the  libraries  of  Germany, 
Italy,  and  Spain,  and  this  occupation  I should  prefer  above  all  others. 
In  any  case,  I should  be  happy  to  receive  your  instructions  on  the  sub- 
jects which  constitute  my  daily  studies,  and  to  be  enabled  thus  to  profit 
more  directly  from  your  information.”  Here  are  two  more  rare  and  gen- 
erous spirits,  afterwards  seduced  and  attracted  by  the  evil  genius  of  their 
time  into  its  impure  chaos,  and  who  outweigh,  in  personal  value,  their 
ideas  and  success. 

I have  nothing  to  say  in  regard  to  the  collection  itself  thus  commenced 
under  my  supervisorship.  In  the  midst  of  the  troubles  of  the  day  and  in 
spite  of  the  fall  of  kings,  republics,  and  ministers,  this  work  has  advanced 
and  developed  itself,  as  rapidly  as  could  have  been  looked  for  in  tranquil 
times.  The  collection  at  present  reaches  114  volumes,  and  amongst  them 
are  included  several  of  the  most  important,  and  until  then  the  least- 
known  monuments  of  the  past  history  of  France.  Experienced  masters, 
and  their  most  eminent  disciples  in  historical  study,  continue  to  bestow 
their  care  on  these  publications.  The  ministry  of  public  instruction  has, 
at  present,  three  hundred  correspondents  in  the  departments,  collected 
round  this  center  of  national  research.  Nothing  is  wanting  to  enable  the 
public  to  appreciate  fully  the  work,  its  original  idea,  and  progressive  ex- 
ecution. Let  me  be  permitted  to  record  a single  fact  which  touches  my- 
self. When,  in  the  month  of  February,  1836,  the  Cabinet  of  the  11th 
of  October,  1832,  was  dissolved,  and  I quitted  the  ministry  of  public  in- 
struction, my  successor  in  that  department.  Count  Pelet  de  la  Lozere, 
ordered  a report  to  be  delivered  to  him  of  the  historical  labors  accom- 


800 


GUIZOT’S  MINISTRY  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 


plished,  commenced,  or  ordered,  in  compliance  with  my  instructions. 
This  report,  dated  the  23d  of  March,  1836,  records  minutely  the  impulse 
given  and  the  progress  already  imparted,  to  the  path  I had  opened.  I 
venture  to  insert  it  amongst  the  “Historic  Documents”  appended  to 
these  “Memoirs.” 

I have  mentioned  the  political  expectation,  real  and  animated,  though 
distant,  which,  in  my  opinion,  from  the  first  moment,  united  itself  with 
the  scientific  value  of  these  labors.  This  hope  has  never  abandoned  me. 
Even  in  the  present  day,  so  near  the  period  of  our  social  convulsions  as 
yet  imperfectly  restrained,  if  an  impartial  and  enlightened  observer  were 
to  traverse  France,  he  would  find  in  every  quarter,  in  all  our  towns, 
great  or  small,  and  even  in  the  remote  country  districts,  unpretending, 
well-instructed,  and  hard-working  men,  devoted  with  a feeling  of  enthu- 
siasm to  the  study  of  the  general  or  local  history  of  their  country.  If  he 
entered  into  conversation  with  them,  he  would  be  struck  by  the  justness 
of  their  sentiments  and  the  freedom  of  their  minds  on  the  old  as  well  as 
on  the  new  state  of  French  society ; and  he  would  find  it  difficult  to  be- 
lieve that  so  many  sound  ideas,  expanded  over  the  entire  land,  can 
always  remain  without  influence  on  the  dispositions  and  destinies  of  the 
people. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


INTRODUCTION.* 

Previous  to  the  establishment  of  Universities  in  Scotland,  a residence 
abroad  was  considered  indispensable  for  all  who  aimed  at  advancing  their 
fortunes  by  other  means  than  the  sword ; and  even  after  these  institutions 
arose,  the  custom  continued  for  more  than  a century  in  green  observance.  At 
a much  later  period,  and  indeed  down  to  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
we  meet  with  few  eminent  Scotchmen  who  were  not  partially  educated  on  the 
Continent ; and  it  is  probable  tliat  the  generation  now  at  maturity  had  less 
intercourse  with  foreign  countries  in  their  youth  than  any  other  within  the 
range  of  our  authentic  history.  During  the  last  thirty  years  the  custom  has  in 
some  degree  revived ; and  it  is  productive  of  so  many  advantages,  both  intel- 
lectual and  social,  that  we  would  gladly  see  it  more  generally  reinstated.  So 
long  as  even  a highly  instructed  man  has  not  actually  seen  political  relations, 
social  life,  civilization,  and  refinement,  under  more  than  one  form,  however 
much  he  may  have  heard  of  the  manner  in  which  they  exist,  some  degree  of 
narrowness  will  invariably  belong  to  his  character.  By  such  a person  the 
accidental  peculiarities  of  that  phase  which  society  exhibits  in  his  own  country, 
will  be  continually  mistaken  for  the  necessary  consequences  of  a normal  human 
development ; and  with  Chinese  exclusiveness  he  will  be  become  as  intolerant 
of  a custom  which  sins  against  his  conventional  notions,  as  of  one  which 
violates  a universal  law.  It  is  by  no  means  sufficient  that  the  distinction, 
when  pointed  out,  should  be  admitted ; the  practical  conduct  of  the  individual 
will  be  the  same  so  long  as  he  does  not  feel  that  whilst  the  one  is  as  universal 
as  the  heaven  which  is  over  all,  the  other  may  be  set  at  nought,  not  only 
innocently,  but  frequently  with  advantage.  Now  this  feeling,  so  far  as  we 
have  observed,  is  to  be  found  only  in  those  who  have,  so  to  speak,  absorbed 
more  than  one  nationality ; that  is,  to  whom  the  manners  and  modes  of  think- 
ing of  some  foreign  people  have  at  one  time  been  so  familiar,  that  those  of 
their  own  country  would  have  been  felt  to  be  strange.  At  first  sight  it  may 
appear  that  that  rigidity  in  trifles,  by  which  it  will  be  admitted  our  countrymen 
frequently  expose  themselves  to  ridicule,  is  too  insignificant  a fault  to  merit  so 
costly  a cure  as  a foreign  education,  but  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  in 
magnifying  trifles  to  the  level  of  moral  and  religious  duties,  we  run  no  small 
risk  of  occasionally  degrading  these  latter  to  the  level  of  trifles,  or  what  is  still 
more  frequent  in  this  country,  the  half  interest  with  which  we  regard,  and  the 
half  strictness  with  which  we  perform  the  one  extends  to  the  other,  and  a sort 
of  unmeaning  and  undiscriminating  stiffness,  which  speedily  becomes  the  grave 


Lorimer’s  Universities  of  Scotland. 

51 


(801) 


802 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


of  every  thing  like  generous  enthusiasm  or  fearless  sincerity,  extends  itself  to 
our  whole  conduct.  Now  the  advantages  thus  arising  from  foreign  residence 
and  instruction,  it  was  the  object  of  our  ancestors  to  secure  to  our  youtli  by 
i:)Ositive  institutions;  and  with  this  view  it  was  that  Balloil  College,  Oxford, 
and  the  Scotch  College  in  the  University  of  Paris,  were  founded,  the  first  by 
Dervorguilla,  the  wife  of  the  elder  Balloil.  in  1282,  and  the  latter  by  David^ 
Bishop  of  Moray,  in  1325.  Similar  institutions  of  less  celebrity  existed  in 
other  parts  of  the  Continent,  all  of  which  have  either  been  swept  away  by 
successive  revolutions,  or  converted  into  training  schools  for  the  exclusive  use 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  priesthood.  Those  who  know  how  rarely  the  advantages 
we  have  hinted  at,  to  say  nothing  of  the  more  special  ones  of  positive  scien- 
tific instruction,  fall  to  the  lot  of  those  innumerable  swarms  of  our  youthful 
countrymen  who  at  present  infest  ev^ery  part  of  the  Continent,  will  be  able  to 
appreciate  tlie  wisdom  of  an  arrangement  by  whicli  provision  was  made  for  the 
superintendence  of  their  studies  immediately  on  their  arrival.  Nor  was  it 
only  where  such  e.stablishments  had  been  instituted  for  their  benefit  that 
Scotch  students  in  earlier  times  had  an  advantage  over  those  of  our  own  day. 
To  sa}'  nothing  of  the  facilities  afforded  for  foreign  study  by  the  use  of  Latin 
as  the  common  language  of  the  learned,  there  was  scarcely  a university  on  the 
Continent  where  Scotchmen  did  not  hold  professors’  chairs  during  the  sixteenth 
century.  In  turning  over  the  leaves  of  Dr.  Irving’s  ‘Lives  of  Scottish  Writers,’ 
we  have  ourselves  hit  upon  no  less  than  thirty-three  names  of  countrymen  of 
our  own,  who  during  this  time  were  professors  in  the  Universities  of  France 
Germany,  and  Holland.  It  was  into  the  hands,  and  not  unfrequently  into  the 
houses,  of  these  men,  that  a Scottish  youth  of  those  days  naturally  passed, 
when  he  had  completed  his  course  at  the  burgh'  or  monastic  school,  and  from 
their  position  they  must  have  been  eminently  qualified  not  only  to  give  him 
every  information  and  assistance  with  reference  to  the  course  of  study  pur- 
sued at  the  Foreign  School,  but  from  being  his  countr3"raen,  and  consequently 
acquainted  with  the  course  of  his  previous  training,  they  would  be  enabled  to 
adapt  their  advice  to  the  condition  of  his  actual  advancement. 

The  four  existing  universities  of  Scotland  were  founded  as  folloAvs:  St. 
Andrews  in  1411,  by  Henry  Ward  Law,  bi.shop  of  St.  Andrews,  and  confirmed 
by  Pope  Benedict  XIII.  in  1413;  Glasgow,  by  Pope  Nicholas  Y.,  in  1450; 
Aberdeen,  by  Pope  Alexander  VL,  in  1494;  and  Edinburgh,  by  James  YL, 
in  i:)82. 

In  the  First  Book  of  Discipline  a plan  for  the  reorganization  of  the  universi- 
ties was  .set  forth,  which  would  have  harmonized  the  conflicting  claims  of  each, 
and  put  them  all  on  to  the  special  work  for  which  each  was  best  fitted. 

In  1858,  an  act  of  Parliament  was  passed  ‘to  make  provision  for  the  better 
government  and  discipline  of  the  Universities  of  Scotland)  and  improving  and 
regulating  the  course  of  study  therein,  and  for  the  union  to  the  two  universities 
and  colleges  of  Aberdeen.’  By  this  act  a Board  of  University  Commissioners 
was  appointed,  with  ample  powers,  and  in  the  universities  there  is  a uniform 
system  of  government  and  instruction — so  that  the  present  constitution  of  the 
University  of  Edinburgh,  hereafter  described,  will  answer  as  a type  of  the  whole. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


803 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ST.  ANDREWS. 

(From  McCrie’s  Life  of  Andrew  Melville.) 

The  university  of  St.  Andrews  was  the  earliest,  and  continued  long  to  be  the 
most  celebrated  of  Scotch  academical  institutions.  For  two  centuries  almost  all 
the  eminent  men  who  appeared  in  this  country  were  connected  with  it,  either 
as  teachers  or  pupils.  A brief  description  of  its  constitution,  the  mode  of 
instruction  practiced  in  it,  and  the  changes  made  on  this,  will  convey  a better 
idea  of  the  state  of  our  literature  than  any  sketch  which  I could  propose  to 
give  of  the  history  of  all  the  universities. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  fifteenth  century,  no  great  school  existed  in 
Scotland;  and  the  youth  who  were  desirous  of  a liberal  education  were  under 
the  necessity  of  seeking  it  abroad.  The  inconveniences  arising  from  this  were 
increased  by  the  dissensions  which  the  conflicting  claims  of  the  rival  popes 
excited  on  the  Continent.  To  remedy  the  evil,  Henry  "VVardlow,  Bishop  of  St. 
Andrews,  with  the  consent  of  parliament,  erected,  in  the  year  1411,  a General 
Study,  or  university,  in  the  chief  city  of  his  diocese;  and,  two  years  after,  the 
charter  which  he  had  granted  was  confirmed  by  a bull  from  Benedict  XIII., 
whom  the  Scots  then  acknowledged  as  sovereign  pontiff. 

The  university  of  St  Andrews  was  formed  on  the  model  of  those  of  Paris 
and  Bologna,  and  enjoyed  the  same  privileges.  All  its  members,  or  supposts, 
as  they  were  called,  including  the  students  who  had  attained  the  degree  of 
bachelor  as  well  as  the  masters,  were  divided  into  nations,  according  to  the 
places  from  which  they  came.  At  a congregation  or  general  meeting,  they 
elected  four  procurators,  who  had  a right  to  act  for  them  in  all  causes  in  which 
their  interests  were  concerned,  and  four  intrants  or  electors,  by  whom  the  rector 
was  chosen.  The  rector  was  the  chief  magistrate,  and  had  authority  to  judge 
and  pronounce  sentence,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  his  assessors,*  in  all 
causes,  civil  and  criminal,  relating  to  members  of  the  university,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  crimes  which  incurred  the  highest  punishment.f  He  had  a right  to 
repledge  any  member  of  the  university  who  might  be  called  before  any  other 
judge,  civil  or  ecclesiastical;  and  in  certain  cases,  those  who  did  not 
belong  to  the  university  might  be  called  before  the  rector’s  court,  upon 
the  complaint  of  a master  or  student.  It  is  natural  to  suppose  that 
the  exercise  of  these  powers  would  give  occasion  to  a collision  of  autlior- 
ities;  and,  accordingly,  a concordat  was  entered  into,  at  an  early  period,  be- 
tween the  university  and  the  magistrates  of  the  city,  by  which  the  limits  of 
their  jurisdictions  were  defined  and  adjusted.  The  university  had  the  right  of 
purchasing  victuals  free  from  custom,  within  the  city  and  the  regality  of  the 
abbey.  It  was  also  exempted  from  paying  all  other  imposts  and  taxes,  even 
tho.se  levied  by  the  Estates,  with  the  exception  of  what  is  called  the  great 
custom.  Its  members  enjoyed  immunity  from  the  duties  exacted  for  confirming 
testaments;  and  such  of  them  as  were  clergymen,  and  possessed  benefices  with 
cure,  were  liberated  by  the  papal  bull  from  obligation  to  personal  residence  as 
long  as  they  taught  in  the  university.  Besides  its  civil  and  criminal  jurisdic- 
tion, the  university  possessed  ecclesiastical  powers,  in  the  exercise  of  which  it 
sometimes  proceeded  to  excommunication.;};  It  may  be  mentioned  as  an 
evidence  of  the  respect  paid  to  literature,  that,  in  consequence  of  a dispute 
which  had  arisen,  it  was  determined  that  the  Rector  of  the  University  should 
take  precedence  of  the  Prior  of  the  Abbey  in  all  public  processions. 

* In  genernl  the  university  elected  the  assessors,  and  ennpowered  the  Rector  to  appoint  his 
deputies.  The  number  of  assessors  was  twelve;  three  from  each  nation. 

t There  is  one  instance  of  capital  punishment  being  inflicted  by  the  sentence  of  the  rector  of 
the  university  of  Glasgow.  Statist.  Account  of  Scotland,  vol.  xxi.  Append. 

t In  a dispute  which  the  rector  and  professors  of  theology  in  the  university  had  with  the 
masters  of  St.  Salvators  College  about  the  power  of  conferring  degrees,  the  former  threatened  the 
latter  with  ecclesiastical  censures.  The  matter  was  settled  by  a provincial  council  held  in  1470, 
in  the  way  of  the  College  consenting  to  renounce  the  right  which  they  had  acquired  by  a papal 
bull. 


804 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


For  tlie  direction  of  its  literary  affairs,  the  members  of  the  university  were 
divided  into  faculties,  according  to  the  sciences  that  were  taught.  At  the  head 
of  each  of  these  was  a dean,  wlio  presided  at  the  meetings  of  the  masters  of 
his  faculty  for  regulating  the  mode  of  study,  and  for  examinations.  The 
chancellor  presided  at  meetings  of  the  university  for  the  conferring  of  degrees. 
It  was  long  before  medicine  was  taught,  as  a separate  science,  in  our  universi- 
ties, and  it  does  not  appear  that  they  were  accustomed  anciently  to  confer 
degrees  in  law.  The  branches  taught  were  the  arts  of  philosophy,  canon  law, 
and  divinity. 

However  limited  this  course  of  education  was,  and  however  rude  and  imper- 
fect the  mode  in  which  it  was  conducted,  such  an  institution  could  not  fail  to 
produce  effects  favorable  to  tlie  progress  of  knowledge.  The  erection  of  the 
university  of  St.  Andrews  may  be  regarded  as  marking  the  first  dawn  of  learn- 
ing in  Scotland.  Attracted  by  novelty,  or  animated  by  that  thirst  for  knowledge 
wliich  has  always  cliaracterized  Scotchmen,  students  came  to  St.  Andrews  from 
every  part  of  the  kingdom. 

The  university  appears  to  have  been  possessed  of  very  slender  funds  until 
the  erection  of  colleges  in  it.  The  College  of  St.  Salvator  was  founded  by 
Bishop  Kennedy  in  the  year  1450;  that  of  St.  Leonard  was  founded  by  John 
Hepburn,  the  prior  of  the  abbey,  in  the  year  1512;  and  the  erection  of  St. 
Marys,  or  the  New  College,  was  begun  by  Archbishop  Beatoun  in  the  year 
1532,  and  completed  by  Arclibishop  Hamilton  in  the  year  1552.  Each  of  these 
was  endowed  with  funds  for  the  support  of  a certain  number  of  professors  and 
bursars.  In  the  regulations  of  St.  Marys  College,  we  may  observe  the  ad- 
vancement which  knowledge  had  already  made,  and  the  influence  which  it 
exerted  over  the  minds  of  the  popish  prelates  or  their  advisers. 

A college  has  been  compared  to  an  incorporated  trade  within  a burgh  ; but 
it  bears  a still  more  striking  resemblance  to  a convent.  Tlie  principal  differ- 
ence between  them  is,  that  t!)e  latter  was  an  association  entirely  for  religious 
purposes,  whereas  learning  was  the  chief  object  of  the  former.  The  members 
of  a college,  like  the  monks,  were  bound  to  live,  eat,  and  sleep  in  the  same 
house,  they  were  supported  in  common  upon  the  goods  of  the  college,  and 
were  astricted  in  all  things  to  the  will  of  the  founder.  A university,  though  a 
chartered  body,  was  not  under  the  same  regulatioms,  nor  was  the  same  provi- 
sion made  for  its  members.  The  college  was  within  the  university  ; the  mem- 
bers of  the  former  were  also  members  of  the  latter,  partook  of  its  privileges, 
and  were  subject  to  its  government. 

Two  things  deserve  notice  as  to  the  College  of  St.  Leonard.  In  the  first 
place,  although  it  owed  its  erection  to  monks,  was  placed  under  their  immediate 
superintendence,  and  taught  constantly  by  persons  taken  from  the  convent,  and 
although  its  original  foundation  and  subsequent  endowments  were  highly  cal- 
culated to  foster  superstition,*  yet  the  reformed  opinions  obtained  an  earlier 
and  more  extensive  reception  in  this  college  than  in  the  rest  of  the  university. 
In  the  second  place,  this  seminary  had  at  first  to  struggle  with  great  difficulties, 
on  account  of  the  slenderness  of  its  funds;  but,  by  tlie  vigilance  of  its  patrons, 
and  the  diligence  of  those  who  had  the  charge  of  education,  it  not  only  sur- 
mounted these,  but  attained  great  celebrity.  So  many  of  the  sons  of  the  nobility 
and  gentry  came  to  study  at  St.  Leonards,  that  the  name  of  the  College  of 
Poor  Clerks,  which  the  founder  had  originally  given  it,  conveyed  a very 
erroneous  idea  of  those  who  resided  wuthin  its  walls. 

The  defense  and  increase  of  tlic  Catholic  faith  was  one  declared  object  of  the 
erection  of  all  the  colleges.  This  is  more  particularly  expressed  in  the  deeds 
founding  and  providing  for  the  College  of  St.  Mary.  It  was  erected  ‘ for  de- 
fending and  confirming  the  Catholic  faith,  that  the  Christian  religion  might 
flourish,  the  word  of  God  might  be  more  abundantly  sown  in  the  hearts  of  the 
faithful,  and  to  oppose  the  heresies  and  schisms  of  the  pestiferous  heretics  and 

* In  1.525,  Jolin  Archibald  founded  an  altar  in  the  College  of  Poor  Students,  to  the  honor  of 
the  blessed  Virgin  Mary,  ‘for  the  salvation  of  John  Hepburn,  prior  of  the  monastery  and  all  the 
canons,  also  for  the  souls  of  Mr.  Michael  Livingston,  former  vicar  of  Wemis,  and  of  Sir  Robert 
Wallis,  former  archdeacon  of  St.  Andrews;  also  of  the  souls  of  his  own  father  and  mother,  and 
his  spouse,  Margret  Symsoun,  and  all  his  benefactors  and  friends.’  The  masters  appear  to  have 
entertained  notions  of  piety  somewhat  different  from  the  above,  when,  in  15.50,  they  ordained 
that  the  fines  levied  from  absentees  should,  after  growing  to  a round  sum,  be  converted  ‘in  vinum, 
ad  refocillandos  conversantium  unimos,  et  in  alios  pios  nsus,'  Papers  of  University. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


805 


heresiarcbs  who,  alas!  have  sprung  up  and  flourished  in  these  times,  in  this  as 
well  as  in  many  other  parts  of  the  world.’  Yet,  within  a short  time  after  this 
language  was  held,  these  ‘ pestiferous  heretics  ’ prevailed  against  the  Catholic 
faith,  and  obtained  possession  of  the  very  places  and  funds  which  were  destined 
for  their  suppression  and  extirpation.  The  Protestant  sentiments  had  for  many 
years  been  secretly  spreading  in  all  the  colleges  of  St.  Andrews,  and  they  were 
now  embraced  by  the  greater  part  of  the  professors,  with  perhaps  the  excep- 
tion of  those  of  St.  Salvators. 

During  the  agitation  of  the  religious  controversy,  the  academical  exercises 
were  interrupted,  and  the  number  of  students  diminished.  In  the  j ear  1559, 
the  faculty  of  arts  was  under  the  necessity  of  superseding  the  public  exhibi- 
tions usual  at  graduation.  Several  of  the  masters  in  St.  Salvators,  including 
William  Cranston,  the  principal,  adhered  to  the  ancient  religion,  and  left  their 
places ; but  the  greater  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  those  belonging  to  the  two 
other  colleges,  embraced  the  Reformation,  and  consequently  retained  their 
situations.  John  Douglas,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  was  at  this 
time  Principal  of  St.  Mary’s  College,  and  John  Duncanson  of  St.  Leonards. 

Everything  connected  with  the  Roman  Catholic  faith  and  worship,  which 
was  interwoven  with  the  laws  and  practice  of  the  university  and  of  the 
colleges  belonging  to  it,  was  removed  at  the  establishment  of  the  Reformation. 
Other  alterations  were  at  the  same  time  contemplated  by  the  reformers,  but 
various  causes  prevented  them  from  being  carried  into  effect.  Accordingly, 
the  mode  of  teaching,  and  the  academical  exercises,  so  far  as  related  to  philos- 
ophy or  the  arts,  continued  nearly  on  their  former  footing. 

All  the  scholars  who  entered  at  one  time  into  a college  formed  a class,  which 
was  put  under  the  government  of  a regent,  with  whom  they  continued  four 
years.  The  regents  had  not,  like  the  professors,  permanent  situations  in  the 
college.  It  would  appear,  that  originally  ev.ry  master  of  arts  was  bound  to 
teach  a class,  and  came  under  an  engagement  to  this  purpose  at  his  laureation. 
Afterwards  it  became  customary  to  grant  dispensations  from  this  duty.  When 
the  number  of  graduated  persons  had  increased,  and  it  became  in  other  respects 
an  object  of  importance  to  obtain  a regency,  those  who  were  desirous  of  it 
presented  a petition  to  the  faculty,  in  which  they  professed  their  knowledge  of 
the  text  of  Aristotle,  and  requested  permission  to  explain  it,  or,  in  other  words, 
to  govern  a class.  They  were  ordinarily  bound  to  continue  until  they  had 
taught  two  classes;  but  at  St.  Andrews,  the  greater  part  of  the  regents 
retained  their  situations,  to  which  the  profits  from  altarages  or  chaplainries  were 
attached,  until  they  obtained  a living  in  the  church  or  an  office  in  the  state. 

Tliough  the  regular  time  of  the  course  was  four  years,  it  was  usually  finished 
in  three  years  and  a half.  The  session  began  on  the  first  of  October,  and  con- 
tinued through  the  whole  year,  except  the  months  of  August  and  September, 
wTiicli  were  allowed  as  a vacation.  TTie  regent  assembled  his  class  three  hours 
every  day,  and  read  and  explained  the  books  of  Aristotle,  which  the  students 
were  bound  to  bring  along  wuth  them.  He  began  with  dialectics  or  logic,  then 
proceeded  to  ethics,  next  to  physics,  and  concluded  with  metaphysics,  which 
was  called  prima  philosophia^  or  the  highest  branch  of  philosophy,  and  math- 
ematics, which  included  arithmetic.  During  their  course,  the  students  were 
frequently  employed  in  disputations  and  declamations,  both  privately  in  their 
class,  and  publicly  before  the  college  and  the  university.  Besides  seeing  that 
the  regents  and  students  did  their  duty,  the  principal  usually  read  public  lec- 
tures on  what  were  then  reckoned  the  higher  branches  of  philosophy,  which 
were  attended  by  all  the  students  in  the  college,  except  those  of  the  first  year.* 

James  Melville  has  left  an  account  of  the  course  of  study  followed  hy  William  Colliice,  who 
was  his  regent  in  St.  Leonards,  between  1570  and  1574.  After  stating  that  he  began  with  teach- 
ing ‘ Cassander’s  Rhetoric,’  he  adds:  ‘ We  hard  the  Oration  pro  rege  Deitaro.  Then  he  gaiff  ws 
a compend  of  his  awin  of  Philosopi  and  the  part  y’rof.  We  enterit  in  the  organ  of  Arist.  yt 
year,  and  leirnit  to  the  Demonstrations. — ^The  second  yeir  of  my  course  we  hard  the  Demon.stra- 
tions  the  Topiks,  and  the  Sophist  captiones.  And  the  Primariiis,  Mr.  James  Wilkie,  a guid 
peaceable  sweet  auld  man,  wha  luiffed  me  weill,  teached  the  four  species  of  the  arithmef  ik  and 
sum  thing  of  the  sphere — The  third  yeir  of  our  course  we  hard  the  fyve  buiks  of  the  Ethsks,  wt 
the  aught  buiks  of  the  Physiks,  and  de  ortu  et  interitu.  That  year  we  had  our  Bnchelnr  act 
accoriling  to  the  solemnities  then  vsed  of  Declamations,  banqueting,  and  playes — The  fourt  and 
last  yeir  of  our  course,  qnhilk  was  the  17  yeir  of  my  age  outpast  and  18  rinning,  we  learned  the 
buiks  de  ccelo  and  meteors,  also  the  s[)heTe  more  exactly  teachit  by  our  awin  regent,  and  maid  ws 
for  our  vicces  and  bluckstons,  and  had  at  Pace  our  promotion  and  finishing  of  our  course.’ 


806 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


In  the  middle  of  the  third  year  of  their  course,  such  of  tlie  students  as 
obtained  an  attestation  of  regular  attendance  and  good  behavior  from  their 
regent  and  the  principal  of  their  college,  were  admitted  to  enter  on  trials  for 
the  degree  of  bachelor.  For  this  purpose  the  faculty  chose  every  year  three 
regents,  one  from  each  college,  as  examinators.  In  the  presence  of  those  the 
candidates  determined*^  a question,  in  logic  or  morals,  in  a continued  discourse, 
and  answered  such  questions  as  were  proposed  to  them  on  any  of  the  branches 
which  they  had  studied  under  their  respective  regents.  The  examinators  made 
their  report  to  the  faculty,  when  such  as  had  given  satisfaction  were  confirmed 
as  bachelors  by  the  Dean,  and  the  rest  were  sent  to  a lower  class.  The  act  of 
laureation  at  the  end  of  the  course  was  conducted  in  a similar  manner.  But 
on  tliis  occasion  the  candidates  were  examined  on  the  whole  circle  of  the  arts, 
and  bound  to  defend  a thesis,  which  had  been  previously  affi.xed  to  the  gates 
of  the  different  colleges.  They  were  divided  into  circles,  and  their  names 
arranged  according  to  their  merit,  with  a certain  preference,  however,  to  persons 
of  rank.  And  the  degree  of  master  of  arts  was  solemnly  conferred  on  them 
by  the  chancellor  of  the  university,  in  nomine  Fatris,  Filii,  ei  Spiritus  Sancti. 
The  intermediate  degree  of  licentiate  of  arts  is  recognized  by  the  laws,  but  it 
was  not  separately  conferred,  at  least  in  latter  times.  Both  at  receiving  the 
degree  of  bachelor  and  master,  the  graduates  paid  certain  sums  of  money,  ac- 
cording to  their  rank,  to  the  purse  of  the  university  and  of  the  faculty,  to  the 
dean,  and  to  their  officers;  and  those  who  were  poor  obliged  themselves  to  give 
what  was  due  to  the  public  funds  as  soon  as  tliey  were  in  ability.  By  an  old 
law,  each  student,  including  those  who  held  bursaries,  was  bound  to  give  to 
his  regent  annually,  for  three  years,  a Scots  noble,  which  in  later  times  was 
interpreted  as  answering  to  a pound  Scots,  ^salva  cujuscunque  uberiore 
liber  alit:ite'\ 

We  can  not  form  such  an  exact  judgment  respecting  the  ancient  mode  of 
teaching  theology,  as  the  Reformation  necessarily  made  a greater  change  on 
this  department  of  instruction.  Many  of  the  ancient  forms,  however,  were 
still  retained  and  observed.  There  continued  to  be  a theological  faculty,  con- 
sisting of  the  doctors,  licentiates,  and  baclielors  of  divinity,  who  resided  within 
the  university.  They  assembled,  along  with  the  students  of  divinity,  annually 
on  the  first  of  October,  when  a sermon  or  oration,  intended  to  excite  the 
hearers  to  diligence  in  sacred  studies,  was  delivered.  The  masters  and 
bachelors  then  met  apart,  and  arranged  the  subjects  on  which  each  should  read 
them.  The  lectures  were  delivered  on  the  Scriptures,  which  were  divided  into 
five  parts;  the  Pentateuch  or  legal,  books,  the  historical  books,  the  sapiential, 
the  prophetical,  and  tliose  of  the  New  Testament.  ‘Formerly,  under  papacy, 
the  students  ascended  to  degrees  in  theology,  by  reading  the  sentences  of  Peter 
Lombard ; but  now,  since  the  reformation  of  religion  and  tlie  burial  of  popery, 
this  practice  is  altered  and  reformed.’  From  the  beginning  of  July  to  the  end 
of  September  there  was  an  intermission  of  the  lectures;  and  during  this 
interval,  the  students  were  exercised  once  a week  in  theological  disputations, 
at  which  one  of  the  masters  presided,  and  the  rest  were  present  and  took  a 
share  in  the  debate.  The  disputants  were  exhorted  to  avoid  the  altercation 
usually  practiced  in  the  schools,  ‘and  not  to  bite  and  devour  one  another  like 
dog.s,  but  to  behave  as  men  desirous  of  mutual  instruction,  and  as  the  servants 
of  Christ,  who  ought  not  to  strive  but  to  be  gentle  to  all.’ 

The  lectures  were  chiefly  delivered  by  those  who  were  proceeding  in  their 
theological  degrees.  Before  entering  on  this  duty,  it  behooved  them  to  have 
been  students  of  divinity  for  three  years,  to  have  sustained  the  part  of  a 
respondent  twice  in  the  public  disputes  during  the  vacancies,  to  have  given 
proof  of  their  talents  twice  in  the  weekly  exercise,  and  to  have  preached  once 
in  tlie  vulgar  language  before  the  people,  and  in  Latin  before  the  university. 
After  this,  being  admitted  by  the  faculty,  they  taught  for  four  years  in  the 

* From  this  net  they  were  cnlled  Determinnntes. 

t The  designation  pauper  does  not  appear  to  have  been  always  used  in  the  same  sense.  In 
Feb.,  1.579,  it  was  declared  ‘Solus  bursarios  et  mehdicos  pauperes  esse  censendos.’  But  from 
other  documents  it  appears  that  all  the  students  of  philosophy  were  divided  into  three  classes  ; 

‘ Primars  or  pntentiores,  Secondars  or  potente^,  and  Ternnrs,  or  minus  potentes,  olim  pauperes 
and  the  latter  paid  dues,  although  proportionally  smaller  than  the  two  former. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


807 


public  schools,  by  expounding  the  Scriptures,  according  to  the  arrangement 
formerly  mentioned.  The  probationary  lecture  which  they  delivered  at  the 
commencement  of  each  part  of  the  course,  may  be  viewed  as  a specimen  of  the 
mode  of  teaching  then  practiced.  The  lecturer  began  with  promising  a pan- 
egyric on  the  books  of  Scripture  which  he  proposed  to  expound;  he  next  gave 
a summary  of  their  contents;  and,  in  the  third  place,  having  selected  a partic- 
ular passage,  he  started  a question  from  it,  stated  the  opinions  held  on  the 
affirmative  and  negative  sides,  laid  down  certain  propositions  for  clearing  the 
truth,  confirmed  it  by  testimonies  of  Scripture,  and  solved  the  difficulties  that 
might  be  urged  against  it.  Before  the  students  in  the  public  schools,  the 
lecturers  were  bound  to  confine  themselves  to  a single  chapter  at  a time,  and 
were  directed  to  explain  the  text  distinctly  and  methodically,  by  comparing  it 
with  other  passages  of  Scripture,  or  by  producing  the  judgment  of  the  most 
approved  and  skillful  interpreters,  ‘ provided  nothing  was  brought  forward  that 
could  not  stand  the  test  of  Scripture.’  It  would  seem  that  this  was  nearly  the 
method  which  the  professors  followed  in  their  theological  lectures. 

When  the  student  commenced  lecturing  on  the  legal  books,  he  was  declared 
by  the  faculty  a ewrwry  bachelor  of  divinity;  on  commencing  the  prophetical 
books,  he  became  a formed  bachelor;  and,  on  entering  on  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament,  he  was  pronounced  a confirmed  bachelor.  On  finishing  his 
course  of  teaching,  he  proceeded  to  take  his  degrees  of  licentiate  and  doctor. 
The  statutes  described  at  length  the  disputations  which  were  maintained,  and 
the  ceremonies  which  were  used  on  both  these  occasions. 

Such  was  the  plan  of  study  agreed  upon  by  the  theological  professors  about 
the  time  of  the  Reformation.  But  there  is  no  good  reason  to  think  that  it  was 
reduced  to  practice ; and  though  this  had  been  the  case,  it  has  little  claim  to 
our  commendation.  The  lectures  read  by  young  men  who  had  studied  divinity 
for  so  short  a period  as  three  years,  must  have  been  extremely  jejune  and 
superficial;  and  it  does  not  appear  that  any  effectual  provision  was  made  to 
secure  their  diligence  in  these  exhibitions.  Yet  their  lectures,  such  as  they 
were,  served  as  a pretext  for  the  regular  professors  neglecting  the  duty  of 
theological  instruction.  In  these  circumstances,  we  need  not  be  surprised  to 
find  that  the  study  of  divinity  in  the  universitj’-  was  nearly  nominal,  and  that 
scholastic  philosophy  engrossed  the  attention  of  both  masters  and  scholars. 

The  First  Book  of  Discipline  proposed  a plan  for  remodeling  the  three 
universities,  which  contained  the  following  arrangements  for  St.  Andrews. 
The  first  college  was  to  contain  classes  for  dialectics,  mathematics,  natural 
philosophy,  and  medicine.  In  the  second  college,  a lecturer  on  ethics, 
economics,  and  politics,  and  two  lecturers  on  law,  Roman  and  municipal,  were 
to  be  established.  And  the  third  college  was  to  be  provided  with  two 
teachers  of  languages,  one  of  Greek  and  another  of  Hebrew;  and  two  teachers 
of  divinity,  the  one  of  the  Old  and  the  other  of  the  New  Testament.  None 
were  to  be  graduated  in  their  respective  faculties  unless  they  had  attended  the 
regular  course,  which,  for  students  of  philosophy,  was  three  years ; of  law, 
four  years ; and  of  medicine  and  divinity,  five  years.  This  plan  was  unques- 
tionably an  improvement  on  the  original  constitution,  according  to  which  the 
three  colleges  were  completely  independent,  and  exactly  the  same  branches 
were  taught  in  each.  And  in  other  respects  it  was  favorable  to  the  advance- 
ment of  literature  and  science.  But  it  was  not  adopted.  In  vain  did  the 
authors  recommend  it  to  the  nobility,  along  with  a proposal  to  erect  parochial 
schools,  as  contributing  to  ‘the  most  high  advancement  of  the  commonwealth.’ 
In  vain  they  urged,  ‘If  God  shall  give  your  wisdoms  grace  to  set  forward 
letters  in  the  sort  prescribed,  ye  shall  leave  wisdom  and  learning  to  your 
posterity,  a treasure  more  to  be  esteemed  than  any  earthly  treasures  ye  are 
able  to  amass  for  them,  which,  without  wisdom,  are  more  able  to  be  their  ruin 
and  confusion  than  help  and  comfort.’  Prejudice  is  blind,  and  avarice  deaf,  to 
all  considerations  of  public  good ; but  the  plan  will  remain  a lasting  monument 
of  the  enlightened  and  patriotic  views  of  its  compilers. 

In  the  year  1563,  a petition  was  presented  to  the  Queen  and  Lords  of 
Articles,  ‘ in  the  name  of  all  that  within  this  realm  ar  desyrous  that  leirning 
and  letters  floreis,’  stating  that  the  patrimony  of  some  of  the  foundations  in  the 
colleges,  particularly  at  St.  Andrews,  was  wasted,  and  that  several  sciences, 


808 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


and  especially  those  which  were  most  necessary,  the  tongues  and  humanity, 
were  very  imperfectly  taught  in  them,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the  whole 
lieges,  their  children,  and  posterity;  and  praying  that  measures  should  be 
taken  to  remedy  these  evils.  In  consequence  of  this  representation,  the  parlia- 
ment appointed  a committee  to  visit  the  colleges,  and  to  report  their  opinion  as 
to  the^  best^  mode  of  improving  the  state  of  education.  No  report  from  the 
committee  is  on  record ; but  there  has  been  preserved  a plan  for  the  colleges 
of  St.  Andrews,  which  appears  to  have  been  drawn  up,  in  virtue  of  this  ap- 
pointment, by  Buchanan,  who  was  one  of  the  commissioners.  The  arrange- 
ments which  it  proposes  differ  in  detail  from  those  of  the  First  Book  of  Disci- 
pline, though  they  proceed  on  the  same  general  principle.  The  first  college 
was  to  be  entirely  confined  to  the  teaching  of  languages,  and  regulated  in  a 
great  measure  as  a grammar  school.*  The  second,  called  the  college  of  philos- 
ophy, was  to  have  four  regents  in  the  arts,  and  a lecturer  on  medicine.  The 
third,  named  the  college  of  divinity,  was  most  poorly  provided  for:  it  was  only 
to  have  a principal,  to  be  reader  in  Hebrew,  and  a lawyer.f  The  author  of 
this  draught  had  his  attention  too  exclusively  directed  to  the  cultivation  of 
languages  and  humanity. 

The  civil  war  which  raged  between  the  adherents  of  the  king  and  queen  put 
a stop  to  these  measures  of  academical  reform,  but  no  sooner  was.  peace  estab- 
lished than  the  design  was  resumed  by  the  friends  of  literature.  In  April, 
1576,  the  General  Assembly  appointed  commissioners  to  visit  and  consider  the 
state  of  the  university  of  St.  Andrews;  and  in  1578,  the  parliament  made  a 
similar  appointment  as  to  all  the  universities  in  the  kingdom.  Nothing  having 
been  done  in  consequence  of  this  appointment,  the  General  Assembly  which 
met  in  July,  1579,  presented  a petition  to  the  king  and  council,  urging  the 
necessity  of  a change  on  the  university  of  St.  Andrews;  and  nominated  com- 
missioners to  co-operate  in  that  business  with  such  as  the  council  might  be 
pleased  to  appoint.  The  council  immediately  appointed  commissioners,  to 
whom  they  gave  ample  powers.  They  were  authorized  to  consider  the  founda- 
tions in  the  university,  and  not  only  to  remove  superstition  and  displace 
unqualified  persons,  but  also  to  change  the  form  of  study  and  the  number  of 
professors,  to  join  or  divide  the  faculties,  to  annex  each  faculty  to  such  college 
as  they  thought  most  proper  for  it,  and  in  general  to  establish  such  order  in 
the  university  as  should  tend  most  to  the  glory  of  God,  profit  of  the  common- 
wealth, and  good  upbringing  of  the  youth  in  sciences  needful  for  continuance 
of  the  true  religion.  The  commissioners  found  that  all  the  colleges  had  de- 
parted from  their  original  foundations,  and  that  these  foundations  disagreed  in 
many  things  with  the  true  religion,  and  were  far  from  ‘that  perfection  of  teach- 
ing which  this  learned  age  craves;’  and  they  agreed  upon  a new  form  of  in- 
struction to  be  observed  in  the  university.  This  was  laid  before  the  ensuing 
meeting  of  parliament,  by  which  it  was  ratified  on  the  11th  of  November, 
1579,  Tlie  following  is  an  outline  of  the  provisions  made  by  the  new 
establishment. 

In  the  College  of  St.  Salvator,  a principal,  and  four  ordinary  professors  or 
regents  of  humanity  and  philosophy,  were  established.  The  first  regent  was 
to  teach  the  Greek  Grammar,  and  to  exercise  the  students  in  Latin  composition 
during  the  first,  and  in  Greek  during  the  second  half-year.  The  second  regent 
was  to  teach  the  principles  of  invention,  disposition,  and  elocution;  or,  in  other 
words,  of  rhetoric,  in  the  shorest,  easiest,  and  most  accurate  manner,  with  the 
practice  of  them  in  the  best  authors,  Roman  and  Greek.  The  students  of  this 
class  were  to  spend  an  hour  at  least  every  day  in  composition,  and  during  tlie 
last  half-year  they  were  to  declaim  or  pronounce  an  oration  once  every  month, 
in  Latin  and  Greek  alternately.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  third  regent  to  teach 
the  most  profitable  and  needful  parts  of  the  logics  of  Aristotle,  with  his  ethics 

* It  seems  to  have  been  formed  on  the  model  of  the  college  or  school  of  Geneva.  Les  Ordon- 
nances  Ecclesiastiques  de  I’Eglise  de  Geneve  : Item  I’Ordre  des  Escoles.  p.  83-87. 

t The  plan  is  published  in  Dr.  Irving’s  Mem.  of  Buchanan,  App.  No.  iii.  2d  edit.  According 
totheold  plan  of  teaching  in  universities,  mathematics  formed,  rather  preposterously,  the  last 
part  of  the  course.  The  First  Book  of  Discipline  appointed  them  to  be  taught  before  physics. 
But  Buchanan’s  plan  reverts  to  the  ancient  arrangement — ‘ the  naturell  philosophie,  raetaphisicks, 
and  principis  mathematicks.’ 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


809 


and  politics,  all  in  Greek,  and  the  offices  of  Cicero  in  Latin.  The  fourth  regent 
was  to  teacli  so  much  of  the  physics  as  was  needful,  and  the  doctrine  of  the 
spliere.  Each  regent  was  to  retain  his  own  profession.  On  Sunday  a lesson 
in  the  Greek  New  Testament  was  to  be  read  in  all  the  four  classes.  Professors 
of  mathematics  and  law,  who  were  to  lecture  on  four  days  of  every  week, 
were  also  established  in  this  college.  The  lectures  on  law  were  to  be  attended 
by  all  the  advocates  and  writers  in  the  commissary  court;  and  none  were  to  be 
admitted  for  the  future  to  act  as  procurators  before  the  lords  or  other  judges, 
until  they  gave  a specimen  of  their  learning  before  the  university,  and  produced 
a testimonial  of  their  diligent  attendance  and  the  degree  of  their  progress. 
The  principal  of  St.  Salvators  was  to  act  as  professor  of  medicine.  The  same 
arrangements  were  made  as  to  the  College  of  St.  Leonard ; with  this  difference 
that  there  were  no  classes  for  mathematics  and  law  established  in  it ; and  the 
principal,  instead  of  teaching  medicine,  was  to  explain  the  philosophy  of  Plato. 
St.  Marys,  or  the  New  College,  was  appropriated  entirely  to  the  study 
of  theology  and  the  languages  connected  with  it.  The  course  of  study  in  it 
was  to  be  completed  in  four  years,  under  the  tuition  of  five  professors.  The 
first  professor  was  to  teach  the  elements  of  Hebrew  during  six  months,  and  of 
Chaldee  and  Syriac  during  the  remainder  of  the  first  year.  During  the  subse- 
quent eighteen  months,  the  students  were  to  prosecute  tlie  study  of  these 
languages  under  the  second  professor,  who  was  to  explain  the  Pentateuch  and 
historical  books  of  the  Old  Testament  critically,  by  comparing  the  original 
text  with  the  Chaldee  paraphrases,  the  Septuagint,  and  other  ancient  versions. 
The  third  professor  was  to  explain  the  prophetical  books  of  tlie  Old  Testament 
after  the  same  manner,  during  the  last  eighteen  months  of  the  course.  During 
the  whole  four  years,  the  fourth  professor  was  to  explain  the  New  Testament 
by  comparing  the  original  with  the  Syriac  version.  And  the  fifth  professor, 
who  was  Principal  of  the  College,  was  to  lecture,  during  the  same  period,  on 
the  commoti  places  or  system  of  divinity.  All  the  students  wore  bound  to 
attend  the  lectures  of  three  professors  every  day  during  the  continuance  of 
their  theological  course ; by  which  it  was  expected  that  tliey  would,  ‘ with 
meane  diligence,  become  perfite  theologians.’  Public  disputations  were  to  be 
held  every  week,  declamations  once  a month,  and,  at  three  periods  during  the 
course,  a solemn  examination  was  to  take  place,  at  which  ‘ every  learned  man 
shall  be  free  to  dispute.’  Eight  bursars  of  theology  were  to  reside  with  the  pro- 
fessors, and  to  be  supported  on  the  rents  of  the  college.  It  was  ordained,  that 
after  four  years  had  elapsed  from  the  date  of  this  new  erection,  none  should  be 
admitted  ministers  of  the  church  who  liad  not  completed  their  course  of 
theology,  or  wlio  should  not  be  found  worthy  and  qualified  to  receive  all  their 
degrees  in  it  after  a ‘ rigorous  examinatton  ’ b}'-  the  faculty.  The  persons  at 
present  occupying  the  place  of  masters  in  the  New  College  were  ordered  to 
remove  from  it  without  delay.  From  the  ‘ great  variety  at  this  present  of 
learned  in  the  knowledge  of  the  tongues  and  other  things  needful,’  the  parlia- 
mentary commissioners  had  selected  such  as  they  thought  most  qualified  for 
teaching  in  the  New  College;  and  it  w.ts  ordained  that,  upon  any  future 
vacancy,  the  place  should  be  filled  by  open  comparative  trial  before  the  Arch- 
bishop of  St.  Andrews,  the  con.servator  of  the  privileges  of  the  university,  the 
rector,  deans  of  faculty,  and  theological  professors.  Vacancies  in  the  two  other 
colleges  were  to  be  supplied  in  a similar  manner.  As  the  youth  had  lost  much 
time  by  long  vacations,  it  was  ordained,  that  for  the  future  the  classes  should 
sit  during  the  whole  3!'ear,  except  the  month  of  September.  Rules  were  laid 
down  for  preventing  the  revenues  of  the  colleges  from  being  wasted  or  diverted 
to  improper  uses.  And  at  the  end  of  every  period  of  four  years,  a ro}^!  visita- 
tion of  the  university  was  to  take  place,  to  inquire  into  the  effects  of  this 
reformation,  and  to  see  that  its  regulations  were  observed. 

The  following  historical  data  of  the  several  Colleges  of  St.  Andrew  are  ap- 
pended by  Dr.  M’Crie  to  his  chapter  on  Andrew  Melvilles  connection  with  the 
same.  They  contain  facts  which  illustrate  the  condition  of  university  educa- 
tion generally  at  this  period. 


810 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


COLLEGES  AT  ST.  ANDREWS. 

Si.  Salvators  College. — This  college,  which  was  founded  by  James  Kennedy, 
Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  in  14.)(),  received  from  its  founder  a new  and  more 
improved  form  in  1458.  It  consisted  of  three  professors  of  divinity,  called  the 
provost  or  principal,  the  licentiate,  and  the  bachelor ; four  masters  of  arts,  who 
were  also  in  priest’s  orders ; and  six  poor  scholars  or  clerks,  making  all 
thirteen  persons,  according  to  the  number  of  the  apostles  of  our  Saviour,  in 
honor  of  whom  the  college  was  named.  The  provost  was  bound  to  read 
lessons  in  theology  once  a week,  the  licentiate  thrice  a week,  and  the  bachelor 
every  readable  day : the  first,  to  preach  to  the  people  four  times,  and  the 
second,  six  times  a year.  From  the  four  masters  of  arts,  two  at  least  were  to 
be  annually  chosen  as  regents,  the  one  to  teach  logic,  and  the  other  phj'sics 
and  metaphysics,  according  to  the  method  of  the  schools  and  the  statutes  ef 
the  university.  The  college  was  liberally  endowed  by  the  founder  for  the 
support  of  the  masters  and  scholars;  besides  the  altarages  subsequently 
founded  by  other  individuals.  The  provost  had  the  rectory  of  Cults  conferred 
on  him,  the  licentiate  the  rectory  of  Kembach,  and  the  bachelor  that  of  Denino 
— parish  churches  in  the  neighborhood  gf  St.  Andrews,  the  revenues  of  which 
they  drew,  after  appropriating  a certain  part  of  the  emoluments  to  the  respec- 
tive vicars.  The  rectory  of  Kilmany  was  appropriated  for  the  common  support 
of  the  founded  persons,  and  of  the  servants  attached  to  the  establishment,  in 
victuals,  &c.  The  strictest  rules  were  laid  down  as  to  the  behavior  of  all  the 
members,  and  as  to  the  religious  exercises,  as  well  as  the  studies,  of  those  who 
were  admitted  to  the  benefits  of  the  institution.  Young  men  of  rank  or 
opulence,  who  might  choose  to  study  in  the  college,  and  to  pay  for  their  board, 
were  bound  to  obey  the  provost,  and  to  submit  in  all  things  to  the  rules  of  the 
house  equally  as  the  bursars  or  poor  scholars. 

Bishop  Kennedy  was  careful  to  have  his  college  provided  with  the  most  able 
teachers.  With  this  view  he  called  home  John  Athelmer,  who  had  been  edu- 
cated at  St.  Andrews,  but  was  then  in  the  university  of  Paris,  and  placed  him 
in  the  situation  of  provost  or  principal.  To  him  he  joined  Thomas  Logy,  who 
had  already  filled  the  office  of  rector  of  the  university,  and  James  Ogilvy,  as 
second  and  third  masters  or  professors  of  divinity. 

St.  Leonards  Colieg'\ — Adjoining  to  the  church  of  St.  Leonard,  and  within 
the  precincts  of  the  Abbey,  was  an  ancient  hospital  for  the  reception  of  pious 
strangers  who  came  in  pilgrimage  to  visit  the  relics  of  St.  Andrew,  being  at- 
tracted by  the  fame  of  the  miracles  wrought  by  them.  ‘The  miracles  and 
pilgrimages  having  ceased  in  process  of  time,  as  may  be  believed,’  the  hospital 
was  converted  into  a receptacle  for  aged  women.  But  the  patrons,  not  being 
satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the  new  objects  of  their  charity,  resolved  to  con- 
vert the  hospital,  with  the  adjoining  church,  into  a college,  ‘for  training  up 
poor  scholars  in  learning  and  arts,  to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  spiritual  edifica- 
tion of  the  people.’  This  was  called  the  College  of  St.  Leonard.  The  charter 
of  foundation  was  executed  in  1512  by  John  Llepburn,  prior  of  the  Abbey, 
and  confirmed  by  Archbishop  Alexander  Stewart,  and  by  King  James  IV. 
The  prior  and  conventual  chapter  were  patrons  of  this  college,  and  retained 
the  power  of  visiting  it  and  reforming  its  abuses.  The  teachers  were  always 
taken  from  the  monastery.  This  college  was  intended  for  the  support  and 
education  of  twenty  poor  scholars.  The  Principal  was  appointed  to  read  on 
two  days  of  every  week  a lecture  on  the  Scriptures,  or  on  speculative  theology, 
to  the  priests,  regents,  and  others  who  chose  to  attend.  And  by  a subsequent 
regulation,  an  additional  salary  was  appointed  to  be  given  to  two  of  the  four 
regents,  provided  they  chose  to  read,  twice  or  thrice  in  the  week,  a lecture  on 
the  Scripture.s,  or  on  the  Master  of  Sentences.  Papers  of  University. 

It  was  required  of  those  who  were  admitted  to  St.  Leonards  College,  that, 
besides  being  of  good  character,  acquainted  with  grammar,  and  skilled  in  writing, 
they  should  be  sufficiently  instructed  in  t\\Q  Gregorian  song, — ‘ cantuque  Gre- 
goriano  sufficienter  in.structum.’  Papers  of  University.  The  religious  of  the 
Priory  of  St.  Andrews  were  always  celebrated  for  their  skill  in  music,  and  sing- 
ing formed  one  of  the  regular  exercises  of  the  students.  Boetii  Abrenon. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


811 


Episcop.  Vitoi,  f!  xxvi.  Individuals  who  had  belonged  to  it  were  employed  in 
composing  the  music  used  in  churches  after  the  Reformation.  Old  Music 
Book,  MS. 

St.  Marys,  or  New  College. — There  were  still  in  the  university,  professors  and 
students  who  did  not  belong  to  either  of  the  Colleges  of  St.  Salvator  and  St. 
Leonard.  These  continued  to  teach  in  the  Psedagogium,  although  they  were 
not  formed  into  a college,  and  had  but  slender  funds.  Archbishop  Alexander 
Stewart,  who  had  been  highly  commended  by  Erasmus  for  his  literary  attain- 
ments, intended  to  give  it  a collegiate  form,  and  with  this  view  he  not  only 
repaired  the  chapel  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  which  served  as  a place  of 
worship  to  the  psedagogium,  but  also  bestowed  on  it  the  living  of  the  church 
of  St.  Michael  de  Tarvet,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cupar  in  Fite.  In  the  deed 
of  annexation  it  is  said,  that  the  psedagogium  of  the  university  ‘lay  almost 
extinct  iii  consequence  of  the  deficiency  of  funds  and  of  learned  men and 
that  the  archbishop,  with  the  consent  of  his  chapter,  had  resolved  to  ‘ endow 
and  erect  it  into  a college,  to  the  praise  of  God,  the  defense  of  the  faith,  the 
increase  of  learned  men,  and  the  salvation  of  the  souls  of  the  king,  his  prede- 
cessors and  successors,  the  archbishops  of  St.  Andrews,  and  all  the  faithful.’ 
The  premature  death  of  the  primate,  who  soon  after  fell  in  the  field  of  Flod- 
den,  appears  to  have  defeated  this  annexation,  and  prevented  the  erection  of  the 
college.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  pmdagogium  would  rival  colleges 
which  were  provided  with  extensive  funds  and  accommodations  both  for 
masters  and  scholars.  But  it  continued  to  have  regents  and  a principal ; and 
several  distinguished  individuals,  among  whom  were  George  Buchanan, 
received  their  education  in  it,  while  it  remained  on  its  original  footing.  Arch- 
bishop James  Beatoun  resumed  the  design  of  his  predecessor,  and  obtained  a 
bull  from  Pope  Paul  III.  authorizing  him  to  erect  buildings  for  a college  and 
chapel,  under  the  name  of  the  Assumption  of  St.  Mary,  in  which  grammar, 
logic,  theology,  medicine,  and  law,  both  canon  and  civil,  should  be  taught, 
divine  offices  performed,  and  a collegiate  table  provided  from  the  rents  of 
certain  benefices  which  were  united  and  annexed  to  the  institution.  The 
buildings  which  were  begun  on  the  site  of  the  pmdagogium  by  Archbishop 
Beatoun,  were  carried  on  by  his  nephew  and  successor,  the  Cardinal.  But  the 
college  was  not  finally  erected  until  1554,  after  Archbishop  Hamilton  had 
obtained  a papal  bull  from  Julius  III.  by  which  he  was  authorized  to  alter  at 
his  pleasure  the  arrangements  made  by  his  predecessor. 

By  the  foundation  of  Bishop  Hamilton,  St.  Marys  College,  or,  as  it  was  often 
called,  the  New  College,  was  provided  with  four  principal  professors,  denom- 
inated the  provost,  licentiate,  bachelor,  and  canonist ; eight  students  of 
theology;  three  professors  of  philosophy  and  two  of  rhetoric  and  grammar; 
sixteen  students  of  philosopliy;  a provisor,  cook,  and  janitor;  and  five  vicars 
pensionary.  The  Principal,  besides  exercising  the  ordinary  jurisdiction  of  the 
college  and  presiding  at  tlie  theological  disputations  once  a week,  was  to  read  a 
lecture  on  the  sacred  Scriptures,  or  to  preach,  every  Monday.  The  licentiate 
was  to  read  a lecture  on  the  Scriptures  four  times,  and  the  bachelor  five  times 
a week;  and  the  canonist  was  to  lecture  on  canon  law  five  times  every  week. 
It  was  also  the  duty  of  each  of  these  professors  to  say  mass  at  stated  times. 
It  behooved  the  students  of  divinity  to  be  in  priest’s  orders  and  initiated  into 
theology,  ‘so  as  to  have  answered  thrice  in  public,  and  given  specimen  of 
their  erudition  according  to  the  custom  of  the  university.’  They  were  bound 
regularly  to  attend  the  lectures  of  the  three  theological  professors,  to  answer 
publicly  to  the  difficulties  of  Scripture  every  holiday,  to  say  mass,  and  to  preach 
thrice  a year  in  public.  Their  continuance  in  this  situation  was  limited  to  six 
years ; for  it  was  expected  ‘ that  by  divine  blessing,  and  their  assiduity,  they 
shall  within  this  period  be  fit  for  becoming  licentiates  in  theology,  and  for  dis- 
charging higher  offices.’  The  three  professors  of  philosophy  were  to  teach 
logic,  ethics,  physics,  and  mathematics,  at  the  direction  of  the  Principal ; and 
the  orator  and  grammarian  were,  at  the  same  direction,  to  interpret  the  most 
useful  authors  in  their  respective  faculties.  And  they  were  not  to  hold  their 
places  above  six  years,  or  the  time  during  which  they  taught  two  courses, 
unless  they  received  a new  appointment.  It  behooved  the  students  of  philos- 
ophy, before  their  admission,  to  be  initiated  into  grammar  and  the  Latin  tongue, 


812 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


SO  as  to  be  able  to  express  themselves  properly  in  that  language  at  disputations 
and  examinations;  to  swear  that  they  liad  no  beuelice  or  patrimony  to  support 
them,  and  to  supplicate,  for  the  love  of  God,  to  be  admitted  to  the  place  of 
poor  students.  Each  of  them  in  order  was  bound  to  awake  all  the  domestics 
at  five  in  the  morning,  and  furnish  lights  to  such  as  wished  them.  The  pro- 
fessors, regents,  and  students  were  to  wear  caps  after  the  Parisian  manner; 
and  all  tlie  scliolars,  including  the  noble  and  wealthy,  as  well  as  the  bursars, 
were  to  wear  gowns  bound  round  them  with  a girdle,  to  which  the  bursars 
were  to  add  a black  hood.  By  the  bull  of  John  III.,  as  well  as  that  of  Paul 
III.,  the  college  had  the  power  of  conferring  degrees  in  all  the  faculties;  and 
the  jurisdiction  over  the  bursars  belonged  to  the  Principal,  from  whom  an 
appeal  lay  to  the  archbishop  and  the  pope,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  rector  of 
the  university  or  any  other  judge,  even  in  the  second  instance.  The  college 
was  provided  with  ample  funds.  The  revenues  of  four  parish  churches, 
Tyninghame,  Tannadice,  Inchbrayock  (including  Craig  and  Pert),  and  Conveth 
or  Laurencekirk,  were  appointed  for  its  support;  in  addition,  as  it  would 
appear,  to  what  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Pmdagogium.  Fundatio  et 
Erectio  Novi  Collegii. 

Some  of  the  professors  of  the  New  College,  nominated  by  Archbishop 
Beatoun,  including  the  Principal,  had  previously  been  teachers  in  the  Pmdago 
gium.  The  instrument  of  Presentation  and  Investiture,  Feb.  8,  1538,  appoints 
‘ Magistrum  Robtrium  Bormerman,  pro  theologo  et  primario  dicti  collegii  de 
assumptione  beatse  Marias,  et  pro  sub-principali  Mag’rm  David  Guynd,  pro 
Canonista  Mag’rni  Thomam  Kyncragy,  pro  civilista  Mag’rm  Johem  Gledstanis, 
Item  pro  regentibus  artium  et  studentibus  in  theologia  Magistros  Andream 
Kynniamond,  Johannem  Forbous,  Wilhelraum  Young,  et  Walterum  Ftihy.' 
Those  whose  names  are  printed  in  italics  had  previously  been  teachers  in  the 
Pmdagogium. 

Archbishop  Hamilton,  in  his  foundation,  omitted  civil  law  and  medicine, 
which  his  predecessors  had  appointed  to  be  taught.  But,  upon  the  whole,  his 
arrangement  appears  to  have  been  adapted  to  the  means  of  instruction  which 
he  had  in  his  power;  and  in  several  points  they  indicate  a due  attention  to  the 
progress  which  learning  had  made  since  the  erection  of  the  two  other  colleges. 
He  was  equally  attentive  in  providing  the  college  with  professors.  Archibald 
Hay,  who  was  made  principal  soon  after  Cardinal  Beatoun’s  death,  appears  to 
have  excelled  most  of  his  countrymen  at  that  time  in  learning  and  liberal 
views.  During  his  residence  in  the  College  of  Montague  at  Paris,  he  published 
a panegyrical  oration  on  Archbishop  Beatoun’s  advancement  to  the  purple.  It 
is  entitled,  ‘Ad  Illustriss.  Tit.  S.  Stephani  in  Monte  Coelio  Cardinalem  D. 
Dauidem  Beatonum — Gratulatorius  Panegyricus  Archibaldi  Hayi.  Parisiis 
1540.’  It  is  in  4to,  and  ends  on  fol.  lxvi.  On  the  title-page  is  a motto  in 
Greek  and  in  Hebrew.  The  dedication  to  the  Cardinal  is  subscribed  ‘addictis- 
simus  Consohrinus  vester  Archibald  Hayus.’  In  the  course  of  this  work  the 
author  censures,  with  much  freedom,  the  ignorance,  negligence,  and  hypocrisy 
of  the  clergy,  but  makes  no  allusion  to  the  reformed  opinions  either  in  the  way 
of  approbation  or  condemnation.  The  most  curious  and  valuable  part  of  it  is 
that  in  which  he  lays  down  a plan  of  teaching  for  the  New  College  which  the 
Cardinal  was  employed  in  organizing.  It  will  be  of  far  more  consequence,  he 
says,  to  procure  teachers  capable  of  instructing  the  youth  in  the  three  learned 
languages,  than  to  endow  a rich  but  illiterate  college.  If  it  should  be  thought 
proper  to  add  teachers  of  Chaldee  and  Arabic,  he  would  highly  approve  of  the 
arrangement.  ‘ Quod  si  visum  fuerit  linguae  caldaicae  et  arabiem  interpretes 
addere,  vehementer  probabo ; quandoquidem  cum  Hebraica  magna  habent 
affinitatem,  et  plurima  sunt  illis  duabus  linguis  scripta,  quae  non  parum  sint 
habiture  mornenti  ad  rerum  pulcherrimarum  intelligentiam.’  Fol.  lix.  Though 
he  does  not  propose  to  banish  the  Peripatetic  philosophy  from  the  schools,  yet 
he  would  wish  to  see  the  study  of  the  divine  Plato  take  the  place  of  scholastic 
arguiice.  Fol.  lx.  a.  He  laments  the  neglect  of  the  Roman  law,  and  extols 
the  science  of  mathematics.  Fol.  tx.  b.  Ixii.  a. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


813 


UNIVERSITY  OF  GLASGOW. 

At  the  solicitation  of  'William  Turnbull,  Bi.shop  of  Glasgow,  Pope  Nicholas 
V.  granted  a bull,  dated  the  'Ith  of  January,  1450,  constituting  ‘a  General 
Study  for  theology,  canon  and  civil  law,  the  arts,  and  every  other  useful 
facult}’-,’ at  Glasgow;  and  granting  to  it  all  the  rights  and  privileges  belonging 
to  the  university  of  Bologna.  In  the  following  year  a body  of  statutes  for  its 
government  was  prepared  by  the  bishop  and  his  chapter,  which,  together  with 
the  papal  bull,  were  confirmed,  in  1453,  by  a Royal  Charter  from  King  James 
II.  During  the  first  two  years  of  its  erection  more  than  a hundred  individuals 
were  incorporated  into  it;  but  the  most  of  these  were  not  young  men  com- 
mencing their  studies,  but  secular  or  regular  ecclesiastics,  who  became  members 
chiefly  for  the  sake  of  the  honor  attached  to  a learned  corporation,  or  of  the 
immunities  to  which  it  entitled  them.  The  annals  of  the  university  are  suf- 
ficiently copious  in  information  respecting  its  government,  but  they  are  almost 
entirely  silent  as  to  what  is  more  important,  the  means  of  instruction  which  it 
provided,  and  the  mode  in  which  that  instruction  was  conveyed.  So  far  as  we 
can  collect  from  scattered  hints,  it  would  seem  that  there  was  no  stated  or 
regular  teaching  in  the  higher  faculties.  The  zeal  of  individuals  prompted 
them  to  read  occasional  lectures,  the  continuance  of  which  depended  on  the 
caprice  of  the  hearers,  whose  attendance  on  them  was  optional.  ‘ On  the  29th 
of  July,  1460,  a venerable  man,  Master  David  Cadyow,  precentor  of  the  Church 
of  Glasgow,  and  Rector  of  the  University,  read,  in  the  Chapter-House  of  the 
Predicant  Friars  of  Glasgow,  at  nine  o’clock  ante  meridiem.^  the  title  or  rubric 
in  the  third  book  (of  the  Canon  Law)  De  vita  ethonestate  clericorum/m  Xhe 
presence  of  all  the  clergy  and  masters ; and  he  continued  at  the  pleasure  of 
the  hearers.’  On  the  same  day,  and  in  the  same  house.  Master  ‘WTlliam  de 
Levenax  read  a title  in  the  Civil  Law.  The  first  notice  of  any  lecture  on 
theology  is  at  a much  later  period.  ‘On  tho  23d  of  March,  1521,  a religious 
man,  Father  Robert  Lile,  of  tlie  order  of  Predicant  Friars,  Bachelor  of  Theology, 
and  Prior  of  the  Convent  of  Glasgow,  began,  pro  forma^  to  read  a lecture  on 
the  fourth  book  of  the  Sentences,  in  the  foresaid  Monastery,  in  presence  of  the 
Rector,  Dean  of  Faculty,  and  the  rest  of  the  masters ; John  Ade,  Professor  of 
Theology,  and  Provincial  of  the  whole  order  of  Scotland,  presiding  at  the 
time.’  Tlie  want  of  salaries  to  tlie  professors  was  doubtless  one  great  reason 
of  the  rarity  of  these  lectures.  Bishop  Turnbull  died  before  he  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  carrying  his  munificent  purposes  into  execution : and  the  defect  was 
not  supplied  by  his  successors,  or  by  the  government.  WitliAthe  exception  of 
certain  small  perquisites  paid  at  promotions  to  degrees,  the  university,  as  such, 
was  destitute  of  funds,  and  the  professors  of  divinity,  and  of  canon  and  civil 
law,  depended  for  their  support  on  the  benefices  which  they  held  as  ecclesiastics 
in  various  parts  of  the  kingdom. 

Happily,  more  attention  had  been  paid  to  the  inferior  branches  of  learning. 
These  were  taught  at  an  early  period ; for  the  records  mention  the  admission 
of  a regent  of  philosophy  within  two  years  after  the  erection  of  the  university. 

‘ Congregatione  facultatis  artium  tenta,  &c.,  1452,  28th  Julij,  supplicavit  vener- 
abilis  et  religiosus  vir  Dominus  Alexander  Geddes,  licentiatus  in  theologia, 

monachus  de  Melrose,  pro  licentia  exponendi  textum  Aristotelis  pro 

cujus  supplication!  facultas  favorabiliter  inclinata  illam  quam  petiit  salvis  suis 
privilegiis  duntaxat  sibi  contulit  potestatem.’  Act.  Fac.  Art.  Glasg.  This  was 


814 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


the  usual  way  of  admitting  a regent  to  teach  a course  of  jaliilosopliy.  It  is 
probable  that  Bishop  Turnbull  had  founded  the  Ptedagogium,  or  College,  in 
which  the  students  of  the  liberal  arts  lived  together  with  the  masters  who 
superintended  their  education.  They  resided  in  a house  situated  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Rotten  Row,  until  a benefaction  from  Lord  Hamilton  enabled  them 
to  remove  to  the  situation  which  the  College  occupies  at  present.  By  means 
of  donations  and  bequests  from  different  individuals,  a moderate  provision  was 
made  for  the  continuance  of  regular  instruction  in  the  college.  Chaplainries, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  regents,  were  founded  at  different  times.  Thomas 
Arthurlie  bequeathed  a tenement  to  the  college.  And  in  1557,  Archbishop 
Beatoun  gave  to  it  the  vicarage  of  Colmonell,  which,  with  the  glebe  acres,  is 
valued,  in  the  old  Rental  Book,  at  £44,  13s.  4d.  Records  of  University;  and 
Statist.  Account  of  Scotland,  vol.  xxi.  Appendix.  Some  idea  may  be  formed 
of  the  nature  of  the  instruction  given  from  the  lists,  in  the  note,  which  con- 
tain the  titles  of  books  presented  for  the  use  of  the  regents.* 

The  university  of  Glasgow,  from  its  peculiar  constitution,  necessarily  suffered 
more  from  the  change  of  religion  at  the  Reformation  than  the  other  learned 
establishments  of  Scotland.  The  professors  in  the  higher  branches  being  all 
supported  by  their  livings  in  the  church,  and  adhering  to  the  old  religion,  suc- 
cessors could  not  be  appointed  to  them  owing  to  the  total  want  of  salaries.  It 
was  so  far  a favorable  circumstance  that  John  Davidson,  the  principal  of  the 
college,  embraced  the  reformed  doctrines,  and  continued  his  academical  labors. 
By  this  means  the  most  valuable,  though  not  the  most  dignified,  part  of  the 
academy  was  preserved  from  extinction.  But  it  also  suffered  materially  from 
the  fraudulent  alienation,  or  the  unjust  seizure  of  its  slender  revenues.  To 
remedy  this  evil,  the  friends  of  the  college  obtained  from  Queen  Mary,  in  1563, 
a grant  under  the  Privy  Seal,  founding  bursaries  for  five  poor  scholars,  and 
bestowing  certain  houses  and  lands  for  their  support  during  the  time  of  their 
education.  Gibson’s  Hist,  of  Glasgow;  Appendix.  In  1572,  the  town  council 
of  Glasgow,  perceiving  ‘ that  the  college  had  fallen  into  decay  for  want  of 
funds,  and  the  study  of  the  arts  was  nearly  extinguished  in  it  through 
poverty,’  bestowed  on  it  rents  which  were  deemed  adequate  for  the  support  of 
fifteen  persons.  It  might  be  supposed  that  these  gifts  would  have  been  sufficient 
to  place  the  college  on  a re.spectable  footing,  but  all  that  could  be  made  good, 
from  the  whole  did  not  amount  to  three  hundred  pounds  Scots,  annually. 

Andrew  Melville  at  Glasgow,  1574-1580. 

In  consequence  of  a pressing  invitation  from  the  patrons  of  the  university, 
Melville  paid  a visit  to  Glasgow;  and,  after  making  the  necessary  inquiries, 
and  arranging  certain  alteration's,  he  agreed  to  return,  and  undertake  the  office 
of  Principal.  Accordingly,  in  the  end  of  October,  he  took  leave  of  his  affec- 
tionate brother  (who  died  soon  after)  and  set  out  for  Glasgow,  attended  by 

* Congregatione  facultatis  artium  tenta,  &c.  anno  Domini  1475  tertio  die  mensis  Novembris 
prescntuti  fiierunt,  &c, 

Eudem  Anno  Reverendus  in  Christo  Pater  ac  Dominus.  Dominus  Johannes,  Dei  it  apostolicse 
sedis  gratia,  Episcopus  Glaguensis.  infrascri|itos  donavit  libros  Pedagogic  Glasguensi  ad  usuin 
et  iitilitatem  Regentium  inibi  pro  tempore  existentium. 

In  primus  unum  voliimen  in  pergameno  in  quo contirientur  textus  Phisicae  Aristoteb’s  completus, 
quatuor  libri  de  rcelo  et  mundo,  duo  de  Generatione,  quatuor  Metheororum,  liber  de  causis  pro- 
prietiitum  elomentorum,  Liber  de  Mundo*  liber  de  lineis  indivisibilibus,  Liber  de  inundatione 
fluvii,  Item  liber  de  Bona  fortnna,  Epistola  quaedam  Aristotelis  ad  Alexandrum,  tres  libri  de 
unima,  Liber  de  sensu  et  sensato,  Liber  de  Memoria  et  Reminiscentia,  Liber  de  Sompnoet 
Vigilia,  Liber  be  longitudine  et  brevitate  vitae.  Liber  de  spiritu  et  respiratione.  Liber  de  morte  et 
vita.  Liber  de  motu  animalium.  Liber  de  progtessu  animalium.  Liber  de  Pliisonomia,  Liber  de 
Pomo,  Liber  de  ‘ Spiritus  et  aiiimse,  Item  liber  de  vita  Aristotelis,’ 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


815 


James  Melville.  By  the  way  he  .stopped  two  days  at  Stirling,  where  he  was 
introduced  to  the  young  king,  and  who  had  entered  the  ninth  year  of  liis  age, 
— ‘ the  switest  siglit  in  Europe  that  day  for  strange  and  extraordinar  gifts  of 
ingyne,  judgment,  meinorie,  and  language ! ’ says  James  Melville,  who  was 
admitted  to  see  him  along  with  his  uncle:  ‘I  hard  him  discourse  (continues  he), 
walking  up  and  down  in  the  auld  Lady  Marr’s  hand,  of  knawlege  and  igno- 
rance, "to  my  grait  marvell  and  astonishment.’  No  doubt  this  astonishment 
was  heiglitened  by  the  retlection  that  the  young  philosopher  was  a king;  but 
the  truth  is,  that  James  did  at  this  time  exhibit  symptoms  of  more  than 
ordinary  talents,  and  his  teachers  were  highly  gratified  at  the  proficiency  which 
ho  made  under  their  tuition.  At  Stirling,  Melville  found  Buchanan  engaged, 
at  leisure  hours,  in  writing  his  History  of  SrMland;  and,  having  taken  his 
advice  on  the  plan  of  education  which  he  intended  to  follow,  proceeded  to 
Glasgow.  Tlioinas  Buchanan,  the  nephew  of  the  poet,  went  along  with  him, 
to  be  present  at  his  installation. 

The  literary  history  of  tlie  University  of  Glasgow  properly  commences  with 
Melville,  though  the  seminary  had  subsisted  for  upwards  of  a century  before 
he  was  connected  with  it.  From  its  first  erection  it  was  provided  witli  pro- 
fessors in  all  the  liberal  arts  and  sciences  then  taught ; but  those  of  the  higher 
faculties — theology,  and  law,  civil  and  canon — lectured  merely  yro  f.>rma,  or 
occasionally  as  it  suited  their  own  convenience  and  the  caprice  of  their 
beneficed  auditors.  The  number  of  regular  students  who  attended  it  appears 
never  to  have  been  great,  and  among  these  are  to  be  found  few  names  of 
eminence.  Its  funds,  originally  small,  were  wasted  and  reduced  by  alienations 
during  the  confusions  which  attended  the  great  change  of  religion.  Through 
the  zealous  exertions  of  individuals  friendly  to  the  interests  of  literature,  gilts 
in  its  favor  were  procured  from  the  Crown  and  from  the  magistrates  of  the 
city.  But  with  the  help  of  tie  se  only  two  regents  could  be  maintained.  The 
consequence  was,  that  it  langui.'^lied  for  a few  years,  until,  on  the  death  of 
John  bavidson,  who  held  ihe  situation  of  Principal,  the  students  dispersed,  and 
the  college  was  literally  shut  up.’ 

The  prospect  was  sufficiently  discouraging,  and  an  ordinary  person  would 
have  despaired  of  being  able  to  restore  the  suspended  animation  of  the 
university.  But  such  was  Melville’s  zeal  for  the  advancement  of  letters,  and 
the  confidence  which  he  felt  in  his  own  resources,  that  he  entered  on  the  task 
he  had  undertaken  without  hesitation,  and  with  the  confident  hope  of  raising 
the  seminary  over  which  he  presided  to  a rank  which  no  university  in  his 
native  country  had  yet  attained.  His  reputation  secured  the  attendance  of  as 
many  young  men  as  were  necessary  for  the  opening  of  the  classes.  It  would 
have  been  easy  for  him  to  have  discharged  the  duties  which  were  considered  as 


Item  in  nlio  Voliimine  Papirio  donavit  idem,  Reverendiu'  Pater.  In  primis  quoddam  Scriptum 
continens  questiones  super  octo  libros  Phisicorum.  Item  qnestiones  super  tribus  libris  de  coel  ) et 
mundo.  Item  questiones  quasdam  super  tribus  libris  Metheorurum.  Item  quasdam  questi  mes 
super  diiobns  libris  de  Generatione.  Item  quasdam  questiones  super  tribus  libris  de  animn. 
Item  quasdam  questiones  super  libro  de  sensu  et  sensato.  Item  quasdam  questiones  super  libris 
de  memoria  et  reminisceutia  sompno  et  virgilla.  Item  quasdam  questiones  de  longitudine  et 
brevitate  vitae. 

Sequuntur  libri  quos  donavit  ad  usum  et  utilitatem  Regentium  in  facultate  artium  in  Paedago- 
gio  Glasgiien  pro  tempore  inibi  existentium  bonac  memoriae  venerabilis  vir  Magister  Duncanus 
Bunch  quondam  Canonicus  Glasgiien  et  in  dicto  loco  principalis  Rengens. 

In  primis  unum  volumen  bene  ligatum  in  Pergameno  in  quo  continentur  textus  predicabilium 
Purpluirii  (sic)  textus  Arisfotelis  super  veteri  arte.  Liber  sex  jirincipiorum  Gilberti  Porritani, 
Liber  Divisionurn  Boetii  et  liber  Thopicorum  ejusdetn  et  textus  ArisPAelis  super  nova  Logica 
complete. 

Item  in  alio  papirio  volumine  Textus  super  tribus  Libris  Aristotelis.  Item  in  eudem  duo  libn 
Elencorum  rupti  in  fine.  Item  duo  l.bri  Posteriorum.  Item  commentum  Alberti  super  Pliisica 
Aristotelis  in  Pergameno.  Item  questiones  Phisicales  in  jiarte  magistri  Joannis  Elmir.  Item  duo 
libri  de  generatione.  ,, 

Itern  in  uno  volumine  questiones  super  quinque  libris  Metaphisicae. 

Item  in  uno  volumine  questiones  super  libro  de  anima  cum  tribus  libris  Metheororurn  cum 
quibusdam  uliisexcerptis. 

Item  in  uno  volumine  Textus  Metaphisicae  complete  in  Pergameno. 

Item  Gio-^sa  Petri  Ilispani  secundum  usum  Mug’ri  Johannis  Elmir  super  ouinque  tractatibus. 

Item  in  alio  volumine  duo  libri  de  Animn. 

Item  questiones  super  quinque  libris  Metaphisicae. 

Item  questiones  sujier  octo  libris  Phisicorum. 

Item  una  Biblia  in  Pergameno  in  parvo  volumine  litera  optima  complete  Seri pta. 


816 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


belonging  to  the  office  of  Principal,  and  to  have  left  the  education  of  the 
students  to  be  conducted  in  the  ordinary  way,  by  such  regents  as  should  be 
placed  under  him.  The  patrons  of  the  university  had  already  procured  a 
person  of  this  description  from  St.  Andrews.  Allowing  him  to  proceed  in  the 
manner  to  which  he  had  been  trained,  and  devolving  on  him  the  management 
of  the  slender  revenues  of  the  college,  Melville  set  himself,  with  incredible 
labor,  to  the  execution  of  a plan,  in  the  formation  of  which  he  had  availed 
himself  of  the  most  approved  practices  which  he  had  witnessed  in  foreign 
academies.  One  great  object  which  he  had  in  view,  was  to  train  up  a number 
of  individuals  who  should  be  qualified  for  acting  as  assistants  to  him,  and  for 
following  out  his  mode  of  instruction.  For  this  purpose  he  commenced  with  a 
select  class  of  young  men  well  grounded  in  the  Latin  language,  and  determined 
to  conduct  them  himself  through  a regular  and  complete  course  of  study. 

lie  began  by  initiating  them  into  the  principles  of  Greek  grammar.  He 
then  introduced  them  to  the  study  of  logic  and  rhetoric ; using,  as  his  text- 
books, the  Dialectics  of  his  Parisian  master,  Ramus,  and  the  Rhetoric  of 
Talaeus.  While  they  were  engaged  in  these  studies  he  read  with  them  the  best 
classical  authons,  as  Virgil  and  Horace  among  the  Latins,  and  Homer,  Hesiod, 
Theocritus,  Pindar,  and  Isocrate.s,  among  the  Greeks;  pointing  out,  as  he  went 
along,  their  beauties,  and  illustrating  by  them  the  principles  of  logic  and 
rhetoric.  Proceeding  to  mathematics  and  geography,  he  taught  the  Elements 
of  Euclid,  with  the  Arithmetic  and  Geometry  of  Ramus,  and  the  Geography  of 
Dionysius;  and,  agreeably  to  his  plan  of  uniting  elegant  literature  with  philos- 
phjq  he  made  the  students  use  the  Phenomena  of  Aratu.s,  and  the  Cosraographia 
of  Honter.  Moral  philosophy  formed  the  next  branch  of  study;  and  on  this 
he  read  Cicero’s  Offices,  Paradoxes,  and  Tusculan  Questions,  the  Ethics  and 
Politics  of  Aristotle,  and  certain  dialogues  of  Plato.  In  natural  philosophy,  he 
made  use  of  Fernelius,  and  commented  on  parts  of  the  writings  of  Aristotle 
and  Plato.  To  these  he  added  a view  of  universal  history,  with  chronology, 
and  the  progress  of  the  art  of  writing.  Entering  upon  the  duties  of  his  own 
immediate  profession,  he  taught  the  Hebrew  language,  first  more  cursorily,  by 
going  over  the  elementary  work  of  Martinius,  and  afterwards  by  a more  accu- 
rate examination  of  its  principles,  accompanied  with  a praxis  upon  the  Psalter 
and  books  of  Solomon.  He  then  initiated  the  students  into  Chaldee  and  Syriac, 
reading  those  parts  of  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Daniel  that  are  written  in 
Chaldee,  and  the  epistle  to  the  Galatians  in  the  Syriac  version.  He  also  went 
through  all  the  common  heads  of  divinity,  according  to  the  order  of  Calvin’s 
Institutions,  and  gave  lectures  on  the  different  books  of  Scripture. 

This  course  of  study  was  completed  in  six  years.  From  the  variety  of 
subjects  which  it  embraced,  and  the  number  of  books'  read  and  commented  on, 
some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  extent  of  his  erudition,  and  the  greatness  of 
his  labors.  On  the  second  year  his  nephew,  James  Melville,  began  a class, 
which  he  instructed  in  Greek,  logic,  and  rhetoric,  and  on  the  following  year 
taught  them  mathematics  and  moral  philosophy.  He  was  tlie  first  regent  in 
Scotland  who  read  the  Greek  authors  with  his  class  in  the  original  language. 
A sufficient  number  of  regents  being  obtained,  Melville  introduced  a new  regu- 
lation as  to  their  mode  of  teaching.  It  was  the  established  and  invariable 
practice,  in  all  the  universities  at  that  time,  for  the  regent  who  began  a class  to 
continue  with  it,  and  to  condvict  his  students  through  the  whole  course  of 
studies,  until  he  had  prepared  them  for  laureation  at  the  end  of  four  years. 
Melville  was  under  the  necessity  of  adhering  to  this  practice  at  his  first  coming 
to  Glasgow,  but  ho  was  fully  convinced  of  its  tendency  to  obstruct  the  ad- 
vancement of  learning,  and  embraced  the  first  opportunity  of  abolishing  it. 
Accordingly,  in  the  year  ISTT,  Blaise  Laurie  was  established  permanent 
teacher  of  Greek  and  of  Roman  eloquence;  James  Melville  of  mathematics, 
logic,  and  moral  philosophy;  and  Peter  Blackburn  of  physics  and  astronomy; 
while  the  Principal  confined  himself  to  divinity  and  oriental  languages.  About 
the  time  that  Melville  left  Glasgow  the  Principal  was  relieved  from  a part  of 
his  extensive  duty  by  the  appointment  of  a separate  teacher  of  Hebrew.  The 
advantages  arising  from  the  introduction  of  the  division  of  labor  into^  the 
teaching  of  the  sciences  are  so  apparent,  and  are  now  so  generally  recognized, 
that  it  is  quite  unnecessary  to  state  them. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


8lY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ABERDEEN. 

The  University  of  Aberdeen  was  founded  in  1494  by  a bull  of  Pope  Alex- 
ander YL,  issued  on  the  representation  of  James  lY.,  wlio  was  moved  thereto 
by  William  KIphinstone,  Bishop  of  Aberdeen.  The  papal  edict  authorized  the 
erection  of  a siudium  generale  et  univer^iias  studii  generalis  in  the  city  of  Old 
Aberdeen,  for  teaching  divinity,  the  canon  and  civil  law,  medicine  and  the 
liberal  arts,  with  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  enjoj^ed  by  the  universities 
of  Paris  and  Bologna.  The  corporate  body,  consisting  of  a Chancellor,  who 
was  bishop  of  Aberdeen,  a Rector,  and  Doctors  of  Faculties,  was  empowered  to 
confer  degrees,  which  were  made  valid  throughout  Christendom.  In  1496,  the 
King  granted  a charter  and  certain  ecclesiastical  funds  for  its  support,  and  all 
the  rights,  liberties,  and  advantages  belonging  to  St.  Andrew  and  Glasgow. 
These  privileges  were  finally  established  and  confirmed  by  a papal  bull 
in  1500.  In  the  original  organization,  the  University  of  Paris,  where  Elphin- 
stone  read  lectures  on  the  civil  law,  was  mainly  followed. 

Trinity  or  King's  College* 

In  1505,  Bishop  Elphinstone  founded,  within  tlie  university,  and  endowed  a 
College  or  Collegiate  Church  (in  that  portion  of  Aberdeen  which  was  styled 
New),  in  honor  of  the  Trinity  and  the  Yirgin  Mary,  to  consist  of  36  ordinary 
members,  the  chief  of  whom  was  to  be  a doctor,  or  licentiate  of  divinity,  and 
to  be  styled  principal,  and  all  to  be  doctors  or  licentiates  of  the  canon  and  civil 
law  and  medicine,  and  all  except  the  doctor  of  medicine,  were  to  be  ecclesiastics, 
and  were  required  to  live  within  the  college.  The  power  of  conferring 
degrees  was  bestowed  on  this  college  in  1506,  and  the  whole  establishment 
was  modified  by  a new  charter  in  1531,  projected  by  Elphinstone,  and  issued 
by  his  successor,  Dunbar.  The  members  were  increased  to  42,  divided  into  four 
classes;  the  first  to  consist  of  doctors,  of  which  the  chief  was  to  be  principal ; the 
second,  of  eight  masters  of  arts,  the  first  of  whom  was  to  be  learned  in  philos- 
ophy, and  was  made  sub-principal,  the  second  to  be  skilled  in  poetry,  grammar 
and  rhetoric,  and  the  rest  to  be  students  of  divinity  until  they  became  doctors 
therein;  the  third  class  was  formed  of  students  of  law,  and  were  to  study  civil 
law,  although  they  were  to  belong  to  the  priesthood,  and  say  mass  for  the 
founders;  there  were  also  14  students  of  arts,  who  held  their  endowments  for 
three  years  and  a half,  and  8 prebendaries  who  were  to  attend  to  sacred 
music,  one  of  whom  was  styled  canter,  j-  another  sacrist,  and  six  boys  for  the 
choir.  The  revenues  were  placed  under  the  charge  of  a procurator,  appointed 
by  the  principal  officer  of  the  college.  The  principal  was  elected  by  the  rector 
of  the  university,  the  procurators,  doctors,  sub-principal,  regents  in  arts, 
humanist,  theological  student,  cantor,  and  sacri.st.  The  regents  were  subject  to 
the  principal  as  to  the  time  and  subject  of  their  lectures.  The  doctors  were 
appointed  for  special  lectureships.  The  sub-principal  was  to  instruct  the 
students  in  manners  and  virtue,  inflict  punishment  for  absence  from  divine 
service.  The  college  was  exempt  from  all  civil  burdens. 

* The  originnl  designation  was  Trinity  College,  but  was  early  known  as  Kings.  By  charter 
of  Charles  I.,  the  two  colleges  (Kings  and  Marischal)  were  called  King  Charles  University  of 
Aberdeen. 

t The  office  of  canter  and  canonist  was  abolished  in  1639. 

52 


818 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTIOxN  IN  SCOTLAND. 


• Marischal  College. 

Mariscbal  College,  in  New  Aberdeen,  was  founded  as  a college  of  arts  by 
George  Earl  Mariscbal,  under  royal,  autbority,  and  sanctioned  by  tbe  General 
Assembly  of  tbe  Cburcb  of  Scotland  in  1593.  By  tbe  act  of  tbe  Scottish  Par- 
liament granting  all  tbe  privileges  and  jurisdiction  to  ‘ane  frie  college,’  its 
members  were  subjected  to  tbe  jurisdiction  of  tbe  magistrates  of  tbe  city  in  all 
tilings  done  beyond  tbe  walls  of  tbe  college.  It  was  designated  an  Academy 
or  Seminary  of  Learning  {Academia — Publicum  Gymnasium)^  and  tbe  corpora- 
tion consisted  of  a cbancellor,  rector,  dean  of  faculty,  principal  {Gymnasiarclia), 
three  regents,  six  alumni,  and  two  persons  of  inferior  academical  standing  to 
manage  tbe  internal  affairs  of  tbe  seminary. 

The  principal  was  invested  with  the  most  extensive  powers  and  duties. 
His  superintendence  extended  over  tbe  whole  establishment,  and  all  its 
members.  He  could  censure  tbe  regents,  and  even  expel  them  from  tbe 
college.  He  could  confer  degrees  in  tbe  arts,  and  was  to  be  qualified  to  teach 
in  every  department  of  learning.  Tbe  regents  bad  particular  professions 
assigned  to  each — to  the  first,  arithmetic  and  geometry;  to  tbe  second,  logic, 
and  composition  and  declamation  in  Latin  and  Greek ; to  tbe  third,  tbe 
elements  of  these  subjects.  The  rector  w^as  elected  by  tbe  students,  and  had 
jurisdiction  over  the  college,  and  presided  at  its  meetings.  The  Dean  of 
Faculty  was  elected  by  the  Senate  and  tbe  Minister  of  Aberdeen. 

University  of  Aberdeen. 

After  various  modifications  in  the  duties  of  the  several  officers,  and  efforts  at 
different  times  to  unite  the  institution  with  that  of  Kings  College,  a union 
was  effected  in  1858,  under  the  style  and  title  of  tbe  University  of  Aberdeen, 
to  take  rank  as  from  1494,  with  all  tbe  funds,  properties,  and  revenues  belong- 
ing to  tbe  two.  The  classes  in  arts  and  divinity  are  fixed  in  Kings,  and  those 
of  law  and  medicine  in  Mariscbal  College. 

After  tbe  death  of  tbe  present  incumbent,  who  was  one  of  two  in  office  at 
tbe  date  of  the  union  of  the  two  colleges,  the  chancellor  is  appointed  by  tbe 
General  Council,  which  is  composed  of  tbe  Cbancellor,  members  of  the 
University  Court,  and  all  Masters  of  Arts  of  tbe  University. 

The  rector  is  elected  by  the  matriculated  students  voting  in  four  nations, 
called  Mar,  Buchan,  Moray,  and  Angus,  by  each  of  which  a procurator  is 
chosen,  who  together  elect  the  rector,  the  chancellor  giving  the  casting  vote. 

Tlie  University  Court  consists  of  the  rector,  the  principal,  four  assessors 
(associates),— one  nominated  by  the  Chancellor,  a second  by  the  Rector,  a third 
by  the  General  Council,  and  a fourth  by  the  Senatus  Academicus,  which  last 
body  consists  of  the  principal  and  the  regular  professors. 

The  university  possesses  17  foundations  for  bursaries,  the  benefits  of  which 
are  extended  to  287  students,  and  of  these  142  are  open  to  public  competition. 

The  curriculum  in  arts  extend  over  four  years,  and  all  candidates  for  degrees 
must  attend  the  branches  in  the  prescribed  order.  The  fees  vary  from  one  to 
three  pounds.  The  term  extends  from  November  1 to  April  1. 

The  number  of  professors  in  1870  was  22,  and  of  matriculated  students 
713—416  in  arts,  91  in  divinity,  17  in  law,  189  in  medicine. 


SUPERIOR  EDUCATION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


819 


UNIVERSITY  OF  EDINBURGH. 

The  University  of  Edinburgh  was  founded  in  1582,  by  a Royal  Charter 
granted  by  James  VI.  The  Charter  contemplates  a University  on  a wide  basi.s, 
with  the  conditions  necessary  for  liberal  study,  and  arrangements  suited  to  the 
progressive  state  of  modern  science.  In  1621,  an  act  was  passed  by  the 
Scottish  Parliament,  which  ratified  to  the  University,  in  ample  form,  ail  the 
rights,  immunities,  and  privileges  enjoyed  by  other  universities  in  tlie  kingdom. 
This  ratification  was  renewed  in  the  Treaty  of  Union  between  England  and 
Scotland,  and  in  the  Act  of  Security.  The  privileges  and  efficiency  of  the 
University  have  been  augmented  by  the  Universities  (Scotland)  Act  (1858), 
making  provision  for  the  better  government  and  discipline  of  the  Universities 
of  Scotland,  and  for  improving  and  regulating  the  course  of  study  therein. 

The  University  is  a Corporation,  consisting  of  a Chancellor,  Rector,  Principal, 
Professors,  Registered  Graduates  and  Alumni,  and  Matriculated  Students;  and 
including  in  its  government  the  University  Court,  the  Senatus  Academicus,  and 
the  General  Council. 

The  Chancellor  is  elected  for  life  by  the  General  Council.  He  is  the  head  of 
the  University.  Changes  in  its  internal  arrangements,  proposed  by  the 
University  Court,  must  receive  his  sanction.  It  is  through  him,  or  his  deputy 
the  Vice-Chancellor,  that  Degrees  are  conferred.  The  Chancellor  is  President 
of  the  General  Council. 

The  Vice-Chancellor  is  nominated  by  the  Chancellor.  He  may,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  the  Chancellor,  discharge  the  duties  of  his  office  in  so  far  as  regards 
conferring  of  degrees,  but  in  no  other  respects.  In  his  absence  Degrees  are 
conferred  by  the  senior  member  of  the  Senatus  present. 

Upon  the  Vice-Chancellor  is  imposed  the  duty  of  acting  as  returning  officer 
at  parliamentary  elections.  If  there  be  no  Vice-Chancellor  at  the  time  of  an 
election,  the  University  Court  may  appoint  one  to  act  as  returning  officer. 

The  Rector  is  elected  by  the  Matriculated  Students  on  the  second  Saturday 
after  the  commencement  of  the  winter  session.  The  term  of  office  is  three 
years.  The  next  election  takes  place  in  November,  1874.  The  Rector  is 
President  of  the  University  Court. 

In  accordance  with  Clauses  27  to  41  of  the  ‘Representation  of  the  People 
(Scotland)  Act,’  31st  and  32d  Viet.,  cap.  48,  the  Chancellors,  Members  of  the 
University  Court,  Professors,  and  Members  of  the  General  Councils  of  the 
Universities  of  Edinburgh  and  St.  Andrews,  are  entitled  to  elect  a member  to 
serve  in  Parliament  for  these  universities. 

The  University  Court  has  the  following  powers: — 

1.  To  review  all  decisions  of  the  Senatus  Academicus,  and  to  be  a Court  of 
Appeal  from  the  Senatus  in  every  case,  except  as  otherwise  provided  in  the 
Universities’  Act : 

2.  To  effect  improvements  in  the  internal  arrangements  of  the  University, 
after  due  communication  with  the  Senatus  Academicus,  and  with  the  sanction 
of  the  Chancellor;  provided  that  all  such  proposed  improvements  shall  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  General  Council  for  their  consideration : 

3.  To  require  due  attention  on  the  part  of  the  Professors  to  the  regulations 
as  to  the  mode  of  teaching  and  other  duties  imposed  on  the  Professors: 

4.  To  fix  and  regulate,  from  time  to  time,  the  fees  in  the  several  classes : 

5.  Upon  sufficient  cause  shown,  and  after  due  investigation,  to  censure  any 
member  of  the  Senatus  Academicus,  or  to  suspend  him  from  his  office,  and  from 
the  emoluments  thereof,  in  whole  or  in  part,  for  any  period  not  exceeding  one 


820 


SUPERIOR  EDUCATION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


year,  or  to  require  him  to  retire  from  his  office  on  a retiring  allowance,  or  to 
deprive  him  of  his  office;  and  during  the  suspension  of  any  Professor,  to  make 
due  provision  for  the  teaching  of  his  class : Provided  always  that  no  such  sen- 
tence of  censure,  suspension,  or  deprivation,  or  requisition  on  a Professor  to 
retire  from  office,  shall  have  any  effect  until  it  has  been  approved  by  Her 
Majesty  in  Council: 

6.  To  inquire  into  and  control  the  administration  b}’-  the  Senatus  Academicus, 
of  the  revenue,  expenditure,  and  all  the  pecuniary  concerns  of  the  University, 
including  funds  mortified  for  bursaries  and  other  purposes. 

Any  of  the  Rules,  Statutes,  or  Ordinances  enacted  by  the  Universities’  Com- 
missioners may  be  altered  or  revoked  by  the  University  Court,  but  only  with 
the  consent,  expressed  in  writing,  of  the  Chancellor,  and  with  the  approval  of 
Her  Majesty  in  Council. 

The  University  Court  holds  the  patronage  of  the  Chair  of  Music,  and  a share 
in  that  of  the  Chair  of  Agriculture.  It  appoints  the  non-professorial  Exam- 
iners for  Degrees  in  Arts  and  Medicine,  the  non-professorial  Examiners  for  the 
Degree  of  Bachelor  of  Divinity,  and  the  statutory  Examiners  of  Burgh  and 
Parochial  Schoolmasters.  The  appointments  of  Assistants  to  Professors,  pro- 
vided for  by  the  Universities’  Commissioners,  are  subject  to  its  approval. 

The  Court  consists  of  the  following  members,  viz. ; — 1,  The  Rector 
2.  The  Principal.  3.  An  Assessor  elected  by  the  Chancellor.  4.  The  Lord 
Provost  of  Edinburgh  for  the  time  being.  5.  An  Assessor  elected  by  the  Lord 
Provost,  Magistrates,  and  Town  Council  of  Edinburgh.  6.  An  Assessor 
elected  by  the  Rector.  7.  An  Assessor  elected  by  the  General  Council  of  the 
University.  8.  An  Assessor  elected  by  the  Senatus  Academicus.  No  Princi- 
pal or  Professor  of  any  University  is  eligible  to  the  office  of  Rector  or  Assessor, 
except  in  the  case  of  the  xissessor  elected  by  the  Senatus  Academicus.  The 
Rector  and  his  Assessor  continue  in  office  for  three  years,  and  the  other  As- 
sessors for  four  years.  Five  members  of  the  Court  constitute  a quorum.  The 
Rector,  who  is  the  ordinary  President,  has  a deliberative  and  a casting  vote.  In 
his  absence,  the  Member  of  the  Court  present  who  is  first  mentioned  in  the 
enumeration  of  its  Members  in  the  Universities’  Act  presides,  with  a deliber- 
ative vote  only ; and  in  the  event  of  an  equality  of  votes,  the  consideration  of 
the  question  must  be  adjourned  to  a day  of  which  due  notice  must  be  given  to 
the. Rector:  and  if  the  Rector  does  not  then  attend,  the  member  presiding  at 
such  subsequent  meeting  has  both  a deliberative  and  a casting  vote. 

• Stated  meetings  of  the  Court  are  held  upon  the  first  Mondays  of  February, 
April,  July,  and  October. 

By  the  Universities  (Scotland)  Act  (1858),  the  patronage  of  the  seventeen 
Chairs,  previously  in  the  gift  of  the  Town  Council,  was  transferred  to  seven 
Curators — three  nominated  by  the  University  Court,  and  four  by  the  Town 
Council.  Besides  these  seventeen  Chairs,  the  Curators  have  also  a share  in  the 
patronage  of  those  of  Humanity,  Agriculture,  Civil  Law,  Law  of  Scotland,  and 
Conveyancing,  which  was  formerly  possessed  by  the  Town  Council.  The 
Curators  hold  office  for  three  years. 

In  accordance  with  clause  4 of  the  Medical  Act  of  1858,  the  Universities  of 
Edinburgh  and  Aberdeen  are  entitled  to  elect  a member  of  the  ‘General 
Council  of  Medical  Education  and  Registration  of  the  TTnited  Kingdom.’ 

The  Principal  is  appointed  by  the  Curators.  The  office  is  held  for  life.  The 
Principal  is  the  resident  head  of  the  College,  and  President  of  the  Senatus 
Academicus. 


SUPERIOR  EDUCATION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


821 


The  Principal  and  whole  Professors  constitute  the  Senatus  Academicus  or 
Senate.  This  body  is  intrusted  with  the  superintendence  and  regulation  of 
the  teaching  and  discipline  of  the  University,  and  with  the  administration  of 
its  revenues  and  property,  including  the  Library,  Museums,  and  University 
buildings.  Degrees  in  Arts,  Medicine,  Law,  and  Theology  are  conferred,  on 
the  recommendation  of  the  Senatus,  by  the  Chancellor  or  Vice-Chancellor. 
The  Principal  is  President,  with  a deliberative  and  also  a casting  vote.  In  the 
absence  of  the  Principal,  the  senior  professor  ’present  acts  as  chairman,  also 
with  a double  vote.  The  ordinary  meetings  of  Senatus  are  held  on  the  last 
Monday  of  October,  the  last  Saturday  of  November,  January,  February,  and 
March;  on  the  Saturday  immediately  preceding  Christmas  day]  on  the  last 
Friday  of  May,  June,  and  July ; on  the  1st  of  August,  not  being  a Sunday 
(for  conferring  Degrees  in  Medicine) ; and  in  April  (for  conferring  Degrees  in 
Arts,  Law,  and  Theology),  on  a day  fixed  at  the  meeting  in  March.  Ex- 
traordinary meetings  may  be  summoned  by  the  Principal  or  by  three  Professors. 
One-third  of  the  Sanatus  constitutes  a quorum.. 

The  business  of  the  Senatus  is  conducted  by  the  Secretary,  who  prepares  the 
minutes,  summons  the  meetings,  intimates  business  assigned  to  the  Principal, 
to  the  Dean  of  any  Faculty,  or  to  the  Convener  of  any  Committee,  and  draws 
up  the  return  for  the  Widows’  Fund.  The  Secretary  also  administers  the 
Sponsio  Academica  to  Graduates. 

The  Chairs  of  the  University  are  comprehended  in  the  four  faculties.  The 
affairs  of  each  facult}'’  are  presided  over  by  a Dean,  who  is  elected  from  among 
professors  of  the  faculty.  Persons  recommended  for  Degrees,  in  the  different 
faculties,  are  presented  to  the  Senatus  by  the  Dean,  to  whom  all  communica- 
tions regarding  the  Classes  or  Graduation  should  be  addressed. 

Faculty  of  Arts. 

The  Faculty  of  Arts,  the  most  ancient  in  the  University,  comprehends  the 
seven  Chairs  of  Humanity  (Latin),  Mathematics,  Greek,  Logic  and  Metaphysics, 
Moral  Philosophy,  Natural  Piiilosophy,  and  Rhetoric  and  English  Literature. 
Attendance  on  these  classes  is  required  for  the  Degree  of  Master  of  Arts. 

The  Faculty  of  Arts  also  embraces  the  Professorships  of  History  (in  con- 
junction with  the  Faculty  of  Law),  Practical  Astronomy,  Agriculture,  Music, 
Sanskrit,  Civil  Engineering,  Geology,  and  Political  Economy. 

Faculty  of  Theology. 

This  Faculty,  the  second  in  chronological  order,  comprehends  the  four  Chairs 
of  Divinity,  Hebrew  and  Oriental  Languages,  Divinity  and  Ecclesiastical 
History,  and  Biblical  Criticism  and  Antiquities. 

Faculty  of  Law. 

This  Faculty  comprehends  the  six  Chairs  of  Public  Law,  Civil  or  Roman  Law, 
Constitutional  Law  and  History  (in  conjunction  with  the  Faculty  of  Arts),  Law 
of  Scotland,  Medical  Jurisprudence  (in  conjunction  with  the  Faculty  of  Medi- 
cine), and  Conveyancing.  Attendance  on  these  clas.ses  is  required  for  the 
Degree  of  Bachelor  of  Laws. 

Faculty  of  Medicine. 

This  Faculty  comprehends  the  twelve  Chairs  of  Botany,  Institutes  of  Medi- 
cine, Practice  of  Physic,  Anatomy,  Chemistr)’-,  Midwifery,  Natural  History, 
Materia  Medica,  Clinical  Surgery,  Medical  Jurisprudence  (in  conjunction  with 
the  Faculty  of  Law),  Surgery,  and  General  Pathology.  Some  of  those  Chairs 


822 


SUPERIOR  EDUCATION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


•were  instituted  in  the  seventeenth  century,  hut  it  does  not  appear  that  the 
Medical  School  and  Faculty  was  established  till  the  last  century. 

Assistants  to  Professors. 

In  the  Faculty  of  Arts  there  are  assistants  to  the  Professors  of  Humanity, 
Greek,  Mathematics,  and  Natural  Philosophy.  Each  of  these  receives  an 
annual  salary  of  £100.  In  the  Faculty  of  Medicine  there  are  assistants  to  the 
Professors  of  Anatomy,  Chemistry,  Materia  Medica,  and  Medical  Jurisprudence, 
with  salaries  varying  from  £'25  to  £100.  The  assistants  in  these  various 
classes  are  appointed  annually  by  their  respective  Professors,  subject  to  the 
approval  of  the  University  Court.  The  Professors  of  Natural  History,  Insti- 
tutes of  Medicine,  Practice  of  Physic,  Surgery,  and  Pathology,  have  also 
assistants  provided  by  the  Senatus. 

General  Council. 

The  General  Council  consists  of  the  Chancellor,  the  Members  of  the  Univer- 
sity Court,  the  Professors  all  for  the  time  being,  all  Masters  of  Arts  of  the 
University,  all  persons  on  whom  the  University  has,  after  examination,  con- 
ferred either  of  the  degrees  of  Doctor  of  Medicine,  Doctor  of  Science,  Bachelor 
of  Divinity,  Bachelor  of  Laws,  Bachelor  of  Medicine,  or  Bachelor  of  Science, 
or  any  other  degree  that  may  hereafter  be  instituted;  and  also  all  persons  who 
shall  establish  that,  previous  to  2d  of  August,  1861,  they  had,  as  Matriculated 
Students,  given  regular  attendance  on  the  course  of  study  in  the  University  for 
four  complete  sessions,  or  for  three  complete  sessions  in  this,  and  a fourth  in 
another  Scottish  University — the  attendance  for  at  least  two  of  such  sessions 
having  been  on  the  course  of  study  in  the  Faculty  of  Arts. 

The  fee  for  registration  is-  £1,  but  each  applicant  who  registered  under  the 
Universities  (Scotland)  Act,  1858,  will  be  entitled  to  an  abatement  from  such 
fee,  equal  to  the  sum  that  may  already  have  been  paid  by  him  in  name  of 
entrance  money  and  annual  fees.  No  person  can  be  a member  of  Council 
until  he  has  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years  complete. 

The  Council  meets  twice  a year — viz.,  on  the  first  Tuesday  after  the  fourteenth 
day  of  April,  and  on  the  last  Friday  in  October,  at  one  o’clock,  ‘to  take  into 
their  consideration  all  questions  affecting  the  well-being  and  prosperity  of  the 
the  University,  and  to  make  representations  from  time  to  time  on  such  ques- 
tions to  the  University  Court,  who  shall  consider  the  same,  and  return  to  the 
Council  their  deliverance  thereon.’  All  propo.sed  improvements  in  the  internal 
arrangements  of  the  University  ‘ shall  be  submitted  to  the  University  Council 
for  their  consideration.’  ‘ The  Council  may  appoint  a Committee  or  Com- 
mittees at  one  meeting  to  arrange  or  prepare  business  for  a future  meeting,  but 
it  can  not  delegate  any  of  its  functions  or  action  to  a committee. 

The  Chancellor  is  by  statute  President  of  the  Council ; and  in  his  absence, 
the  Rector;  whom  failing,  the  Principal  or  Senior  Professor  present,  with  a 
deliberative  and  also  q,  ca.sting  vote. 

The  General  Council  of  this  University,  and  the  General  Council  of  the 
University  of  St.  Andrews  jointly,  return  a Member  of  Parliament.  When  a 
poll  is  demanded,  members  may  either  vote  personally  or  by  voting  papers. 

Tlie  Chancellor  and  one  of  the  As.sessors  in  the  University  Court  are 
elected  by  the  Council.  When  a poll  is  demanded,  the  election  is  made  by 
means  of  voting  letters,  issued  by  the  Registrar  to  the  members,  which  must 
be  returned  to  him  within  21  days.  The  Chancellor  holds  office  for  life,  and 
the  Assessor  for  four  years  from  the  date  of  nomination. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


ni.  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

The  four  Universities  by  which  Superior  Instruction  is  dispensed  are  organized 


as  follows : 

Snihirsitg  of  ^f.  ginbrtfos,  WH. 

Chancellor,  Duke  of  Argyll,  LL.I).,  K.T. ; Vice- 
Chan.,  Principiil  Tulloch,  D.D. ; Rector,  James  An- 
thony Froude,  LL.D. ; Senior  Prin.,  Principal  Tul- 
loch, D.D. ; Dean  of  Fac.  of  ^^rts,  Prof.  Baynes,  LL. 
B. ; Rep.  in  Pari.,  Lyon  Playfair,  C.B. ; Librarian, 
R.  Walker;  Registrar,  Robert  Walker. 

CoLLKGE  OF  St.  SaLVATOR  AND  St.  LEONARD. 
Principal,  J.  C.  Shairp,  M.A. 

Professors. 

Humanity,  John  C.  Shairp,  M.A. 

English  lAterature,  Thomas  S.  Baynes. 

Greek,  Rev.  Lewis  Campbell,  M.A, 

Mathematics,  W.  L.  F.  Fijcher,  M.A.,  F.R.S. 

Logic,  Thomas  Spencer  Baynes,  LL.  B. 

Moral  Philosophy.  Robert  I'lint. 

Matural  Philosophy,  Wm.  Swan,  F.R  S.E. 

Matural  History,  W.  McDonald,  M.D. 

Civil  History,  W.  M’Donnld,  M.D. 

.Anatomy  4'  Medicine,  Oswald  H.  Bell,  M.D. 
Chemistry,  M Foster  Heddle,  M.D. 

Clerk  (S'  Factor,  Stuart  Grace. 

College  of  St.  Mary. 

Principal,  John  Tulloch,  D.D. 

Professors. 

Systematic  Theology,  John  Tulloch,  D.D. 

Biblical  Criticism  &r  Theology,  F.  Crombie,  D.D. 
Ecclesiastical  History,  A.  F.  Mitchell,  D.D. 

Oriental  Languages,  John  M'Gill,  LL.D. 

Secretary  Sr  Factor,  S.  Grace. 

^nibcrsifu  of  gikrbcciT, 

Chancellor,  Duke  of  Richmond  ; Vice  Chan.,  Prin- 
cipal Campbell ; Rector,  M.  E.  Grant-DufF,  M.P. ; 
PWncipaZ,  P.C.  Campbell,  D.D. ; .Assessors,  J.  Web- 
ster, .Bdv. ; W.  Mearns,  D.D. ; A.  Kilgour,  M.D. ; 
Rev.  Prof.  Pirie.  D.D. ; Rep.  in  Pari.,  E.  S.  Gordon  ; 
Sec.,  W.  Milligan,  D.D. ; Libr.,  Rev.  John  Fyfe,  A.M. 
Professors, 

Greek,  W.  D.  Geddes,  A.M. 

Humanity,  John  Black,  M.A. 

Logic,  A.  Bain,  LL.D. 

Mathematics,  F.  Fuller,  M.A. 

Moral  Philosophy,  W.  Martin,  LL.D. 

Matural  Philosophy.  D.  Thomson,  M.A. 

JVatural  History,  J.  Nicol. 

Systematic  Theology,  S.  Trail,  D.D  , LL.D. 

Church  History,  W.  R.  Pirie,  D.D. 

Biblical  Criticism,  W.  Milligan,  D.D. 

Oriental  Languages. 

Law,  P,  Davidson,  LL.D. 

Institutes  of  Medicine,  G.  Ogilvie,  M.D. 

Practice  of  Medicine.  J.  Macrobin,  M.D. 

Chemistry,  J.  S.  Brazier. 

Jinatomy,  .Tohn  Strothers,  M.D, 

Surgery,  W.  Pirie,  F.R. S.E. 

Materia  Mcdica,  R.  Harvey,  M.D. 

Midwifery,  Inglis,  M.D. 

Med.  Jurisprudence,  F.  Ogston,  M.D. 

Botany,  G.  Dickie,  M.D. 

^nibcrsitiT  of  (iksgok 

Chancellor,  Duke  of  Montrose.  K.T.  ; Vice-Chanc., 
The  Principal ; Rector,  Earl  of  Derby  ; Dean  of  Fac- 
ulties, Sir  Thos.  E.  Colebrooke,  Bnrt.,  M.P. : Princi 
Thos.  Barclay,  D.D. ; Rep.  in  Pari.,  Edward  S. 
Gordon  ; Clerk  and  Sec.,  Rev.  Duncan  H.  Weir,  D.D. 
Professors. 

Humanity,  George  G.  Ramsay,  M.A. 

Greek,  Edmund  Law  Lushington,  M.A. 


Mathematics,  Hugh  Blackburn,  M.A. 

Civil  Eng.  Sr  Mechanics,  Wm.  J.  M,  Rankine,  LL.D, 
Logic,  John  Veitch,  M.A. 

Moral  Philosophy.  Edward  Cnird,  B.A. 

Matural  Philosophy,  Sir  William  Thomson,  LL.D. 
English  language  and  Literature,  J.  Nickl,  B.A. 
.Astronomy,  Robert  Grant,  LL.D. 

Divinity,  John  Caird,  D.D. 

Church  History,  Thomas  T.  Jackson,  D.D. 

Biblical  Criticism,  W.  P.  Dickson,  D.D. 

Oriental  Languages,  Rev.  D.  H Weir,  D.D. 

Law  of  Scotland,  R.  Berry.  M.A. 

Conveyancing,  James  Roberton,  LL.D. 

Materia  Medica,  J.  B.  Cowan,  M.D. 

Chemistry,  Thomas  Anderson,  M.D. 

Surgery,  George  H.  B.  Macleod,  M.D. 

Practice  of  Medicine,  William  T.  Gairdner,  M.D. 
Midwifery,  William  Leishman,  M.D. 

Jinatomy,  Allen  Thomson,  M.D. 

Botany,  Alexander  Dickson,  M.D. 

Institutes  of  Medicine,  A.  Buchanan,  M.  D. 

Forensic  Medicine,  Harry  Rainy,  M.D. 

JVatural  History,  .^o\m  Young,  M.D. 

Waltonian  Lee.  Eye,  Thomas  Reid,  M.D. 

Keeper  of  Hunterian  Museum,  Prof,  Young,  M.D. 
Librarian,  R.  B.  Spears. 

Clerk  of  Senate.  Professor  Weir,  D.D. 

Registrar,^.  Moir. 

Unibcrsitg  of  €bhiburglj, 

Chancellor,  John  Inglis,  Lord  Justice  General,  D.C. 
L.  LL.D.;  Rector,  Jas.  Moncreiff.  Lord  Justice  Clerk, 
LL.D. ; Vice  Chanc.  and  Principal,  Sir  A.  Grant, 
LL.D.,  &c.,  &c. ; Rep.  in  Pari.,  Lyon  Playfair,  C.B., 
LL.D.,  F.R. S.,  &c.,  &c.;  Sec.  of  Sen.,  Prof.  Wilson. 

Professors. — Faculty  of  .Arts. 
iMtin,  William  Y.  Sellar,  LL.D. 

Greek,  .lohn  Stuart  Blackie,  M.A. 

Mathematics,  Philip  Kelland,  M.A.,  F.R.S. 

Logic,  Rev.  Alexander  Campbell  Fraser,  M.A. 

Moral  Phil.  Sr  Polit.  Economy,  H.  Calderwood,  LL.D- 
JVatural  Philosophy,  Peter  Guthrie  Tail,  M.A. 
Rhetoric,  David  Masson,  M.A. 

Universal  History,  Cosmo  Lines,  M.A. 

Astronomy,  Charles  Piazzi  Smyth,  F.R.S. 
Agriculture,  John  Wilson,  F.R. S.E. 

Music,  Herbert  S.  Oakeley,  M.A. 

Saiiskrit,  Theodor  Aufrecht,  M.A. 

Engineering,  Fleeming  Jenkin,  F.R.S. 

Faculty  of  Divinity. 

Divinity,  Thomas  Jackson  Crawford,  D.D. 

Church  History,  William  Stevenson,  D.D. 

Hebrew,  David  Liston,  M.A. 

Biblical  Criticism,  A.  II.  Charteris.  D.D. 

Faculty  of  Imw. 

Public  Law,  James  Lorimer,  M.A. 

Civil  Law,  James  Muirhead. 

Scotch  Law,  Norman  McPherson,  LL.D. 
Conveyancing,  James  Stuart  Tytler. 

Constitutional  Law  (S-  History,  Cosmo  Innes,  M.A. 
Faculty  of  Medicine. 

Materia  Medica,  Robert  Christison,  M.D.,  D.C.L. 
Medical  Police,  Douglas  Mnclagan,  M.D. 

Chemistry,  Alex.  Crum  Brown,  M.D. 

Surgery,  James  Spence. 

Practice  of  Physic,  Thomas  Laycock,  M.D. 

Anatomy,  William  Turner,  M.B. 

Pathology,  William  Rutherford  Sanders,  M.D. 
Midwifery,  Alexander  Simpson,  M.D. 

Clinical  Surgery,  Joseph  Lister,  M.B. 

Botany,  John  Hutton  Balfour,  M.A,,  M.D.,  F.R.S. 
Institutes  of  Medicine,  J.  H.  Bennett,  M.D, 

Matural  History,  Geo.  Wyville  Thomson,  M.D. 


824 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


Social  and  Domestic  Life. 

One  of  the  leading  defects  in  the  working  of  Scottish  universities  is  the  total 
isolation  in  which  they  leave  the  student  the  moment  he  quits  the  lecture- 
room.  This  has  been  particularly  remarked  of  the  metropolitan  university  of 
Edinburgh.  Prof.  Lorinier,  in  his  ‘ Universities  of  Scotland,'  observes: 

This  isolation  of  the  students  seriously  interferes  with  the  usefulness  of  the 
institution.  Here  students  from  the  country,  particularly  those  of  the  humbler 
class,  who  for  the  most  part  have  no  other  means  of  making  the  acquaintance 
of  their  fellow-students,  and  of  the  prolessors,  than  the  arrangements  of  the 
university  afford  them,  usually  feel* themselves  as  much  strangers  and  aliens  at 
the  end  of  their  four  years’  course,  as  they  were  at  its  commencement.  Social 
intercourse,  and  familiar  interchange  of  ideas  and  sympathies,  even  for  the 
time  being,  to  say  nothing  of  those  lasting  friendships  which,  under  more 
favorable  circumstances,  spring  up  so  readily  betwixt  fellow-students,  are  here 
as  little  fostered  by  the  juxtaposition  of  the  class-room  as  that  of  an  ordinary 
city  church.  Each  individual  hearer  seats  himself  in  his  accustomed  place  to 
listen  to  the  lecture,  as  he  would  to  take  part  in  the  service;  and  if  he  has 
any  communication  with  his  fellow-hearers,  during  its  continuance,  he  of  course 
commits  a sin  little  less  heinous  than  talking  in  church.  In  the  ordinary  case 
he  quits,  not  only  the  lecture-rooms,  but  the  college  walls  themselves,  when 
his  day  of  toil  is  ended,  without  interchanging  a dozen  words  with  any  one ; 
and  if,  on  the  occasion  of  examinations,  reading  of  prize  essays,  or  tlie  like, 
some  little  conversation  does  take  place  among  the  students,  it  is  rarely  to  the 
extent  of  making  them  acquaintances  out  of  doors.  The  humanizing  inter- 
change of  almost  brotherly  affection,  and  the  jovial,  and,  for  the  most  part, 
harmless  intercourse  which  binds  young  hearts  together,  in  the  English  and 
Germ  m schools  of  learning,  is  here  unknown.  The  poor  Edinburgh  student 
celebrates  with  no  songs  liis  passage  from  the  sterility  of  unconscious  boyhood, 
into  the  rich  and  leafy  summer  of  his  days.  In  his  solitary  lodging  he  pores 
over  the  pages  which  his  professor  has  prescribed  for  his  study : but  his 
newly-found  faculties  are  whetted  by  no  friendly  encounter  with  kindred  wits, 
his  affections  meet  with  none  of  the  sympathy  for  which  they  yearn,  and  his 
passions  take  him  by  surprise,  and  often  till  him  with  despondency.  In  this 
sorrowful  sequestration  from  the  genial  influences  proper  to  academic  life,  the 
better  half  of  his  nature  seems  given  only  to  torture  him,  and  lead  him  astray. 
If  he  is  gregarious  at  all,  he  shares  his  intellectual  and  moral  bewilderment 
with  a few  of  his  former  school-fellows  from  his  native  village,  who  have  had 
as  little  opportunity  as  himself  of  gaining  the  freer  atmosphere  of  thought  and 
feeling  which  a wider  society  of  young  men  never  fails  to  conquer  for  itself. 
Dull,  clownish,  and  sad,  he  is  an  object  of  ridicule  to  the  more  fortunate 
portion  of  those  who  sit  on  the  same  benches  with  him,  and  of  no  very 
well  founded  respect  to  himself.  To  best  that  can  come  of  him  is  a book- 
worm, and  in  such  depressing  circumstances,  it  is  not  strange  that  even  his 
reading  goes  heavily  and  mechanically  along;  that  the  new  thoughts  which  he 
encounters  take  little  hold  on  a subjective  nature  so  feebly  stimulated  from 
without,  and  that  he  goes  into  the  profession  (too  often  the  Church)  for  which 
he  has  striven  to  prepare  himself,  by  an  amount  of  self-denial  worthy  of  a 
martyr,  with  no  better  ground  of  confidence  in  his  qualifications  than  that 
self-conceit  which  solitary  mental  toil  is  so  apt  to  engender,  even  in  minds 
originally  modest,  vigorous,  and  sane. 

To  remedy  this  state  of  things,  and  to  cast  at  lea.st  a portion  of  the  sunshine 
which  belongs  to  the  age  and  occupation  of  the  student,  and  restore  the  student 
to  the  society  of  his  fellows  in  years  and  studies.  Professor  Lorimer  suggests 
the  following  expedients: 

1.  Debating  Societies. — The  only  existing  institution  by  which  this  is  even 
attempted  to  be  done  is  that  of  debating  societies.  By  means  of  these  some- 
thing is  even  now  effected,  and  by  better  organization  they  might,  no  doubt, 
be  rendered  more  efficient  than  they  are ; but  under  the  most  favorable  circum- 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


825 


stances,  and  more  especially  in  the  hands  of  very  young  men,  they  will  be  apt 
to  degenerate  into  occasions  for  mere  idle  talking,  to  foster*  vanity  and 
superticialit}’-,  and  to  take  the  tone  of  their  loudest  and  shallowest  rather  than 
of  their  ablest  and  most  polished  members.  Were  a good  staff  of  junior  pro- 
fessors and  tutors  attached  to  the  university,  it  might  be  possible,  by  putting 
these  societies  under  their  superintendence,  to  give  to  their  discussions,  in  a 
manner  adapted  to  the  altered  spirit  of  the  times,  something  of  the  character 
of  the  ‘disputations’  to  which  our  forefathers  seem  justly  to  have  attached  so 
much  importance.  By  selecting  or  suggesting  subjects  of  a properly  academic 
character,  by  taking  part  in  the  discussions  themselves,  and  occasionally  induc- 
ing resident  graduates  to  join  in  them  also,  it  would  not  be  difficult  for  a very 
small  number  of  professors  and  tutors  effectually  to  remove  the  character  of 
triviality  which  belongs  to  these  societies  at  present;  and  as  these  persons 
need  not  be  greatly  more  advanced  in  j^ears  than  the  majority  of  the  ordinary 
members,  there  is  no  reason  why  their  presence  should  cause  restraint  or 
engender  formality  in  the  proceedings.  But  as  we  regard  the  formation  of  a 
class  of  persons  thus  intermediate  between  the  professors  as  they  exist  at 
present  and  the  students,  not  only  as  the  most  effectual  means  of  improving 
the  teaching  of  the  universities,  but  also  of  removing  the  social  evils  of  which 
we  complain,  we  must  speak  of  them  a little  more  in  detail. 

2.  Junior  Staff  of  Professors,  Tutors,  and  Teaching  Candidates. — What  we 
want  is  a class  of  men  to  form  a connecting  link  between  the  students  and  the 
professors,  properly  so  called,  who  ought  at  all  times  to  be  the  most  eminent 
representatives  of  their  respective  departments,  to  be  found  within  the  country, 
or  who  can  be  induced  to  come  from  abroad.  It  is  manifestly  impossible  that 
the.se  latter  can  ever  see  much  of  the  student,  without  neglecting  duties  still 
more  important,  and  which  can  in  nowise  be  delegated.  The  interests  of 
science  and  of  human  progress  forbid  such  a serious  encroachment  on  their 
time,  and  even  were  it  otherwise,  their  distinguished  position,  and,  for  the  most 
part,  their  age,  render  any  thing  like  intercourse  on  equal  terms  impossible. 
But  no  such  gulf  divides  the  student  from  the  extraordinary  professor.  He  is 
usually  an  aspirant  to  the  office  of  the  ordinary  professor  but  though  his 
rival  as  a public  teacher,  his  emoluments,  unlike  those  of  his  superior,  are 
almost  entirely  dependent  on  his  popularity.  If  the  senior  professor  is  disabled 
from  infirmity,  or  is  so  much  engaged  as  to  render  it  impossible  that  he  should 
lecture,  (as  was  the  ca.se  with  Guizot,  Cousin,  &c.,  in  France,  and  with 
Schelling,  Schlegel,  &c.,  in  Germany,)  the  ordinary  professor  supplies  his  place, 
either  permanently  or  till  some  other  arrangement  is  made ; in  the  former  case 
opportunity  being  afforded  for  another  candidate  for  public  favor  to  offer 
himself.  The  duty  of  conducting  class  examinations  will  naturally  fall  to  the 
share  of  the  extraordinary  professor,  and  that  he  is  in  a condition  to  do  far 
more  effectually  than  it  can  be  done  by  a senior  professor.  If  his  other 
arrangements  admit  of  it,  as  they  probably  would  in  the  smaller  universities 
of  Scotland,  it  will  be  his  duty  to  read  privately  with  such  of  the  students  as 
either  request  his  more  special  instructions,  or  as  he  himself  judges  to  stand  in 
need  of  them.  In  the  larger  universities  this  duty  would  fail  to  be  discharged 
by  a third  order  of  professors  or  tutors,  (or  perhaps  occasionally  by  simple 
graduates  holding  a temporary  appointment  from  the  Senatus  Academicus,) 
and  as  regards  the  whole  of  this  latter  class,  their  chief  recompense  would,  of 
course,  consist  in  the  prospect  of  the  distinguished  career,  to  which  their  office 
would  be  the  regular  and  recognized  entrance.  A very  small  .salary  (say  £100 
a year)  would,  in  such  circumstances,  probably  be  sufficient  to  secure  the 
services  of  young  men  fully  adequate  to  the  task.  It  is  to  this  latter  class  of 
academical  teachers  .that  we  would  chiefly  look  for  removing  the  social  evils 
which  we  have  mentioned  as  existing  in  the  University  of  Edinburgh.  If  the 
liumbler  class  of  students  had  the  privilege  of  reading  with  these  gentlemen 
gratis  in  their  rooms,  there  are,  we  are  certain,  from  the  enthusiasm  with 
which  we  know  the  poor  fellows  to  be  inspired,  few  who  would  not  avail 
themselves  of  it,  and  the  result  would  inevitably  be  an  acquaintance  of  a very 
valuable  kind,  not  only  with  the  tutor  himself,  but  with  those  who  read  along 
with  them.  Daily  meetings  in  a private  room  of  say  a dozen  persons  at  a 
time,  where  conversation  would  not  only  be  admissible,  but,  if  it  had  reference 


826 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SCOTLAND. 


to  the  subject  in  hand,  would  be  the  chief  medium  through  which  instruction 
would  be  conveyed, — and  these  meetings,  presided  over  by  a youug,  accom- 
plished, and  often,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  an  elegant  man,  could  not  fail,  if  continued 
lor  years,  to  have  a refining  effect  on  the  most  boorish,  as  they  could  not  be 
otherwise  than  inspiriting  and  delightful  to  every  one  who  was  not  altogether 
unworthy  of  entering  academic  walls. 

3.  A Common  Table. — We  believe  there  are  none  of  the  arrangements  of  the 
English  universities,  the  adoption  of  which  would  be  more  likely  to  add  to  the 
happiness  and  to  promote  the  social  training^f  Scotch  students  than  that  of  a 
college  table,  at  which  the  professors  and  tutors,  or  a certain  number  of  them, 
and  such  re.sident  graduates  as  might  find  it  convenient,  should  dine  daily,  and 
which  should  be  open  to  all  students  at  a very  moderate  cost.  From  the  con- 
stitution of  the  Scottish  universities  it  is  impossible  that  college  tables  could  be 
arranged  in  a manner  precisely  analogous  to  those  in  colleges  where  all  the 
students  are  resident,  and  under  the  control  of  the  college  authorities;  it  is  a 
mistake,  however,  to  suppose  that  the  institution  itself  is  incompatible  with  the 
professorial  and  non-resident  system.  For  proof  of  this  we  have  to  go  no 
fbrther  than  to  Trinity  College,  DuVjlin,  where  a large  proportion  of  those  who 
dine  regularly  at  the  college  table  do  not  reside  within  the  college  walls.  But 
even  if  a small  body  of  resident  professors,  tutors,  and  students  were  thought 
necessary  as  a nucleus  around  which  college  society  might  form  itself,  no  very 
formidable  obstacle  seems  to  stand  in  the  way  of  its  foundation  in  Edinburgh. 
By  far  the  greater  number  of  students  at  present  reside  in  lodgings,  which  are 
neither  so  comfortable,  respectable,  nor  economical  as  a well  arranged  Hall, 
(similar  to  the  Private  Halls  about  to  be  instituted  in  Oxford,)  might  very  well 
be  made ; and  to  suppose  that  they  would  not  willingly  avail  themselves 
of  the  offer  of  such  a means  of  bettering  their  condition,  is  to  suppose  in  them 
an  aversion  to  improvement  which  we  are  not  entitled  to  predicate  of  persons, 
for  the  most  part,  under  forty. 

In  any  attempt  to  introduce  the  custom  of  the  common  table  into  the 
Scottish  universities,  the  want  of  the  beautiful  dining-halls  which  exist  in  so 
many  of  the  colleges  of  the  ancient  universities,  and  which  add  not  only  to 
their  picturesque  character  in  the  eyes  of  a stranger,  but  what  is  far  more 
important,  exercise  a refining  influence  on  those  who  frequent  them,  would  no 
doubt  be  severely  felt.  The  present,  however,  is  the  age  of  the  revival  of 
Gothic  architecture,  and  here  would  be  as  noble  an  occasion  as  could  be  found 
for  calling  the  recovered  art  into  play.  But  even  though  these,  and  many  of 
the  other  indications  of  ancient  wealth,  were  awaiting  for  a time, — though 
both  the  hall  and  the  table  were  of  the  plainest  description,  we  feel  certain 
that  they  would  still  confer  important  benefits  on  students,  situated  as  we  have 
represented  many  of  those  at  Edinburgh  to  be.  Though  we  do  not  altogether 
subscribe  to  the  doctrine  that 

Carols,  and  not  minced  meat,  make  Christmas  pies, 

we  are  clear  that 

’Tis  mirth,  not  dishes,  sets  a table  off ; 

Brutes  and  fanatics  eat  and  never  laugh. 

Nor,  simple  though,  from  the  circumstances  of  many  of  those  who  ought  to 
frequent  it,  such  a table  would  necessarily  be  on  ordinary  days,  is  there  any 
necessity  that  on  festive  occasions  the  sinews  of  the  most  substantial  good 
fellowship  should  be  awanting.  The  ‘ brawne  of  the  tusked  swine,’ even  ‘ a 
fair  and  large  boar’s  head  upon  a silver  platter,’  might,  without  any  very  wanton 
extravagance,  be  ‘carried  up  to  tlie  principal  table  in  the  hall  with  great  state 
and  solemnity  ’ at  the  merry  Christmas  season,  and  its  appropriate  carol — 

‘ Caput  apri  defero 
Reddens  laudes  domino,’  &c., 

would  be  as  appropriate  at  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  as  at  Queen’s  College, 
Oxford,  or  in  the  Inner  Temple. 

Prof.  Lorimer  closes  his  treatment  of  this  subject  by  suggesting  that  the 
adoption  of  an  academic  dress  would  contribute  to  the  formation  of  a corporate 
feeling  in  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  as  it  does  in  those  older  universities  of 
Scotland,  and  in  those  of  England. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  IRELAND. 


INTRODUCTION. 

From  the  earliest  period  of  Christian  civilization  in  Ireland  mention  is  made 
by  her  historians  of  great  seats  of  learning  in  different  parts  of  the  country, 
conducted  on  the  basis  of  the  old  Roman  education.  The  school  of  Armagh 
is  said  at  one  time  to  have  numbered  as  many  as  seven  thousand  students ; 
and  tradition  assigns  a university  town  to  the  locality  where  the  Seven 
Churches  still  preserve  the  memory  of  St.  Kevin.  Foreigners,  at  least  Anglo- 
Saxons,  frequented  such  schools,  and,  so  far,  they  certainly  had  a university 
character;  but  that  they  offered  to  their  pupils  more  than  the  glosses  on  the 
sacred  text  and  the  collections  of  canons,  and  the  Trivium  and  the  Quad- 
rivium,  which  were  the  teaching  of  the  schools  of  the  Continent,  it  is  difficult 
to  suppose;  or- that  the  national  genius  for  philosophizing,  which  afterwards 
anticipated  or  originated  the  scholastic  period,  should  at  this  era  have  come 
into  exercise.  When  that  period  came,  the  Irish,  so  far  having  its  character- 
istic studies  already  domiciled  among  them,  were  forced  to  go  abroad  for  their 
prosecution.  They  went  to  Paris  or  to  Oxford  for  the  living  traditions,  which 
are  tlie  ordinary  means  by  which  religion  and  morals,  science  and  art,  are 
diffused  over  communities,  and  propagated  from  land  to  land.  In  Oxford, 
indeed,  there  was  from  the  earliest  time  even  a street  called  ‘Irishman’s  Street,’ 
and  the  Irish  were  included  there  under  the  ‘Nation  ’ of  the  Southern  English ; 
but  they  gained  what  they  sought  in  that  seat  of  learning,  at  the  expense  of 
discomforts  which  were  the  serious  drawback  of  the  first  age  of  universities. 
Lasting  feuds  and  incessant  broils  marked  the  presence  of  Irish,  Welsh,  Scotch, 
English,  and  French  in  one  place,  at  a ^ time  when  the  Collegiate  System  was 
not  formed.  To  this  great  evil  was  added  the  very  circumstance  that  home 
was  far  away,  and  the  danger  of  the  passage  across  the  channel ; which  would 
diminish  the  number,  while  it  illustrated  the  literary  zeal,  of  the  foreign 
students.  And  an  additional  source  of  discontent  was  found  in  the  feeling  of 
incongruity,  that  Ireland,  with  her  literary  antecedents,  should  be  without  a 
university  of  her  own ; and,  moreover,  as  time  went  on,  in  the  feeling  which 
existed  at  Rome,  in  favor  of  the  multiplication  of  such  centres  of  seience  and 
learning. 

Another  perfectly  distinct  cause  was  in  operation,  to  which  I was  just  now 
referring.  The  Dominicians,  and  other  orders  of  the  age,  had  had  a preeminent 
place  in  the  history  of  the  universities  of  Paris  and  Oxford,  and  had  done  more 
than  any  other  teachers  to  give  the  knowledge  taught  in  them  their  distinctive 
form.  When  then  these  orders  came  into  Ireland,  it  was  only  to  be  expected 

* Newman’s  Rise  of  Univeriitias. 


828 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  IRELAND. 


that  they  should  set  about  the  same  work  there,  which  had  marked  their 
presence  in  p]ngland  and  France.  Accordingly,  at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  the  question  of  a university  in  Ireland  had  been  mooted,  and  the 
establishment  was  commenced  in  the  first  years  of  the  fourteenth. 

Uaiotrsity  of  DMin  jirojected  in  1311-12. 

This  was  the  date  of  the  foundation  of  the  universities  of  Avignon  and 
Perugia,  which  was  followed  by  that  of  Cahors,  Grenoble,  Pisa,  and  Prague. 
It  was  the  date  at  which  Oxford  in  consequence  lost  its  e.special  preeminence  in 
science;  and  it  was  the  date,  I say,  at  which,  the  University  of  Dublin  was 
projected  and  begun.  In  1311  or  1312,  John  Lech  or  Leach,  Archbishop  of 
Dublin,  obtained  of  Clement  the  Fifth  a brief  for  the  undertaking ; in  which, 
as  is  usual  in  such  documents,  the  Pope  gives  the  reasons  which  have  induced 
him  to  decide  upon  it.  He  begins  by  setting  forth  the  manifold,  or  rather 
complex,  benefits  of  which  a university  is  the  instrument;  as  father  of  the 
faithful,  he  recognizes  it  as  his  office  to  nurture  learned  sons,  who,  by  the 
illumination  of  their  knowledge,  may  investigate  the  divine  law,  protect  justice 
and  truth,  illustrate  the  faith,  promote  good  government,  teach  the  ignorant, 
coiffirm  the  weak,  and  restore  the  fallen.  This  office  he  is  only  fulfilling,  in 
receiving  favorably  the  supplication  of  his  venerable  brother,  John  de  Lecke, 
who  has  brought  before  him  the  necessities  of  his  country,  in  which,  as  well  as 
in  Scotland,  Man,  and  Norway,  the  country  nearest  to  Ireland,  a ‘ Universitas 
Scholarum,’  or  ‘ Generate  Studium,’  is  not  to  be  found; — the  consequence  being, 
that  though  there  are  in  Ireland  some  doctors  and  bachelors  in  theology,  and 
other  graduates  in  grammar,  these  are,  after  all,  few  in  comparison  of  the 
number  which  the  country  might  fairly  produce.  The  Pope  proceeds  to  express 
his  desire  that  from  the  land  itself  should  grow  up  men  skilled  and  fruitful  in 
the  sciences,  who  would  make  it  to  be  a well-watered  garden,  to  the  exaltation 
of  the  Catholic  faith,  the  honor  of  Mother  Church,  and  the  advantage  of  the 
faithful  population.  And  with  this  view  he  erects  in  Dublin,  a Studium 
Generate  in  every  science  and  faculty,  to  continue  for  ‘ perpetual  times.’ 

And,  I suppose  no  greater  benefit  could  have  been  projected  for  Ireland  at 
that  date,,  than  such  a bond  of  union  and  means  of  national  strength,  as  an 
Irish  University.  But  the  parties,  who  had  originated  the  undertaking,  had 
also  to  carry  it  out;  and  at  the  moment  of  which  I am  speaking,  by  the  fault 
neither  of  Prelate  nor  Laity,  nor  by  division,  nor  by,  intemperance  or  jealousy, 
nor  by  wrong-headedness  within  the  fold,  nor  by  malignant  interference  from 
without,  but*  by  the  will  of  heaven  and  the  course  of  nature,  the  work  was 
suspended; — for  John  de  Lecke  fell  ill  and  died  the  next  year,  and  his  suc- 
cessor, Alexander  Bicknor,  was  not  in  circumstances  to  take  up  his  plans  at  the 
moment,  where  de  Lecke  had  left  them. 

Seven  years  passed ; and  then  Bicknor  turned  his  mind  to  their  prosecution. 
Acting  under  the  authority  of  tlie  brief  of  Clement,  and  with  the  sanction  and 
confirmation  of  the  reigning  Pontiff,  John  the  Twenty-second,  he  published  an 
instrument,  in  which  he  lays  down  on  his  own  authority  the  provisions  and 
dispositions  which  he  had  determined  for  the  nascent  university.  He  addresses 
himself  to  ‘the  Masters  and  Scholars  of  our  University,’  and  that  ‘with  the 
consent  and  assent  of  oiir  chapters  of  Holy  Trinity  and  St.  Patrick.’  I think  I 
am  correct  in  saying,  though  I write  without  book,  that  he  makes  no  mention 
of  a Rector.  If  not,  the  Chancellor  probably,  whom  he  does  mention,  took  his 


SlII’limOR  INSTiaiCTION  IN  IIIELAND. 


829 


place,  or  was  his  sj-nonym,  as  in  some  other  universities.  This  Cliancellor  the 
Regent  Masters  were  to  liave  tlie  privilege  of  choosing,  with  a proviso  that  he 
was  a ‘Doctor  in  sacra  pagna,’  or  in  ‘jure  canonico,’  with  a preference  of  mem- 
bers of  the  two  chapters.  He  was  to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Arch- 
bishop. The  Regent  Masters  elected  the  Proctors  also,  wl)o  were  two  in 
number,  and  who  supplied  the  place  of  the  Chancellor  in  his  absence.  The 
Chancellor  was  invested  with  jurisdiction  over  tlie  members  of  the  university, 
and  liad  a court,  to  which  causes  belonged  in  which  they  were  concerned. 
There  was,  moreover,  a university  chest,  supplied  by  means  of  the  fines  which 
were  the  result  of  his  decisions.  Degrees  were  to  be  conferred  upon  certificate 
of  the  Masters  of  the  Faculty,  in  which  the  candidate  was  proceeding. 
Statutes  were  to  be  passed  hy  the  Chancellor,  in  council  of  Masters  Regent  and 
Non-regent,  subject  to  the  confirmation  of  the  Archbishop.  The  schools  of  the 
Friars  Preachers  (or  Dominicans)  and  of  the  Minorities  (or  Franciscans)  were 
recognized  in  their  connection  with  the  university,  the  Archbishop  reserving  to 
himself  the  right  of  appointing  a lecturer  in  Holy  Scripture. 

Such  was  the  encouraging  and  hopeful  start  of  the  university ; the  Dean  of 
St.  Patrick  was  advanced  to  the  Doctorate  in  Canon  Law,  and  was  created  its 
first  Chancellor;  its  first  Doctors  in  Theology  were  two  Dominicans  and  one 
Franciscan.  The  Canons  of  the  Cathedral  seem  to  have  been  its  acting  mem- 
bers. and  filled  the  offices  of  a place  of  education  without  prejudicing  their 
capitular  duties.  However,  it  soon  appeared  that  there  was  somewhere  a 
hitch,  and  the  work  did  not  make  progress.  It  has  been  supposed,  with  reason, 
that  under  the  unhappy  circumstances  of  the  time,  the  university  could  not 
make  head  against  the  necessary  difficulties  of  a commencement.  Another  and 
more  definite  cause  which  is  assigned  for  the  failure,  is  the  want  of  funds.  The 
Irish  people  were  poor,  and  unable  to  meet  the  expenses  involved  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  a great  seat  of  learning,  at  a time  when  other  similar  institutions 
already  existed.  The  time  had  passed  when  universities  grew  up  out  of  the 
enthusiasm  of  teachers  and  the  curiosity  and  eagerness  of  students ; or,  if 
these  causes  still  were  in  operation,  they  had  been  directed  and  flowed  in  upon 
seats  of  learning  already  existing  in  other  countries.  It  was  the  age  of 
national  schools,  of  colleges  and  endowments;  and,  though  the  civil  power 
appeared  willing  to  take  its  part  in  endowments  in  furtherance  of  the  new 
undertaking,  it  did  not  go  much  further  than  to  enrich  it  now  and  then  with  a 
stray  lectureship,  and  wealthy  prelates  or  nobles  were  not  forthcoming  in  that 
age,  capable  of  conceiving  and  executing  works  in  the  spirit  of  Ximenes  two 
centuries  afterwards  in  Spain. 

In  1358  the  clergy  and  scholars  of  Ireland  represented  to  Edward  the  Third 
the  necessity  under  which  they  lay  of  cultivating  theology,  canon  law,  and  the 
other  clerical  sciences,  and  the  serious  impediments  in  the  way  of  these  studies 
which  lay  in  the  expense  of  travel  and  the  dangers  of  the  sea  to  those  who 
had  no  university  of  their  own.  In  answer  to  this  request,  the  king  seems  to 
have  founded  a lectureship  in  theology ; and  he  indirectly  encouraged  the 
university  schools  by  issuing  his  letters-patent,  giving  special  protection  and 
safe-conduct  to  English  as  well  as  Irish,  of  whatever  degree,  with  their 
servants  and  attendants,  their  goods  and  habiliments,  in  going,  residing,  and 
returning.  A few  years  later,  in  1364,  Lionel,  Duke  of  Clarence,  founded  a 
preachership  and  lectureship  in  the  Cathedral,  to  be  held  by  an  Augustinian. 


830 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  IRELAND. 


Efforts  in  1465  and  1496. 

A further  attempt  in  behalf  of  a university  was  made  a century  later.  In 
1465,  the  Irish  Parliament,  under  the  presidency  of  Thomas  Geraldine,  Earl  of 
Desmond,  Vicegerent  of  George,  Duke  of  Clarence,  Lieutenant  of  the  English 
King,  had  erected  a university  at  Drogheda,  and  endowed  it  with  the  privileges 
of  the  University  of  Oxford.  This  attempt,  however,  in  like  manner  was 
rendered  abortive  by  the  want  of  funds;  but  it  seems  to  have  suggested  a new 
effort  in  favor  of  the  elder  institution  at  Dubltn,  which  at  this  time  could 
scarcely  be  said  to  exist.  Ten  years  after  the  Parliament  in  question,  the 
Dominican  and  other  friars  preferred  a supplication  to  Pope  Sixtus  the  Fourth, 
in  which  they  represent  that  in  Ireland  there  is  no  university  to  which  Masters, 
Doctors  of  Law,  and  Scholars  may  resort ; that  it  is  necessary  to  go  to  England 
at  a great  expense  and  peril ; and  consequently  they  ask  for  leave  to  erect  a 
university  in  the  metropolitan  city.  The  Pope  granted  their  request,  and, 
though  nothing  followed,  the  attempt  is  so  far  satisfactory,  as  evidencing  the 
perseverance  of  the  Irish  clergy  in  aiming  at  what  they  felt  to  be  a benefit  of 
supreme  importance  to  their  country. 

Nor  was  this  the  last  of  such  attempts,  nor  were  the  secular  behind  the 
regular  clergy  in  zeal  for  a university.  As  late  as  the  reign  of  Henry  the 
Seventh,  in  the  year  1496,  Walter  Fitzsimon,  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  in 
provincial  Synod,  settled  an  annual  contribution  to  be  levied  for  seven  years 
in  order  to  provide  salaries  for  the  lecturers.  And,  though  we  have  no 
record,  I believe,  of  the  effect  of  this  measure,  yet,  when  the  chapter  was 
reestablished  in  the  reign  of  Philip  and  Mary,  the  allusion  made  in  the  legal 
instrument  to  the  loss  which  the  youthful  members  of  society  had  sustained  in 
its  suppression,  may  be  taken  to  show  that  certain  scholastic  benefits  had 
resulted  from  its  stalls,  though  the  education  which  they  provided  was  not  of 
that  character  which  the  name  of  a university  demanded. 

Establishment  of  Trinity  College  in  1591. 

In  1568,  Sir  Henry  Sidney  attempted  to  restore  and  continue  the  work 
begun  by  Bicknor,  but  in  vain ; and  it  was  reserved  to  Sir  John  Perrot,  in 
1589,  to  propose  to  convert  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Patrick  into  an  Inn  of  Court 
for  the  judges  and  lawyers,  and-  to  appropriate  the  revenues  of  the  church  into 
a foundation  of  two  universities,  with  two  colleges  for  residence  in  each.’  His 
propo.sition  was  not  immediately  acted  upon,  but  after  his  recall  by  Queen 
Elizabeth,  Archbishop  Loftus,  to  save  his  interests  in  the  long  leases  and  estates 
of  the  Cathedral,  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the  corporation  of  Dublin  a piece 
of  ground  which  had  belonged  to  the  Augustinian  monastery  of  All-Saints,  a 
Priory  of  the  Aroasian  Canons,  founded  in  the  year  1166,  by  Dermot 
M’Murrough,  King  of  Leinster,  for  the  projected  university. 

In  December,  1590,  a grant  of  the  Abbey  lands  was  made  for  the  foundation 
of  a college,  and  in  March,  1591,  letters  patent  were  issued  for  the  erection  of 
a college,  under  the  name  of  the  Provost,  Fellows,  and  Scholars  of  the  College 
of  the  Holy  Trinity  founded  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  near  Dublin,  for  the  educa- 
tion, institution,  and  instruction  of  youth  in  the  arts  and  faculties,  with 
authority  to  make  laws  for  the  government  thereof,  and  confer  the  degrees  of 
bachelor,  master,  and  doctor. 


( To  be  continued.) 


'ii|aior  luBtructioii. 


In  the  first  Number  of  the  American  Journal  of  Education  for  1873, 
the  editor  announced  his  intention  to  close  his  studies  for  the  present  in 
the  field  of  Superior  Instruction,  and  indicated  in  the  Title  and  Contents 
which  followed,  the  Contributions  which  he  proposed  to  embody  in  a 
separate  volume,  and  which  had  been  already  printed  in  the  Journal. 
Unexpected  engagements  and  hindrances — engagements  which  made 
any  further  use  of  the  material  already  gathered  impossible,  and  a 
nervous  prostration  which  for  several  months  precluded  all  efforts  at 
composition  or  revision — have  compelled  him  to  abridge  the  Contents 
of  the  volume,  as  shown  in  the  following  page,  and  to  make  the  histori- 
cal development  and  present  condition  of  Colleges  and  Universities  in 
different  countries,  embodied  in  this  volume,  less  comprehensive  than 
he  at  first  announced.  It  will,  however,  be  found,  on  examination,  to 
contain  valuable  information  both  in  reference  to  the  historical  develop- 
ment of  superior  instruction,  the  organization  of  studies  and  statistics 
of  prominent  institutions  of  higher  learning,  and  the  views  of  eminent 
statesmen,  scholars  and  teachers,  on  the  subjects  treated — more  than 
can  be  found  in  any  one  volume  in  any  language. 

HENRY  BARNARD. 

Hartford,  October  15,  1873. 


832 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 


III.  Agencies  and  Institutions  of  Instruction  of  the  Catholic  Church  . . 623-092 

I.  Episcopal  Seminaries 023 

II.  Teaching  Orders 029 

Introduction — General  View  of  the  Religious  Orders 027 

1.  St.  Dominic  and  the  Dominicans 031 

2.  St.  Francis  and  the  Franciscans 049 

3.  St.  Ignatius  and  the  Jesuits 057 

4.  Gerard  the  Great,  and  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life 685 

III.  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

I.  Historical  Development  OF  Education 701-7.36 

Early  Christian  Schools  and  Teachers * 701 

Utrecht — Fulda — Ferrieres — Corhy — Cologne 701 

Augsburgh — Paderborn — Prague — Hirscbau — Wurtzburg ....  705 

Winfrid — Haito  and  Rnbanus — Lupus — Paschasius 705 

Bruno — Boppo — Wolfgang — Udalric — Bernward 709 

Mein  were — Adalbert — Othlonus 713 

II.  Universities .' 727 

Belgium — Louvain — Ghent — Liege — Brussels 727 

Holland — Leyden — Utrecht — Gronenga 731 

IV.  FRANCE  AND  OTHER  EUROPEAN  STATES. 

I.  France 896 

Early  Christaii)  Schools 737 

University  of  Paris 745 

Parisian  Schools  and  Masters  in  the  13th  and  14th  Centuries 7.57 

Guizot — Ministry  of  Public  Instruction 769 

II.  Great  Britain 801 

1.  Scotland 801 

Foreign  Residence  and  Studies  of  Scotch  Youths • 801 

Universities 802 

1.  St.  Andrews 803 

2.  Glasgow 813 

3.  Aberdeen 817 

4.  Edinburgh 819 

List  of  Faculties  and  Professors 823 

Social  Life  of  the  Universities 824 

II.  Ireland 827 

Introduction — Attempts  to  Establish  a University 827 

Trinity  College  at  Dublin 830 

III.  Russia 833 

1.  Historical  Development  of  Superior  Instruction 835 

2.  Present  Constitution  of  Imperial  Universities 840 

University  Council — Faculties — Professors — Rank 841 

Dean — University  Court — Degrees 843 

Course  of  Instruction — Students — Fees 846 

Libraries — ScientiOc  Collections 847 

3.  Superior  Instruction  in  Grand  Duchy  of  Finland 849 

Imperial  Alexander  University  of  Helsingfors 854 

IV.  Greece 857 

University  of  Athens 859 

V.  Turkey 861 

Ilnperial  University  at  Constantinople 861 

VI.  Spain  and  Portugal 865 

Historical  Development  of  Superior  Instruction 865 

Salamanca 866 

Alcala 867 

Present  Condition  of  Higher  Institutions  in  Spain 871 

University  of  Coimbra 872 

VII.  Switzerland 873 

University  of  Zurich 873 

Polytechnic  University 876 

VIII.  Colleges  IN  THE  University 881 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


If'.  A-'  ■ ■-'•'•  wwi 


M--- 

i . 


■ ' W;- ■.  : . ■ . 


■ *1 


i 

H 


.J '.  ;> : 


• , ,'  .’Vs 


n 


''V' 


i" 


'ii 


V' 


-■■.-rV<  :r^  vrf  ■,  r ■ ■ , 


Vr* 


:.V 


..Ik  •At’  ' , ',• 


f- 


\}  ''• '•:■/"■  :•  ^;^!»ir-,?:-  "'J-'  ‘ 

..’  '■  L*>-r  ^ 


■ w ' . '■••'11  ■■  *1.  .•  ■» 


v/U#’rn.^^  ..rii-J't  /'i 

j™  ’ '’.’HiKVJj- "f.‘^ijR*npRwT ■' ! -Ttf..,.  y I,  ,.,-  ..•  T...,  ■'■a^ 


:t4vV  -f-. 


g5i 

. : f ' ’■.--  < 'v, 


-r  ■■:^i 


<•-1-:  :.  ii'rk  ’•,'l^f.^.  '-V/' 


. I?v  ■-.  r .^^>,V;>.,t'.4li'%-■'•  1 ‘’'r'  v. 


ii^yj  5” 


.'  ’ . •/ 


,'4  ,£ 


.:US'y 


'A  ' ' t 


(jpr.  ./'  '’■ 

- .'  -.*  ...  • 

r Vj|>r¥  • ^,  >■),■; 

' 

1/  ki  ■'./•- 

'■'4- 


.«a  '..'J 

:..j 


k '•ttf  A 


UNIVEKSITIES,  AND  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION 

IN  RUSSIA. 


The  first  higher  institution  of  learning  in  Russia  was  founded  by  Peter 
the  Great.  It  was  connected  with  the  Academy  of  Sciences  in  St.  Pe- 
tersburg, and  placed  under  its  direction.  This  new  institution  had  to 
struggle  with  great  difficulties,  as  there  frequently  were  neither  teachers 
nor  students,  so  that  no  lectures  could  be  held  ; there  wa.s  also  a total 
lack  of  preparatory  schools  for  this  so-called  university  course.  Schu- 
walofF,  the  favorite  of  the  Empress  Elizabeth,  was  more  successful  in 
calling  to  life,  the  first  independent  university,  at  the  advice  of  Lamon- 
ossow.  The  Empress  Elizabeth,  in  1755,  confirmed  the  statute  of  the 
first  Russian  universit}^  at  Moscow,  which  was  organized  completely  after 
the  model  of  the  German  universities.  At  the  head  of  this  university 
was  a curator  who  was  chosen  by  the  government  from  among  the  mag- 
nates of  the  empire.  Its  immediate  superintendence  was  in  the  hands 
of  a director,  who  exclusively  had  to  decide  all  economical  (financial) 
and  administrative  questions,  and  only  such  as  had  reference  to  teaching, 
and  questions  of  law  regarding  students  or  professors,  were  decided  by 
the  conference  of  professors,  presided  over  by  the  director.  The  univer- 
sity had  three  departments — philosophy,  law,  and  medicine.  The  total 
number  of  professors  was  ten.  The  lectures  given  in  the  philosophical 
department  had  to  be  attended  by  the  students  of  the  two  other  depart- 
ments, and  only  after  having  passed  an  examination  in  philosophy  were 
they  permitted  to  enter  upon  the  study  of  either  law  or  medicine.  Strict 
regulations  provided  that  professors^should  hold  their  lectures  in  accord- 
ance with  a prescribed  programme,  and  not  deviate  in  the  least  from  the 
opinions  of  the  authors  chosen  by  the  curator.  The  want  of  teachers 
was  supplied  by  calling  in  foreigners.  But  in  spite  of  this,  there  were 
times  when  important  subjects  were  not  taught  at  all.  These  foreign 
professors,  who  for  the  greater  part  could  not  speak  Russian,  had  to  hold 
their  lectures  in  Latin,  French,  or  German,  and  consequently  very  few 
of  the  students  derived  any  benefit  from  these  lectur.es. 

In  1755,  a gymnasium  for  teaching  modern  languages  to  candidates 
was  established  at  Moscow.  It  had  two  divisions  ; one  for  noblemen, 
and  one  for  the  common  people,  and  at  times  numbered  as  many 
as  1,000  scholars.  The  university,  however,  was,  even  at  the  end  of  the 
last  century,  not  very  well  attended,  and  mostly  by  such  students  as 
were  educated  at  the  expense  of  the  government.  In  1768  a regulation 
was  made  that  native  Russians  should  deliver  their  lectures  in  the  Rus- 


836 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


sian  language.  The  punishments  inflicted  on  the  students  were  mostlj 
peculiar,  such  as  incarceration,  with  a diet  of  bread  and  water ; putting 
on  peasants’  clothes  ; reduction  of  the  salary,  and  summary  dismissal. 
The  general  supervision  of  the  morals  of  the  students  was  intrusted  to 
censors  and  ephori  chosen  from  among  their  number  by  the  government. 

The  academy  at  Wilna  (established  in  1578)  was,  after  the  partition  of 
Poland,  joined  to  the  University  of  Moscow  ; but  its  organization  re- 
mained unchanged.  The  university  at  Dorpat,  however,  founded  in  1632 
by  Gustavus  Adolphus,  ceased  to  exist  after  the  Baltic  provinces  were 
conquered  by  Peter  the  Great,  and  those  who  wished  to  have  a univer- 
sity education  wont  to  Germany.  Important  reforms  w^ere  introduced 
by  the  Emperor  Alexander  T.  Soon  after  the  organization  of  the  Min- 
istry of  Public  Instruction,  (Sept.  8,  1802,)  the  university  at  Dorpat 
received  a new  statute,  and  in  the  year  following,  the  one  at  Wilna. 

In  pursuance  of  the  decrees  of  1808-4,  all  the  universities  of  Russia 
proper  were  organized  on  a uniform  plan,  and  received  the  title  of 
Imperial  Universities.  The  general  superintendence  was  placed  in  the 
hands  of  a curator,  who  was  a member  of  the  “ upper  school-board,” 
who  was  responsible  to  the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  ; the  details 
of  the  administration  were  left  entirely  to  the  faculties  of  the  univer- 
sities, as  was  likewise  the  administration  of  the  school-district  belonging 
to  each  universit}^  The  university  appointed  and  dismissed  inspectors 
and  teachers,  proposed  directors  of  gymnasiums  to  the  minister,  and  sent 
professors  on  journeys  of  inspection.  The  administration  of  the  univer- 
sity was  in  the  hands  of  the  professors,  who  chose  rectors  and  deans, 
{Decani.')  Each  university  had  four  departments,  viz.  : Medicine,  law, 
history  and  philology,  physics  and  mathematics.  The  only  difference 
between  the  various  universities  consisted  in  the  number  of  professors. 
At  the  universities  of  Moscow,  Kasan,  and  Kharkow,  there  were  28 
ordinary  professors  ; at  Wilna,  82.  The  number  of  assistant  professors 
at  each  universit}^  was  12;  teachers  of  languages,  3 ; teachers  of  arts 
likewise  3.  Only  the  university  at  Dorpat,  attended  by  Protestants  ex- 
clusively, had  a theological  department,  with  4 ordinary  professors  ; the 
departments  of  law  and  of  medicine  at  the  same  university  numbered  4 
ordinary  and  2 extraordinary  professors  each.  The  department  of  phi- 
losoi)hy  had  four  divisions,  viz.  : physics  and  mathematics,  with  2 ordi- 
nary and  1 extiaordinary  professor;  natural  history,  3 ordinary  pro- 
fessors ; history  and  philology,  4 ordinary  professors  ; technology  and 
economy,  2 ordinary,  and  1 extraordinary  professor  ; teachers  of  lan- 
guages, G ; teachers-of  arts,  6.  To  supply  this  large  number  of  profes- 
sorships, foreigners  had  of  course  to  be  called  in,  and  about  half  of  the 
places  were  filled  by  them.  Only  after  a considerable  period  of  time  had 
elapsed,  were  the  universities  attended  by  a suflBcient  number  of  students. 
The  university  at  St.  Petersburg,  originally  a sort  of  normal  gymnasium, 
was  changed  into  a pedagogical  institute,  and  (1825)  organized  on  the 
plan  of  the  Moscow  University. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


837 


During  the  ten  years  (1820-1830,)  the  government  greatly  limited 
the  authority  of  the  faculties,  and  increased  the  power  of  the  curators. 
The  strict  measures,  which,  during  the  sad  period  of  the  Carlsbad  Reso- 
lutions, were  taken  with  regard  to  the  German  universities,  were  imitated 
in  Russia.  A number  of  the  most  competent  teachers  were  dismissed ; 
the  curators  were  commissioned  to  keep  a strict  lookout  as  to  the  ten- 
dency of  the  lectures.  They  had  likewise  to  see  to  the  di.scipline  of  the 
students,  which  was  enforced  by  new  and  stricter  regulations.  Some 
German  professors  laid  down  their  offices,  and  their  places  were  supplied 
by  men  of  very  inferior  ability. 

In  1835,  a new  statute  was  drafted  for  the  universities  by  a commission 
appointed  for  this  purpose,  and  the  Emperor  Nicholas  frequently  attended 
their  sessions  and  personally  recommended  various  changes.  The  new 
law  of  organization  contained  1 09  articles;  according  to  this  law,  the 
universities  were  to  consist  of  three  departments ; the  department  of 
philosophy  to  have  two  divisions.  Every  department  had  its  own 
“dean,”  {Decan^)  and  that  of  philosophy,  two.  The  Rector  had  the  gen- 
eral supervision  of  all  the  departments.  The  university-council  was 
composed  of  the  ordinary  and  extraordinary  profes.sors,  the  Rector  pre- 
siding. The  board  of  administration  consisted  of  the  Rector,  the  “deans,” 
{Decani,)  and  the  '''  Syndicusy  The  universities  were  under  the  special 
protection  of  His  Imperial  Majest}^  and  were  therefore  called  “Imperial 
Universities,”  The  minor  details  of  the  administration  were  intrusted  to 
a curator.  The  department  of  philosophy  embraced  the  following  sub- 
jects : I.  Divi.sion — Philo.«ophy  ; Greek  antiquities  and  literature  ; Roman 
antiquities  and  literature;  Russian  language,  and  history  of  Russian  lit- 
erature ; history  and  literature  of  the  Slavic  languages  ; general  history; 
Russian  history;  statistics  and  political  economy;  Oriental  literature; 
Arabian,  Turkish,  Persian,  Mongolian,  and  Tartar  language.s.  II.  Di- 
vision— Mathematics;  astronomy;  phy.sics;  physical  geography ; chem- 
istry ; mineralogy;  geography;  botany;  zoOlog}";  technology;  agri- 
culture, and  architecture.  The  department  of  laws  embraced  : Cyclo- 
pedia of  jurisprudence  ; fundamental  laws  of  Russia;  Roman  law  and 
its  history  ; civil,  penal,  and  local  laws;  public  morals  and  order;  laws 
of  finance  and  taxatidi;  criminal  laws;  elements  of  national  law. 
The  medical  department  at  the  universities  of  Moscow,  Kasan,  and 
Kharkow,  embraced  : anatomy  ; physiology  ; pharmacology  ; clinical 
medicine;  pathology;  theoretical  surgery;  practical  surgery;  mid- 
wifery ; veterinary  surgery.  At  every  university  there  were,  besides, 
teachers  of  German,  Engli.sh,  French,  and  Latin. 

The  university-council  has  to  choose  the  rector,  the  honorary  and  cor- 
responding members,  the  professors  and  assistant  professors.  It  has 
likewise  to  investigate  any  neglect  in  the  fulfillment  of  their  duties  on 
the  part  of  the  professors,  to  consider  the  publication  of  dissertations, 
and  to  propose  new  improvements.  The  university-curator  was  nomi- 
nated by  the  Emperor ; the  choice  of  the  rector  had  also  to  be  sanctioned 
by  him.  The  rector  was  always  chosen  for  a term  of  four  years.  The 


838 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


deans,  (Decani^)  likewise  chosen  for  four  years,  had  to  be  confirmed 
by  the  minister;  all  these  were  chosen  from  the  number  of  the  ordinary 
professors.  No  one  was  permitted  to  become  professor  without  having 
previously  obtained  the  doctor’s  degree  in  that  particular  study  which  he 
intended  to  teach.  To  become  assistant  professor,  he  must  at  least  have 
the  degree  of  “ licentiate.”  After  serving  twenty-five  years,  professors 
received  the  title,  “ and  their  places  were  considered  vacant. 

They  might,  however,  be  chosen  again  for  five  years,  after  which  time 
the  minister  decided  how  long  they  might  yet  supply  the  place. 

The  course  of  studies  in  the  departments  of  philosophy  and  of  law 
lasted  four  years,  and  in  that  of  medicine,  five  years.  Each  university 
had  its  own  committee  of  literary  censors,  and  books,  journals,  and  pe- 
riodicals destined  for  their  use  need  not  be  submitted  to  the  general  lit- 
erary censor.  The  universities  had  the  privilege  of  erecting  printing 
establishments  and  bookstores  for  their  own  use.  The  rector  of  a uni- 
versity belonged  to  the  fifth  grade  or  class  in  the  general  classification  of 
society,  {Rangclasse^)  the  ordinary  professors  to  the  seventh,  extraordi- 
nary and  assistant  professors  to  the  eighth,  teachers  of  languages  and 
drawing  to  the  tenth,  doctors  to  the  eighth,  licentiates  to  the  ninth, 
candidates  to  the  tenth,  and  students  who  have  successfully  finished 
their  course,  to  the  twelfth  class.*  On  entering  the  military  service,  stu- 
dents and  licentiates  had  likewise  special  privileges.  The  former  became 
officers  after  six  months’  service,  and  the  latter  after  three  months,  even 
if  there  was  no  vacancy  in  the  regiment. 

The  statistics  with  regard  to  the  pupils  and  professors  at  the  universities 
are  very  scanty ; still  they  will  convey  some  idea  of  the  state  of  these 
in.stitutions.  The  number  of  professors  at  the  University  of  St.  Peters- 
burg was,  in  1824,  38  ; 1831,  47  ; 1835,  64  ; 1851,  68.  The  University 
of  Moscow,  in  1808.  had  49  professors  ; 1832,  78;  1833,  117;  1834, 
167  ; 1851,  124.  The  University  of  Kharkow,  in  ,1808,  had  24  pro- 
fessors ; the  highest  number  in  1831  was  95;  since  then  it  has  de- 
creased; in  1850  it  had  76.  The  University  of  Kasan  had,  in  1808,  15 
professors;  1835,  89;  1851,  83.  The  University  of  Dorpat,  during  the 
years  1808-1851,  wavered  between  37  and  73  professors.  The  Univer- 
sit}’^  of  Kiew,  in  1835,  had  61,  and  in  1851,  86  professors.  Whilst 
the  government,  from  1820  to  1830,  in  many  ways  limited  the  independ- 
ence of  the  universities,  the  material  position  of  the  professors  was  con- 
siderably improved.  In  1835  the  salaries  were  fixed  as  follows: 

*Tliere  ure  3 titles  of  nobility,  (princes,  counts,  und  bnrons,)  which  descend  to  all  children 
equally. 

There  are  7 orders  of  knighthood : St.  George,  (the  highest  and  purely  military,  with  4 degrees ;) 
St.  Andrew;  Vladimir,  (4  degrees ;)  St.  Alexander ; White  Eagle;  St.  Anne,  (4  degrees;)  St. 
Stanislaus,  (3.) 

There  ore  practically  12  orders  or  classes  of  merit : — 1,  chancelor  of  the  empire  ; 2,  actual  privy 
councilor;  3,  past  privy  councilor ; 4,  actual  state  councilor ; 5,  past  privy  councilor  ; 6,  college 
councilor  ; 7,  court  councilor;  8,  college  assessor;  9,  titular  councilor ; 10,  college  secretary  ; 12, 
government  secretary;  14,  college  registrar;  11  and  13,  ceased. 

The  first  eight  classes  give  hereditary  nobility,  the  last  six  only  personal  nobility.  Mere  noble 
birth  does  not  give  admittance  to  any  of  these  classes,  which  is  secured  only  by  merit  of  some  kind. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


839 


St.  Petersburg. 

Moscow. 

Kasan. 

Kharkow. 

Kiew. 

Ordinary  professors, 

1,572 

1,543 

1,263 

1,263 

1,350 

Extraordinarv  professors, 

1,175 

1,095 

954 

954 

980 

Assistant  professors, 

800 

786 

643 

643 

69!) 

Teachers  of  languages,  etc.,  . . . 

600 

504 

668 

568 

500 

Prosectors, 

— 

700 

560 

560 

600 

“Laborants,” 

428 

428 

336 

336 

443' 

All  these  sums  are  in  rubles  (silver,)  (a  75  cents.) 

A peculiar  establishment  in  connection  with  the  University  of  Dorpat 
was  a separate  professor-institute,  with  the  object  of  educating  compe- 
tent professors  for  the  Russian  universities.  Capable  men  were  appointed 
by  the  government,  and  after  having  attended  lectures  at  Dorpat,  they 
were  sent  to  foreign  countries  to  complete  their  education.  The  Univer- 
sity at  Dorpat  has,  up  to  the  most  recent  time,  been  a nursery  of  German 
science  and  German  culture,  and  eminent  German  scholars  have  for  a 
time  or  permanently  been  located  there.  The  professor-institute  has  only 
existed  for  ten  years,  and  has  during  that  period  educated  22  professors 
for  Russian  universities.  The  second  division  of  the  Imperial  chancery 
{Canzlei)  was,  on  the  proposition  of  Count  Speransky,  used  for  the  edu- 
ucation  of  professors  during  the  years  1828-1834,  by  introducing  special 
courses  for  every  science,  to  which  the  best  students  of  the  theological 
academies  of  St.  Petersburg  and  Moscow  were  admitted,  and  afterwards 
sent  to  Berlin  to  complete  their  studies. 

A period  of  restriction  and  depression  in  the  history  of  the  Russian 
universities  commenced  in  the  year  1848,  and  lasted  till  1850.  The  ad- 
ministration of  discipline,  justice,  and  their  own  finances,  was  taken 
from  them,  and  only  technical  changes  with  regard  to  the  subjects  of 
instruction,  the  choice  of  the  rectors  and  professors,  were  left  to  them. 
The  administration  of  discipline  was  confided  to  an  inspector,  chosen  by 
the  curator  from  the  military  or  civil  officials  of  the  empire,  and  subor- 
dinate to  that  dignitary.  The  students  were  obliged  to  attend  a great 
many  lectures.  The  exclusion  of  scholars  from  deciding  questions  of 
vital  interest  to  the  university,  made  them  naturally  indifferent  to  its 
interests,  and  finally  to  science  itself,  and  a stagnation  of  all  scientific 
life  was  the  natural  consequence.  On  the  other  hand,  the  great  number 
of  subjects,  which  students  were  obliged  to  study,  made  them  study 
these  in  a very  superficial  manner. 

The  universities  were  still  further  limited  in  their  functions  in  the  year 
1849.  The  right  of  choosing  the  rector  was  taken  away  from  the  coun- 
cil ; he  was  now  nominated  by  the  government.  The  number  of  students 
at  each  university  was  limited  to  300  ; the  instruction  was  regulated  by 
very  narrow-minded  programmes,  and  the  custom  of  sending  scholars  to 
German  universities  was  entirely  abolished.  A childish  fear  of  revolu- 
tionary ideas  prompted  the  government  to  take  these  measures.  In  ad- 
dition to  all  this,  the  salaries  of  the  professors,  fixed  in  1835,  no  longer 


840 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


suflBced,  as  prices  had  risen  considerably,  so  that  many  of  them  were 
obliged  to  look  out  for  some  extra  employment. 

The  desire  for  a radical  change  had  long  since  made  itself  felt,  and  the 
government  of  the  present  Emperor,  Alexander  II,  deserves  the  highest 
praise  for  having  inaugurated  these  changes.  The  government  went  to 
work  with  great  caution.  The  universities  gradually  recovered  their  lost 
privileges,  and  the  statutes  of  1835  were  again  introduced.  A statute 
for  the  University  of  St.  Petersburg,  made  by  order  of  the  ministry  in 
the  year  1858,  was  laid  for  its  approbation  before  the  professor-council 
of  the  University  of  Moscow  and  those  of  the  other  universities.  A 
special  committee,  organized  in  1861,  and  consisting,  besides  the  curators 
of  the  school-districts,  of  eight  professors,  was  commissioned  to  examine 
the  various  opinions  passed  on  the  statute,  and  on  its  basis  to  work  out 
the  plan  of  a statute  for  all  the  Russian  universities.  The  elaborate 
treatise  which  they  published  as  a result  of  their  deliberations,  w^as  then 
again  submitted  to  all  the  professor-councils,  to  clergymen  and  civil  offi- 
cers, translated  into  German,  French,  and  English,  and  sent  to  prominent 
foreign  scholars  for  their  inspection.  Among  the  Germans  m ho  passed 
an  opinion  on  it  and  made  their  annotations,  we  notice  Robert  von  Mohl, 
Roscher,  Wachter,  Rosenkranz,  Olshausen,  Kaferstein,  Berthold  Auer- 
bach, Doderlein,  S.  Schmitt,  (Director  of  the  Gymnasium  at  W eilburg,) 
Bursian,  Osenbriiggen.  All  these  opinions,  annotations  and  remarks 
were  published  in  two  volumes,  and  submitted  to  the  “Committee  for 
higher  instruction,”  {Gelehrte  Comite^)  for  a final  revision.  The  work  of 
this  committee,  after  having  been  examined  by  the  upper  school-council, 
was  then  submitted  to  a committee  of  six  dignitaries,  chosen  by  the 
Emperor,  was  next  laid  before  the  “ Council  of  the  Empire,”  {Reichsrath,^) 
and  was  finally  sanctioned  by  the  Emperor,  June  18,  1863,  and  adopted 
for  the  Universities  of  St.  Petersburg,  Moscow,  Kasan,  Kharkow',  and 
Kiew. 

A modern  Russian  university,  with  three  departments,  (history  and 
philology  ; physics  and  mathematics  ; laws,)  was  founded  at  Odessa, 
June  11,  1864,  and  opened.  May  1,  1865.  The  University  of  Dorpat  re- 
ceived its  new  statute,*Jan.  9,  1865.  The  statute  of  1863  gives  back  to 
the  universities  the  administration  belonging  to  the  university-council, 
composed  of  ordinary  and  extraordinary  professors,  presided  over  by  a 
rector  chosen  for  four  years  and  confirmed  by  the  Emperor. 

The  rector  is  chosen  by  the  council  from  among  the  number  of  ordi- 
nary professors,  and  confirmed  by  the  Emperor.  He  calls,  opens,  and 
closes  the  sessions  of  the  university-council,  and  presides,  at  these  ses- 
sions. In  cases  of  special  importance,  where  immediate  action  is  re- 
quired, he  may  act  independently,  but  must  at  once  inform  the  council, 
the  directory,  and  the  curator.  He  may  grant  the  teachers  of  the  uni- 
versity a furlough  for  a time  not  exceeding  twenty-nine  days ; for  any 
longer  period,  only  with  the  sanction  of  the  curator.  In  cases  of  sick- 
ness or  absence,  his  place  is  taken  by  the  pro-rector  or  one  of  the 
“deans,”  {Decani.) 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


841 


The  university-council  is  composed  of  the  rector  as  president,  and  all 
the  ordinary  and  extraordinary  professors  of  the  university.  Other  uni- 
versity teachers  may  also  be  invited  to  take  part  in  the  discussions,  but 
are  only  entitled  to  an  advisory  vote,  if  the  council  thinks  it  necessary  to 
ask  their  opinion  on  any  question.  The  se.ssions  of  the  council  must  be 
held  every  month,  and  to  pass  any  resolution,  two-thirds  of  its  members 
must  be  present. 

Some  questions  are  settled  by  the  council  alone,  while  others  have  to 
be  confirmed  by  the  curator  or  minister.  Under  this  second  head  come 
measures  relating  to  the  expansion  of  the  university’s  scientific  sphere, 
the  choice  of  teachers,  “ laborants,”  (assistants  in  the  chemical  labora- 
tory,) conservators  of  museums,  prosectors,  assistants ; furthermore,  the 
choice  of  a pro-rector,  inspector,  the  admission  of  “ private  professors,” 
{privat  docenten^)  the  nomination  of  honorary  members,  the  librarian 
and  his  assistants,  the  choice  of  other  university  officials,  such  as  judges, 
kc. ; the  regulating  and  applying  of  the  lecture-fees,  the  admission  of 
the  students  to  the  university,  the  admission  of  other  persons  to  the  lec- 
tures, the  duties  of  the  students,  the  order  of  the  university,  and  the 
punishments  to  be  inflicted  in  case  of  transgressions. 

The  sanction  of  the  minister  is  required  for  the  following:  Choice  of 
the  rector,  the  “ deans,”  {Decani.)  the  pro-rector,  the  inspector  and  pro- 
fessors ; the  dismissal  of  any  of  these  officials  ; propositions  for  subdi- 
viding departments  and  combining  various  subjects  in  one  professorship; 
the  sending  of  young  people  to  study  at  foreign  universities,  the  found- 
ation of  societies  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  the  examinations  for 
obtaining  academical  degrees.  On  taking  the  vote  on  any  question,  the 
younger  members  of  the  council  have  always  to  vote  first ; an  absolute 
majority  decides  a question,  and  in  case  of  an  equal  vote,  the  vote  of  the 
president  becomes  deciding. 

The  faculty  of  every  department  consists  of  ordinary  and  extraordi- 
nary professors,  assistant-professors,  and  teachers.  The  number  of  “ pri- 
vate professors,”  {pHvat  docenten^)  is  not  limited  in  any  way.  Each 
department  may,  by  a resolution  of  the  university-council,  sanctioned  by 
the  minister,  be  subdivided.  At  the  faculty  assemblies  of  a department, 
all  ordinary  and  extraordinary  professors  ought  to  be  present ; the  other 
members  of  the  faculty  may  likewise  attend,  but  assistant-professors  are 
only  entitled  to  vote  after  having  taUght  for  two  years ; the  other  teachers 
may  vote  on  any  question  which  refers  to  their  special  branch  of  teach-- 
ing.  The  head  of  the  faculty  is  the  “dean,”  {Decan^)  who  is  chosen  for 
a term  of  three  years  from  among  the  ordinary  professors,  and  confirmed 
by  the  minister.  In  cases  of  absence  or  sickness,  the  oldest  professor 
presides.  In  the  meetings  of  the  faculty  of  a department,  questions  are 
discussed  which  may  be  either  settled  by  them  alone,  or  such  as  require 
to  be  submitted  for  revision  and  sanction  to  the  council.  Among  the 
former  may  be  mentioned  measures  for  increasing  the  scientific  activity, 
proposals  for  filling  vacant  professorships,  the  passing  of  an  opinion  oir 


842 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


works  published  by  the  university,  as  likewise  on  the  programme  of  lec- 
tures. To  the  latter  belong  the  choice  of  the  “dean,”  {Decan^)  and 
secretary  of  the  faculty  ; measures  for  filling  vacant  professorships  ; dis- 
tribution of  the  various  subjects  of  study ; the  subdivision  of  the  depart- 
ment ; the  choice  of  gratuitous  students,  and  of  students  who  are  to 
complete  their  studies  at  some  foreign  university,  with  a view  to  becoming 
afterwards  professors  at  some  Russian  university  ; examination  of  the 
dissertations  written  for  obtaining  the  various  degrees ; the  choice  of 
themes  set  by  the  university  for  the  annual  prize-essays ; the  awarding 
of  the  prizes  and  medals ; the  judicious  distribution  of  the  sums  appro- 
priated by  government  for  the  purchase  of  books  and  scientific  apparatus. 
To  pass  a resolution,  two-thirds  of  all  the  members  must  be  present. 

The  curator  of  the  school-district  has  to  see  to  it  that  all  the  officials 
and  persons  belonging  to  the  university  fulfill  their  duties  faithfully,  and 
in  extraordinary  cases  he  is  authorized  to  use  all  the  means  within  his 
power  to  enforce  the  fulfillment  of  the  laws.  In  such  cases,  however,  he 
must  immediately  report  to  the  minister.  He  lays  before  the  university, 
for  their  decision,  questions  pertaining  to  it,  as  likewise  questions  of  im- 
portance with  regard  to  his  own  school-district. 

The  directory  is  composed  of  the  “ deans  ” {Decani)  of  all  the  depart- 
ments, and  the  pro-rector,  presided  over  by  the  rector.  Where,  in  place 
of  the  last-mentioned  official,  there  is  an  inspector,  he  takes  part  in  the 
sessions,  but  has  only  a vote  on  questions  referring  to  the  students.  The 
directory  has  likewise  to  decide  in  cases  that  naturally  belong  to  its  prov- 
ince ; for  instance,  to  grant  the  sum  of,  at  most,  300  rubles  (silver)  over 
and  above  the  sum  fixed  for  the  purchase  of  any  book  or  apparatus  ; to 
make  contracts  for  supplies  of  various  kinds,  not  exceeding  the  sum  of 
5,000  rubles  ; to  investigate  the  affairs  of  the  students,  if  circumstances 
should  seem  to  require  it,  and  eventually  to  lay  the  case  before  the  uni- 
versity court  of  justice.  The  matters,  which  have  to  be  submitted  to  the 
curator,  are  the  granting  of  pecuniary  assistance  to  poor  students,  the 
granting  of  sums  exceeding  300  rubles,  and  the  making  of  contracts  to 
the  amount  of  7,000  rubles.  Every  other  matter  mu.st  be  referred  to  the 
minister. 

The  university  court  of  justice  is  composed  of  three  professors,  chosen 
annually  by  the  council.  To  provide  for  any  cases  of  sickness  or  absence, 
substitutes  are  chosen  at  the  same  time.  The  curator  has  to  confirm  the 
persons  elected.  One  of  the  judges  and  hjs  substitute  must  belong  to  the 
law  department.  He  presides  at  the  sessions  of  the  court ; one  of  the 
other  judges  acts  as  secretary.  The  immediate  control  over  the  students 
is  confided  to  a subordinate  officer,  who  is  either  chosen  by  the  council 
from  among  its  members,  and  in  that  case  has  the  title  “ pro-rector,”  or 
if  not  a member  of  the  council,  then  styled  “inspector.”  The  pro-rector 
is  chosen  for  three  years,  and  confirmed  by  the  Minister  of  Public  In- 
struction. No  one  can  be  elected  “inspector”  who  has  not  gone  through 
a complete  university  course. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRl’CTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


843 


No  one  can  become  ordinary  or  extraordinary  professor  who  does  not 
possess  the  “doctor  degree.”  To  be  admitted  as  salaried  assistant-pro- 
fessor, the  “degree  of  magister'''  is  required  ; “private  professors”  {pri- 
vat  docenten)  may  only  be  candidates.  They  must  write  a dissertation, 
“joro  tenia  legendi^"'  and  publicly  defend  it.  Besides  this,  all  those  who 
solicit  a place  as  professor,  assistant-professor,  or  privat  docent^  must 
hold  two  trial-lectures  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  faculty,  one  on  some 
theme  chosen  by  themselves,  the  other  on  a theme  set  by  the  faculty. 
If  a professorship  has  become  vacant,  every  member  of  the  faculty  has 
the  right  to  propose  a candidate ; the  election  is  by  ballot ; the  result  of 
the  election  has  to  be  communicated  to  the  council,  and  that  candidate, 
w’ho,  in  a ballot  here,  has  the  absolute  majority,  is  considered  as  duly 
elected.  If  no  one  has  the  absolute  majority,  the  vacancy  is  published 
in  the  papers.  The  election  of  professors  has  to  be  confirmed  by  the 
minister  ; that  of  assistant-professors  and  teachers  by  the  curator  of  the 
school-district.  In  case  a vacancy  is  not  filled  by  the  council  during  the 
course  of  one  year,  the  minister  has  the  right  to  fill  it  with  a person  of 
his  own  choice.  Besides  this,  he  is  at  liberty  at  any  time  to  appoint  per- 
sons as  teachers.  “Private  professors,”  as  a general 

rule,  receive  no  salary,  but  the  council  may,  on  motion  of  the  faculty, 
give  them  a proper  remuneration  for  their  services.  They  are  permitted 
to  choose  the  subject  of  their  lectures  in  accordance  with  the  programme 
of  the  university,  and  to  make  use  of  the  laboratories,  museums,  and  sci- 
entific apparatus,  by  obtaining  the  special  permission  of  the  persons 
having  the  care  of  the  same.  They  may  also  take  part  in  the  examina- 
tion of  those  who  wish  to  obtain  the  degree  of  “candidate”  or  “gradu- 
ated student.”  They  are  finally  privileged,  in  case  of  their  obtaining  a 
regular  professorship,  to  count  in  the  years  spent  2i&  privat  docenten^  if 
they  are  to  receive  a pension,  etc.  If  professors  have  served  the  full  time 
entitling  them  to  a pension,  they  must  undergo  a new  election  by  the 
council,  which  is  valid  for  five  years.  At  the  end  of  those  five  years, 
they  must  again  be  reelected  for  five  years.  Every  one  of  these  elec- 
tions is  only  valid  if  the  candidate  has  at  least  a majority  of  two-thirds 
of  the  votes.  If  this  is  not  t^le  case,  the  place  is  considered  vacant. 
Those  professors,  who  have  retired  from  office  and  are  enjoying  a pension, 
have  the  privilege  of  using  the  apparatus  and  library  of  the  university, 
and  holding  lectures,  by  special  permission  of  the  council  and  curator. 

Only  such  young  men  are  admitted  to  the  university  as  have  reached 
the  seventeenth  year  of  their  age,  and  have  satisfactorily  finished  a com- 
plete course  at  a gymnasium.  The  university-council,  however,  has  the 
liberty  to  subject  candidates  for  admission  to  another  examination.  The 
pupils  of  higher  and  middle-class  institutions  may  likewise  be  admitted, 
if  the  ministry  decides  that  the  course  of  studies  gone  through  is  equal 
to  that  of  the  gymnasium. 

The  regular  course  of  instruction  occupies,  for  the  medical  department, 
five  years,  and  the  other  departments,  only  four.  The  annual  term  com- 


844 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


mences  August  15,  and  ends  June  1,  Students,  who  have  satisfactorily- 
passed  the  examination  and  handed  in  a dissertation,  receive  the  degree 
of  candidate  ; those  who  have  given  sufficient  proof  of  their  knowledge 
by  an  examination,  but  whose  dissertation  has  been  rejected,  receive  the 
title  of  graduated  students.  To  obtain  the  degree  of  ^'’magister''  another 
oral  examination  is  required,  amd  the  public  defense  of  a written  disser- 
tation. MagiiterSy  wffio  have  handed  in  a dissertation  and  have  publicly 
defended  it,  receive  the  “doctor”  degree.  The  examination  for  obtaining 
the  title  of  graduated  student  or  candidate,  embraces  all  the  subjects 
contained  in  the  programme  of  the  department,  and  for  those  students 
who  belong  to  the  Orthodox  Church,  theology  besides.  All  these  degrees 
can  only  be  taken  in  a certain  order,  and  at  certain  stated  intervals ; 
candidates  may,  after  one  year,  try  for  the  degree,  and  after 

another  year  has  passed,  for  the  “ doctor  ” degree. 

We  have  mentioned  already,  that  the  new  statute  gives  the  council  the 
right  to  divide  the  departments,  with  the  minister’s  sanction,  into  sections, 
and  some  universities  have  actually  done  this.  At  the  University  of 
Kharkow,  the  department  of  physics  and  mathematics  has  been  divided 
into  three  sections,  viz.,  a mathematical,  a physico-chemical,  and  one  of 
natural  history ; the  department  of  history  and  philology  has  likewise 
been  divided  into  three  sections,  viz.,  historical  sciences,  ancient  classical 
languages  and  literature,  Russo-Slavic  languages  and  literature.  The 
law  department  has  been  divided  into  tw-o  sections,  viz.,  jurisprudence, 
and  political  sciences.  At  the  Wladimir  University  of  Kiew,  the  former 
division  of  the  department  of  physics  and  mathematics  into  two  sections 
for  mathematics  and  natural  sciences,  still  exists;  the  department  of  his- 
tory and  philology  has  been  divided  into  three  sections — classical,  Slavo- 
Russic,  and  historical.  The  law  department  is  divided  into  two  sections, 
— jurisprudence,  and  political  sciences.  At  the  University  of  Kasan,  the 
department  of  medicine  is  divided  into  tw’o  sections — medical  science  and 
pharmacy.  The  department  of  physics  and  mathematics  is  divided  into 
three  sections — mathematical  .sciences  and  mechanics;  astronomy  and 
geology  ; physics,  physical  geography,  and  chemistry.  The  law  depart- 
ment is  divided  into  two  sections — jurisprudence,  and  political  sciences- 
The  students  of  a certain  section  have  only  to  consider  those  subjects  as 
important,  wdiich  are  given  on  the  programme  of  their  section,  whilst  the 
other  studies  are  onlj’-  considered  accessory.  In  consequence  of  these 
subdivisions  of  the  departments,  the  conditions  for  obtaining  the  various 
degrees  were  somewhat  altered  by  a new  regulation  of  Jan.  4,  1864.  At 
present,  no  examination  is  required  for  obtaining  the  “ doctor  ” degree, 
but  it  is  sufficient  to  hand  in  a dissertation  on  some  subject  of  the  section, 
and  to  defend  it  publicly. 

The  lecture-fees  have  been  fixed  at  50  rubles  per  annum  in  St.  Peters- 
burg and  Moscow,  and  at  40  rubles  at  the  other  universities.  Poor  stu- 
dents are  exempted  from  paying  these  fees.  There  are  also  stipends  for 
such,  wffiich  are  granted  by  the  council.  In  1864  there  were  874  sti- 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


845 


pends  to  the  amount  of  168,087  rubles,  distributed  in  the  following 
manner:  St.  Petersburg — 8,  with  24,071  r. ; Moscow — 306,  with  57,619 
r. ; Kasan — 172,  with  30,500  r. ; Kharkow — 171,  with  37,082  r. ; Kiew 
— 110,  with  18,815  r.  Of  these  stipends,  590,  to  the  amount  of  115,932  r., 
can  be  bestowed  by  the  Minister  of  Public  Instruction. 

The  most  important  changes  in  the  new  statute  relate  to  the  number 
and  the  salaries  of  the  professors,  and  the  appropriations  for  libraries, 
apparatus,  etc.  In  this  respect  the  Russian  universities  vie  with  the 
oldest  and  wealthiest  universities  of  other  countries.  The  department  of 
history  and  philology  has  been  increa.sed  by  four  new  professorships, 
viz. : for  comparative  grammar  of  the  Indo-Germanic  languages;  history 
of  general  literature;  theory  and  history  of  the  fine  arts;  and  church 
history.  Political  economy  and  statistics,  formerly  belonging  to  this  de- 
partment, have  been  thrown  into  that  of  jurisprudence.  There  are  in 
this  department  1 2 professors  and  7 salaried  teachers. 

To  the  department  of  physics  and  mathematics  have  been  added,  phy- 
sical geography,  technological  and  organic  chemistry.  For  mechanics, 
chemistry,  mineralogy,  botany,  and  zoology  and  physics,  there  are  2 pro- 
fessors for  each,  and  3 for  mathematics.  The  total  number  of  professors 
in  this  department  is  16,  and  3 salaried  teachers. 

The  law  department  has  been  increased  by  professorships  for  economy 
and  .statistics;  history  of  the  most  important  foreign  laws  of  ancient  and 
modern  times;  law  of  states;  history  of  the  Slavic  laws;  history  of 
Russian  laws.  There  are  in  this  department  13  professors  and  6 teacher.s. 

The  department  of  medicine  has  been  increased  by  the  following  pro-- 
fessorships ; Medical  chemistr}’^  and  physics,  (2  professors  and  4 teach- 
ers ;)  embryology ; histology  and  comparative  anatomy.  There  are  in 
this  department  16  professors  and  17  teachers. 

At  the  University  of  St.  Petersburg  there  is,  .since  1854,  a department 
for  oriental  languages,  where  the  following  languages  are  taught:  Arabic, 
Persian,  Turkish,  Tartar,  Chinese,  Mandschoorian,  Mongolian,  Kalmuck, 
Hebrew,  Sj^riac,  Chaldaic,  Greek,  Armenian,  Sanscrit ; and  history  of 
the  Orient.  This  department  has  9 profe.ssors,  1 assistant-professor,  and 
4 teachers. 

The  salaries  of  ordinary  professors  at  all  the  Russian  universities  are 
fixed  at  3,000  rubles;  extraordinary  professors  get  2,000;  assistant- 
professors  and  adjuncts,  1,200;  teachers,  1,000;  pro  rectors,  1,500,  (with 
the  exception  of  St.  Petersburg  and  Odessa ;)  laborants,  800.  The  rec- 
tors receive  in  addition  1,500  rubles,  and  “deans,”  {Decani,)  600. 

The  “ order  of  rank  ” {rangclasse)  of  the  professors  was  likewi.se  raised, 
which  is  of  great  importance  in  a country  like  Russia.  The  rector  was 
raised  from  the  5th  to  the  4th  class ; the  ordinary  professors  from  the  7th 
to  the  5th  class;  the  extraordinary  professors  fn  m the  8th  to  the  6th  class. 

In  order  to  form  a proper  e.stimate  of  the  munificence  recently  dis- 
played by  the  Russian  government,  it  will  be  well  to  compare  the  sums 
granted  to  the  different  universities  in  1835  with  those  granted  in  1863: 


846 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


1835. 

1863. 

St.  Petersburg, 

77,705  rubles. 
120,712  “ 

105.771  “ 

105.771  “ 

102,831  “ 

318,146  rubles. 
412,118  “ 

347,579  “ 

338,829  “ 

345,710  “ 

Moscow, 

Kasan, 

Kharkow, 

Kiew, 

Total, 

507,790  rubles. 

1,762,382  rubles. 

With  regard  to  the  special  preparation  of  professors,  it  was  decreed 
that  the  best  and  most  promising  gratuitous  students  might  remain  at 
the  university  even  after  having  finished  their  course,  in  order  to  prepare 
themselves  for  a professorship;  and  that  deserving  students  should  be 
sent  to  foreign  universities  for  the  same  purpose.  The  introduction  of 
the  system  of  prhat  docenten  has  been  very  beneficial  in  this  respect,  as 
a large  proportion  of  them  afterwards  become  professors.  During  the 
years  1862  and  1863,  no  less  than  63  students  were  sent  to  foreign  coun- 
tries, at  an  expense  to  the  government  of  80,000  rubles. 

The  number  of  university  students  is  steadily  increasing,  as  the  fol- 
lowing table  will  show : 


St.  Petersburg. 

Moscow. 

Kharkow. 

Kasan. 

Dorpat. 

Kiew. 

1 808 

135 

82 

40 

193 

1824’ 

51 

820 

337 

118 

365 

1 830  

202 

754 

308 

113 

619 

1 834 

230 

456 

389 

238 

524 

1836’ 

299 

441 

332 

191 

536 

203 

1840, 

433 

932 

*468 

237 

540 

140 

1846 

700 

1,099 

486 

418 

574 

549 

1850, 

387 

821 

394 

309 

554 

553 

1855, 

399 

1,203 

483 

340 

618 

616 

1860, 

1,278 

1,653 

512 

411 

540 

1.049 

1862, 

409 

1,744 

713 

444 

537 

1,062 

There  are  no  statistics  giving  the  different  nationalities  of  the  students, 
but  the  different  classes  of  society  to  which  the  students  belonged  ai’e 
entered  from  the  year  1858.  Of  the  5,004  students  at  these  six  univer- 
sities registered  since  that  date,  68  per  cent,  were  noblemen ; 9 per  cent, 
belonged  to  the  clerical  profession  ; 7 per  cent,  were  sons  of  merchants ; 
12  per  cent,  middle  class  tradesmen ; peasants  or  farmers,  only  0.6  per 
cent.  According  to  their  religious  creed,  54  per  cent,  belonged  to  the 
Orthodox  Greek  Church,  and  46  per  cent,  to  other  churches  and  denom- 
ination-— whilst  of  the  total  population,  55,000,000  belong  to  the  Or- 
thodox Greek  Church,  and  only  16,000,000  to  other  churches  and 
denominations  ! On  the  15th  of  December,  1864,  the  number  of  students 
at  the  Universities  of  St.  Petersburg,  Moscow,  Kasan,  Kharkow,  Kiew, 
and  Dorpat,  was  4,084.  According  to  the  various  departments  of  study, 
they  were  distributed  in  the  following  manner  : 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


847 


TheoloKj. 

Orient*! 

Language*. 

History  and 
Philology. 

Physic*  and 
Mathematics. 

Law. 

Medicine. 

St.  Petersburg, 

— 

18 

34 

302 

271 

— 

Moscow, 

— 

— 

85 

380 

678 

372 

Kasan 

— 

— 

35 

79 

156 

55 

Kliarkow, 

— 

— 

.26 

112 

299 

106 

Kiew, 

— 

— 

46 

141 

200 

131 

Dorpat, 

81 

— 

43 

68 

167 

201 

Total, 

81 

16 

269 

1,082 

1,771 

865 

Of  these  4,084  students,  2,638  belonged  to  the  Greek  Church ; 564 
were  Catholics;  743  Protestants;  129  Jews;  10  Mohammedans. 

There  were  2,744  noblemen  and  oflBcials,  and  388  of  the  clerical  profes- 
sion ; born  in  cities,  364;  born  in  the  country,  570;  foreigners,  18. 

The  number  of  “free”  students  was  557. 

The  University  of  Dorpat  has,  in  certain  particulars,  a different  organ- 
ization. There  are  five  departments — theology  ; law  ; medicine  ; history 
and  philology  ; physics  and  mathematics.  The  theological  department 
has  5 professors;  law,  6 ; medicine,  11 ; philology  and  history,  9 ; phy- 
sics and  mathematics,  9.  Nobody  can  become  a professor  at  this  univer- 
sity who  has  not  distinguished  himself  by  some  literary  work.  To  become 
ordinary  professor,  a person  must  have  obtained  the  “ doctor”  degree ; to 
become  extraordinary  or  a.ssistant-professor,  the  degree  of  magister  is 
sufficient.  The  '•^venia  legendV''  is  granted  after  a dissertation  has  been 
handed  in.  The  professors  chosen  by  the  council  have  to  be  confirmed 
by  the  curator.  If  a vacancy  has  been  left  for  a whole  year,  the  minister 
may  fill  it ; he  can  at  any  time  appoint  extraordinary  professors.  Pro- 
fessors have  to  teach  at  least  six,  and  assistant-professors  four  hours  per 
week.  There  is  a Summer  vacation  from  June  10  to  August  10,  and  one 
in  Winter  from  December  20  to  January  12.  The  university  has  its  own 
committee  of  censors  for  all  books  and  pamphlets  published  at  the  uni- 
versity printing-office.  Foreign  books,  periodicals,  etc.,  are  received  free 
of  tax  and  unopened.  The  salaries  are  smaller  than  at  the  other  univer- 
sities. Ordinary  professors  receive  2,400  r. ; extraordinary  professors, 
1,700  r. ; pro  rectors,  800  to  1,700;  assistant-professors,  900. 

The  new  statute  likewise  provides  for  the  libraries  and  other  scientific 
institutions.  To  these  latter  belong,  the  astronomical  observatory  ; the 
cabinet  for  practical  mechanics ; the  physical  cabinet  and  physical  labor- 
atory ; the  chemical  cabinet ; the  mineralogical  cabinet  and  laboratory ; 
the  cabinet  for  physical  geography  ; the  meteorological  observatory ; the 
geological  and  palaeontological  cabinet ; the  botanical  garden  ; the  botan- 
ical cabinet;  the  zoological  cabinet  and  laboratory  for  taxidermists;  the 
zodtomical  cabinet  and  laboratory;  the  physiological  cabinet;  the  cabinet 
for  technical  chemistry  ; the  cabinet  of  agronomic  chemistry  ; the  mu- 
seum of  physiological  anatomy ; the  museum  of  histology,  with  a large 
number  of  microscopes ; the  pharmaceutical  laboratory ; the  surgical 


848 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  RUSSIA. 


cabinet,  with  a complete  collection  of  surgical  and  ophthalmological  in- 
struments ; the  museum  of  midwifery  and  diseases  of  women  and  chil- 
dren ; theoretical  clinics  for  therapeutics,  surgery,  and  midwifery  ; hos- 
pital clinics  for  therapeutics,  surgery,  diseases  of  the  nerves,  insanity, 
diseases  of  the  skin,  ophthalmology,  and  syphilitic  diseases  ; the  museum 
of  antiquities,  and  the  large  collection  of  coins  and  medals. 

The  Russian  universities  have  .as  yet  to  battle  with  a great  many  diffi- 
culties. There  is  ,still  a great  lack  of  competent  teachers;  the  number 
of  prinat  docenten  is  still  small,  and  in  view  of  all  these  circumstances 
the  Ministry  of  Public  Instruction  deserves  great  praise  for  all  it  has  done 
to  remedy  the  evil  as  soon  as  possible.  Quite  a number  of  young  men 
have,  during  the  last  few  years,  been  sent  to  foreign  countries  to  prepare 
themselves  for  professorships  at  home.  They  receive  an  annual  subsidy 
of  1,600  rubles,  (silver,)  and  are  under  the  special  superintendence  of 
one  of  the  most  spirited  men  of  modern  Russia,  N.  J.  Pirogow,  whose 
work  on  the  reorganization  of  the  Russian  universities  is  thoroughly 
classical  and  exhaustive.  The  candidates  are  obliged  to  give  regular 
accounts  of  their  progress,  w'hich  are  published  in  the  Journal  of  the 
Ministry  of  Public  Instruction,  and  sent  to  all  the  universities.  The  ex- 
pen.se  of  this  whole  institution  amounts  to  from  80,000  to  100,000  rubles 
per  annum. 

The  new  statute  of  the  universities  must  be  considered  as  a great  and 
important  step  forward,  as  it  does  not  confine  the  lectures  in  a narrow- 
minded spirit,  but  on  the  other  hand  makes  the  material  position  of  pro- 
fessors and  teachers  more  agreeable,  does  not  demand  any  confession  of 
faith  before  obtaining  a degree  or  any  place  at  the  university,  and  does 
not  make  a single  one  of  these  institutions  peculiarly  and  exclusively 
Orthodox-Greek.  Especially  wdth  regard  to  Russian  language  and  liter- 
ature, geography  and  oriental  languages,  the  Russian  professors  have 
di.splayed  a praiseworthy  activity. 

Though  we  must  acknowledge  the  progress  that  has  been  made,  we 
can  not  but  call  the  very  complicated  mechanism  of  administration 
decidedly  detrimental.  In  the  new  statute  there  are  some  paragraphs 
which  give  too  free  a scope  to  arbitrariness  ; for  instance,  that  the  min- 
ister ma}^  in  certain  cases,  appoint  professors.  By  this  clause  all  the 
other  regulations  concerning  the  election  of  professors  hy  the  faculties 
and  council  may  become  illusory.  Many  improvements  are  only  found 
on  p?iper,  and  it  may  be  some  time  before  they  become  realities  ; thus 
the  regulations  concerning  the  scientific  institutions  in  connection  with 
the  universities.  The  librai  ies  and  apparatus  of  some  of  the  universities 
are  still  in  a sad  condition,  and  even  Russian  reports  lay  great  weight  on 
the  fact  that  very  much  is  yet  wanting  in  this  direction. 

The  Russian  universities  were  increased  by  one,  through  the  change  of 
the  lyceum  at  Odessa  into  a university  with  three  departments,  (history 
and  philology ; physics  and  mathematics ; and  law.)  It  was  opened, 
May  1,  1865. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FINLAND. 


849 


III.  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

A university  was  founded  at  Abo  in  1640,  which  was  governed  by  an 
ordinance  issued  in  1655,  and  which  continued  in  force  till  1828,  when, 
in  consequence  of  the  disastrous  fire  of  1827,  that  destroyed  all  the 
buildings,  and  most  of  the  books  and  collections  belonging  to  the  uni- 
versity, and  for  reasons  more  satisfactory  to  the  government  than  to  the 
people  of  Abo,  it  was  removed  and  reorganized  under  the  title  of  the 
Impei'ial  Alexanders- University ^ Helsingfors,  which  had  been  made 
the  capital  of  Finland  in  1817.  According  to  its  present  constitution 
(fixed  by  ordinance  of  1852),  the  government  of  the  institution  rests 
with  the  Chancellor  {Kansler\  and  Consistorium.  The  former  is  the 
eldest  son  of  the  Emperor,  who  is  represented  at  Helsingfors  by  a vice- 
chancellor,  who  in  turn  is  represented  in  the  internal  management  of  the 
university  by  a Rector,  who  is  designated  by  the  Chancellor  every  three 
years,  out  of  three  who  are  elected  by  all  the  regular  professors.  The 
Consistorium,  of  which  the  rector  is  president,  is  composed,  for  the  eco- 
nomical purpose,  of  the  12  senior  professors  ; and  for  the  filling  of  vacant 
chairs,  appointments  to  scholarship  and  stipendiums,  and  the  regulation 
of  scientific  matters  generally,  of  all  the  regular  professors. 

There  are  four  faculties,  viz. : Theology,  with  four  regular  professors ; 
Jurisprudence,  with  4 regular,  and  1 extraordinary  professors ; Medi- 
cine with  six  ordinary  and  two  extraordinary  professors ; Philos- 
ophy, which  is  divided  into  two  sections — historico-philological  section 
with  10  ordinary  and  3 extraordinary,  and  the  physico-mathematical 
section,  with  7 ordinary  and  1 extraordinary  professors.  Each  Faculty 
awards  its  own  diplomas,  and  has  its  own  Dean  appointed  by  the  Chan- 
cellor for  three  years.  The  Rector  and  four  Deans  are  a Commission,  or 
Board  for  Discipline.  Every  candidate  for  a regular  professorship  must 
hold  the  degree  of  doctor  in  that  Faculty,  and  write  and  defend  publicly 
a thesis  on  the  scientific  aspect  of  some  subject  which  he  will  be 
obliged  to  teach,  and  in  which  he  has  made  original  research.  To  have 
obtained  the  degree  of  doctor,  he  must  previously  have  been  master  of 
arts,  and  have  submitted  to  a second  examination,  including  the  produc- 
tion and  defense  of  a written  disquisition.  For  the  position  of  professor 
extraordinary^  the  Chancellor  can  recommend  such  candidates  as  have 
obtained  the  degree  of  doctor,  and  give  evidence  of  learning  and  ability. 
For  docents^  candidates  who  show  satisfactory  credentials  to  the  Con- 
sistorium, and  for  lectors  and  special  instruction  in  modern  languages, 
gymnastics,  drawing  and  music,  the  Chancellor  can  make  appointments. 
The  ordinary  'professors  must  give  4,  and  the  other  professors  and  teach- 
ers at  least  two  lectures  a week,  for  the  regular  salary  received  by  them. 

To  become  university  students  by  matriculation,  the  candidates  must 
bring  evidence  of  the  final  examination  of  the  Lyceums,  and  also  pass- 
an  examination  conducted  by  a committee  of  docents^  designated  by  the 
Consistorium,  and  enroll  himself  in  one  of  the  four  faculties,  and  one  of 

54 


850 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FINLAND. 


the  six  nations^  into  which  the  students  are  divided.  These  nations  are 
designated  according  to  the  division  of  the  duchy  from  which  their 
members  come — each  nation  having  a supervision  of  the  morals  of  its 
members,  and  holding  weekly  meetings  for  literary  exercises ; and  their 
disciplinary  power  extends  to  the  exclusion  of  a refractory  member  for 
a period  not  exceeding  two  years  from  the  university,  and  from  Helsing- 
fors. Each  nation  taxes  its  members  for  necessary  expenses,  both 
for  its  special  purposes,  and  for  the  general  purposes  of  the  six  nations 
acting  in  concert  or  as  a Student-corps.  The  corps  owns  a building 
{Student-hus),  erected  by  voluntary  subscription  from  the  whole  coun- 
try, in  which  the  ladies  of  Finland  took  a general  interest.  In  this 
Students-House  are  rooms  for  the  meetings  of  the  Nations  and  of  the  Facul- 
ties, with  a reading-room  supplied  with  the  leading  periodicals  of  dif- 
ferent countries,  and  a library  of  15,000  volumes.  In  this  building  is  a 
restauration  only  for  members  of  the  university,  and  a large  hall  for  pub- 
lic concerts  and  festive  occasions, — each  nation  holding  one  every  year. 
At  the  head  of  each  nation  is  a professor,  designated  by  the  chancellor 
for  three  years,  called  inspector^  and  a vice-president  who  is  elected  by 
the  members  out  of  the  graduates  belonging  to  the  nation,  for  the  same 
term,  and  called  curator. 

In  the  spring  term  of  1872  the  resident  attendants  were  621,  (exclu- 
sive of  150  who  were  registered,  but  absent  for  various  reasons  from 
Helsingfors),  distributed  as  follows  by  nations  and  faculties. 


Nations. 

j Theology. 

0 

V 

e 

1 
& 

5 

•n 

Fact 

.5 

*3 

1 

ilties. 

Philo! 

1 

Ic 

Ph 

•o 

c 

a 

X 

lophy. 

s 

«c 

•o 

c 

d 

1 Total. 

Nyliindska 

4 

42 

11 

33 

35 

125 

Savolaks-Karelska 

16 

37 

4 

20 

28 

105 

Tavastlandska 

11 

16 

4 

16 

22 

69 

Westfinska 

22 

26 

8 

32 

37 

125 

Wiborgska 

6 

27 

1 

12 

11 

57 

Osterbot-niska 

25 

33 

11 

44 

27 

140 

Total 

84  1 

1 181 

1 39  1 

1 157  1 

1 160  1 

1 621 

The  whole  number  of  professors  and  instructors  in  the  same  term  was 
60  (with  eight  places  vacant),  viz.,  25  regular  professors,  5 extraordinary, 
8 lecturers,  19  docents,  and  3 special  instructors,  (music,  drawing,  and 
gymnastics).  The  regular  professors  are  paid  from  5,000  to  8,000 
marks ; the  rector  receiving  4,000  additional,  and  the  inspectors  of  na- 
tions, and  deans  of  faculties,  1,200  each.  The  professors  extraordinary 
receive  on  an  average  about  4,500  marks  j and  the  docents  are  paid  from 
2,0b0  to  3,000  marks,  and  the  lecturers  and  special  instructors  from 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FINLAND. 


851 


2,100  to  2,700  marks,  with  an  increase  of  salary  for  extra  services.  All 
salaries  are  paid  out  of  the  university  chest,  and  no  fees  are  collected 
from  the  students  in  any  faculty.  The  total  income  of  the  university  for 
1870,  was  1,162,153  marks;  derived  as  follows  : direct  from  the  govern- 
ment, 407,890  marks ; income  from  property  of  the  university,  166,241  m ; 
other  sources,  (including  custom  dues,  about  400,000),  588,022  m. 

The  university  of  Helsingfors  is  well  supplied  with  buildings,  and 
their  appropriate  equipments.  1.  The  University-house,  in  which  are 
the  lecture  rooms,  halls,  and  offices,  fronts  on  the  Senate-place,  opposite 
to  the  Senate-house.  2.  The  Library,  in  which  there  are  120,000  vol- 
umes. 3.  Chemical  Laboratory,  erected  in  1870,  with  all  the  modern 
improvements.  4.  Anatomical  Museum.  5.  Astronomical  Observatory. 
6.  Meteorological  and  Magnetic  Observatory.  7.  Botanic  Garden  and 
Conservatory.  8.  Gymnastic  Halls.  9.  Students’-house,  in  which,  be- 
sides the  accommodation  for  the  meetings  of  the  Nations,  and  Faculties, 
there  is  a library  of  15,000  volumes.  In  the  University-house  is  the 
Russian  Library,  devoted  exclusively  to  Russian  and  Polish  literature. 
In  addition  to  the  collection  and  facilities  of  illustration  indicated  by  the 
buildings  in  which  they  are  placed,  there  are  the  Mineralogical  and  Geo- 
logical Cabinets,  the  Zoological  Collection,  the  Ethnographical  and  His- 
torical Museum,  Collections  of  Coins  and  Medals,  Physico-apparatus,  &c. 

IV.  SPECIAL  SCHOOLS. 

1.  The  education  and  professional  training  of  teachers,  and  their  im- 
provement, are  provided  for  as  follows: 

(1.)  The  law  of  1866  provides  for  three  Seminaries  for  the  Popular 
School  teachers,  of  which  two  are  now  (1872)  in  operation;  one  at 
Jyvaskyla,  with  two  departments,  one  for  males  and  the  other  for  fe- 
males ; and  the  other  at  Ekenas  for  female  teachers  only.  The  course 
extends  through  four  years,  the  last  being  devoted  to  practice  in  the 
model  schools  and  kindergarten  attached.  Candidates  must  have  com- 
pleted their  eighteenth  year,  and  on  the  successful  completion  of  the 
course,  the  graduates  have  the  preference  to  the  first  vacancies  to  be 
filled.  In  1872  there  were  154  pupils  at  Jyvaskyla,  and  30  at  Ekenas. 
Besides  the  regular  pupils,  practical  teachers  can  attend  to  particular 
subjects  in  which  they  are  deficient,  and  witness  and  take  part  in  the 
instruction  of  the  Model  Schools.  Tuition  is  free,  and  a stipendium  or 
allowance  is  made  by  the  State  towards  the  expenses  of  board,  books,  &c. 

(2.)  In  1864  a Lyceum  was  established  at  Helsingfors  for  the  double 
purpose  of  a model  in  organization  and  methods  for  this  class  of  in- 
stitutions, and  to  serve  as  a normal  school  for  candidates  for  teachers  in 
the  same,  and  placed  under  the  charge  of  the  Professor  of  Pedagogy  in 
rthe  University  (Z.  Cleve).  To  this  institution  resort  teacher-candidates 
after  having  made  their  examination  at  the  University,  and  spend  one 
year  in  pedagogical  study  and  practice  under  the  direction  of  the 
Professor  and  the  Chief-teacher  (ofverlarare)  in  the  subjects  of  religion, 
history,  mathematics,  and  languages.  During  the  year  they  receive  a 
small  allowance  (honorarium). 


852 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FINLAND. 


2.  The  Polyteknicum  at  Helsingfors,  which  has  been  in  existence 
since  1847,  but  organized  on  its  present  basis  in  1872,  provides  special 
courses  of  instruction  for 

(1.)  Civil  Engineers,  in  reference  to  the  practical  requirements  of 
railroads  and  canals. 

(2.)  Mechanical  Engineers,  and  Builders. 

(3.)  Architects. 

(4.)  Practical  Chemists  and  Mining  Engineers. 

The  pupils  must  be  at  least  14  years  of  age,  and  have  gone  through  a 
Real  School,  and  each  course  occupies  from  4 to  6 years,  including  the 
time  spent  in  the  Preparatory  Course.  The  present  corps  of  instruction 
includes  16  teachers,  with  an  attendance  of  81  pupils,  besides  25  who 
attend  certain  classes,  but  belong  to  the  university. 

3.  Technical  Real  Schools  (at  Abo,  and  Nikolaistad  or  Wasa),  pro- 
vides special  instruction  for  pupils  over  12  years  of  age,  who  are  des- 
tined for  the  mechanical  trades.  The  course  in  each  occupies  4 years. 

4.  Agricultural  Institutes — one  at  Mustiala,  established  in  1837,  with 
12  teachers  in  1871 ; and  9 smaller  schools  established  at  different  periods 
since  1858. 

5.  Navigation  Schools — six,  one  in  each  of  the  principal  sea-ports — 
three  of  which  were  established  in  1812,  and  all  are  kept  from  the  mid- 
dle of  October  to  the  end  of  April,  during  the  suspension  of  navigation. 

6.  Military  School — at  Fredrikshams,  first  established  in  1780,  with 
a three  years’  course,  besides  a preparatory  course  of  three  years  in  the 
ordinary  elementary  studies.  This  school  belongs  to  the  Cadet  Gorpi 
of  the  Russian  system  of  Military  Schools,  and  the  graduates  pass  into 
a higher  school  of  special  service. 

7.  Deaf  mutes — there  are  now  four  schools  (of  which  the  first  was  es- 
tablished in  1858),  at  Abo,  Kuopio,  Pedersore,  Borgo,  with  107  pupils 
under  10  teachers.  These  schools  are  established  and  aided  by  the  gov- 
ernment, and  payments  are  made  by  parents,  if  able,  and  if  not,  by  the 
communes. 

8.  Blind — there  are  two  schools  (one  at  Helsingfors,  established  in 
1866,  and  the  other  at  Kuopio,  opened  in  1870),  and  supported  by  the 
government.  The  number  of  pupils  does  not  exceed  forty. 

9.  Sunday  Schools — these  are  not  conducted  on  the  American  plan 
for  religious  instruction  to  children  of  all  classes,  but  are  for  ordinary 
school  instruction  for  adults  whose  early  education  has  been  neglected. 
In  1870  there  were  32  (one  in  each  city)  schools,  with  2,352  pupils,  and 
entirely  supported  by  the  cities. 

10.  Evening  Schools,  Drawing  Schools,  &c. — There  are  special  schools 
for  instruction  in  technical  drawing,  but  we  have  no  information  as  to 
their  location,  number  or  character. 

11.  Orphan  children  are  not  gathered  into  asylums,  but  are  dis- 
tributed in  families,  to  which  they  are  assigned,  too  often  on  a competi- 
tive economical  scale  of  the  cost  of  their  maintenance. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  FINLAND. 


853 


V.  SOCIETIES  OF  EDUCATION,  LITERATURE,  AND  SCIENCE. 

1.  A Teachers’  Association  was  organized  in  1863,  in  pursuance  of  a 
vote  at  a general  meeting  of  the  teachers  in  the  elementary  schools  held 
that  year  at  Tavastehus.  This  association  has  its  central  department  at 
Helsingfors,  and  branches  in  several  other  cities.  All  teachers,  parents, 
and  other  interested  persons,  males  and  females,  may  be  members  of  it 
by  paying  an  annual  fee  of  6wi.  Meetings  are  held  once  a month,  and 
reports  of  the  discussions  are  printed  in  the  monthly  journal  of  that 
association  {Tidslcrift  for  PedagogUka  Foreningen  i Finland), 

The  teachers  of  the  popular  schools  meet,  in  convention,  on  the  call 
of  the  supervisor  of  the  common  schools  in  the  State  Board  of  Educa- 
tion, who  is  ex  officio  chairman,  every  three  years,  for  discussion  of  ed- 
ucational matters,  lectures,  and  addresses.  The  teachers  of  the  ele- 
mentary schools  have  a fund  for  the  aid  of  families  of  deceased  members. 

2.  Finish  Literature  Society  {Finska  litteratur  sdllskapet)^  organized 
1831,  has  had  great  influence  on  the  development  of  Finish  literature, 
and  on  investigations  in  the  Finish  language,  history,  and  antiquities. 
It  has  three  committees,  of  history,  literature,  and  language;  and  of  its 
Journal  {Suomi)  29  large  volumes  have  appeared,  besides  67  volumes 
of  other  publications.  It  had  in  1872  a fund  of  130,191wi^.,  not  includ- 
ing its  stock  of  books,  valued  at  99,883wi^.,  library,  and  collections. 

3.  Finish  Society  of  Science  {Finska  Vetenskapssocieteten),  organ- 
ized 1838,  consists  of  31  members,  most  of  them  professors  at  the 
university,  and  has  three  divisions,  mathemat- physical  (7),  natural 
sciences  (10),  and  historico  philological  (14).  The  publications  embrace 
37  volumes,  and  it  has  literary  connection  with  96  foreign  societies ; 
among  these  are  nine  in  America.  It  is  aided  by  government. 

4.  Zoological  and  Botanical  Society,  founded  in  1821  ; Medical  Society, 
founded  in  1835,  and  its  published  Journal  numbers  33  volumes;  Ju- 
ridical Society,  founded  in  1862.  Each  society  has  a special  library. 

5.  Society  of  Fine  Arts,  founded  in  1846,  and  aided  by  government 
grants;  Antiquarian  Society,  founded  in  1870.  Both  have  collections. 

6.  Bible  Society,  founded  in  1812  ; Missionary  Society,  in  1859 ; 
Prison  Association  to  reform  criminals,  and  aid  discharged  prisoners. 

VI.  AGENCIES  OF  INFORMATION  AND  PROGRESS. 

The  progressive  development  of  instruction,  and  all  national  interests 
in  Finland  is  provided  for  : (1,)  By  the  annual  and  tri-annual  reports 
of  the  State  Board  of  Education,  already  noticed.  (2,)  By  the  labors, 
collections,  and  publications  of  the  Bureau  of  Statistics  established  by 
the  government  in  1865,  to  collect  and  disseminate  information  respect- 
ing the  movements  of  population,  and  all  departments  of  industry,  as 
well  as  educational  and  scientific  institutions,  and  to  keep  up  a corres- 
pondence and  interchange  of  documents  with  similar  bureaus  in  other 
countries.  (3,)  By  special  reports  from  University  graduates,  and  emi- 
nent workmen  in  different  industries,  who  receive  stipendiums  to  enable 
them  to  visit  other  countries  to  study  their  schools,  and  workshops. 


IMPERIAL  ALEXANDER  UNIVERSITY  AT  HELSINGFORS. 

From  a catalogue  of  oflBcers,  teachers,  and  students  of  the  Imperial 
Alexander  University  of  Finland  for  the  spring  term  of  1873 ; and  a 
specification  of  lectures  and  exercises  for  the  academical  year  from 
Sept.  1,  1872,  to  May  31,  1873,  we  gather  the  following  particulars:  It 
was  established  at  Abo,  Sweden,  in  1640  by  Chancellor  Oxenstierna  dur- 
ing the  minority  of  Queen  Christina,  and  removed  to  Helsingfors  in  1828, 
by  order  of  Alexander  L,  who  came  into  possession  of  Finland  by 
treaty  of  Fredriksham  in  1800. 

I.  UNIVERSITY  GOVERNMENT. 

His  Imperial  Highness,  the  Grand  Duke  Alexander  Alexandrowitsch, 
High  University  Chancellor. 

The  Earl  Alexander  Armfelt,  Assistant  Chancellor. 

The  Baron  Kasim er  von  Kothen,  Vice  Chancellor. 

Professor  A.  Moberg,  Rector. 

Professor  Z.  Topelius,  Assistant  Rector. 

IL  INSTRUCTION. 

I.  FACULTY  OF  THEOLOGY. 

A.  F.  Granfelt,  Prof,  of  Dogmatics  and  Morals  : from  1 to  2 on  Mondays 
and  Tuesdays,  on  Christian  Dogmatics;  and  on  Thursdays  and  Fridays,  on 
Christian  Morals. 

A.  W.  Ingman,  Prof,  of  Biblical  Exegesis:  from  12  to  1 on  Mondays  and 
Tuesdays,  on  Paul's  Pastoral  Letters;  on  Thursdays  and  Fridays,  on  Ezekiel. 

C.  G.  VON  Essen,  Prof,  of  Pastoral  Duties:  from  11  to  12  on  Tuesdays  and 
Fridays,  on  Pastoral  Duties ; 9 to  11  on  Mondays,  Wednesdays  and  Thursdays, 
Exercises — Catechetical  and  Homiletics. 

H.  Rabergh,  Prof,  of  Church  History : from  5 to  6 m.  on  Mondays  and 
Tuesdays,  on  History  of  the  Church  in  Second  Century ; on  Thursdays  and 
Fridays,  Religious  Movements  in  the  I'lih  and  18^A  Centuries.  Reviews  on 
Saturday. 

II.  FACULTY  OF  JURISPRUDENCE. 

A.  W.  Liljenstrand,  Prof,  of  Public  Economy:  Absent  on  scientific 
inquiries. 

K.  G.  Ehrstrom,  Prof,  of  Criminal  Lav)  and  History  of  Law : every 
day,  12  to  1. 

R.  A.  Montgomery,  Prof,  of  Civil  and  Roman  Law  : every  day,  1 to  2. 

, Prof  of  Cameralistics:  vacant. 

J.  0.  Forsman,  Prof.  Extraordinary : Thursdays  and  Fridays,  6 to  7,  Con- 
version of  Swedish  Law  Terms  into  Finish,  &c. 

III.  FACULTY  OF  MEDICINE. 

F.  J.  VON  Becker,  Prof,  of  Physiological  Chemistry  and  Pharmacology: 
every  day,  12  to  1. 

K.  F.  VON  Willebrand,  Prof,  of  General  Pathology  and  Clinic:  Tuesdays 
and  Fridays,  9 to  10,  and  Mondays  and  Thursdays,  8 to  10,  in  the  hospital. 

0.  E.  A.  Hjelt,  Prof,  of  Pathological  Anatomy  : Tuesdays  & Fridays,  12  to  2. 

J.  A.  Estlander,  Prof,  of  Chirurgic  Clinic:  Mondays  and  Tuesdays,  10  to 
11,  Thursday  and  Fridays,  10  to  12,  in  the  hospital. 

J.  A.  J.  PiPPiNGSKciLD,  Prof,  of  Midwifery  and  Children's  Diseases:  Mon- 
days and  Tuesdays,  12  to  2.  • 

: — , Prof,  of  Physiology : vacant. 

, Eye  Diseases:  temporarily  filled  by  Prof,  von  Becker. 

G.  A.  Asp,  Special  Dissector. 

Docents. 

Private  instruction  and  hospital  treatment,  with  explanations,  are  given  by 
S.  0.  Wasastjerna,  K.  G.  Hallsten,  L.  A.  Krohn,  J.  A.  Florin,  M.  G.  J. 
Stenback,  and.  F.  Saltzmam,  all  eminent  physicians  in  special  diseases. 

(854) 


DNIVERSITV  AT  HELSINGFORS. 


855 


IV.  FACULTY  OF  PHILOSOPHY. 

(a.)  Historico- Philological  Section. 

J.  J.  W.  Lagus,  Prof,  of  Greek:  from  12  to  1 every  day,  Plato's  Phaedo, 
Pindar's  Olympian^  and  Demosthenes'  Olynthian,  Euripides  Iphigenid  in  Tauris. 

Z.  J.  Cleve,  Prof,  of  Pedagoyy  and  Didactics:  from  1 to  2 every  day,  on 
School  Management. 

G.  Z.  Foreman,  Prof,  of  Universal  History : from  5 to  6 on  Mon.  and  Tues., 
History  of  IWi  Century ; and  Thurs.  and  Fri.,  The  Federal  System. 

Z.  Topelius,  Prof,  of  Finish^  Russian,  and  Scandinavian  History:  from 
6 to  7,  History  of  Finland  after  1157. 

A.  E.  Ahlqvist,  Prof,  of  Finish  Language  and  Literature. 

A.  F.  Nordqvist,  Prof,  of  Russian : from  5 to  6,  History  of  Literature  and 
Grammar. 

K.  G.  Estlander,  Prof,  of  Esthetics  and  Modern  Literature : from  5 to  6 on 
Mon.  and  Tues.,  History  of  Swedish  Literature;  and  Thurs.  and  Fri.,  Esthetics. 

K.  G.  T.  Rein,  Prof  of  Philosophy : from  6 to  7 every  day.  Psychology. 

, Prof,  of  Oriental  Literature : vacant. 

, Prof,  of  Latin  : vacant. 

A.  W.  Bolin,  Prof.  Extraordinary  of  Philosophy : from  5 to  6 on  Wed.  and 
Sat,  the  Attic  Philosophy. 

E.  A.  Strandman,  Prof.  Extraordinary  of  Oriental  Languages : from  9 to  10 
every  day. 

F.  J.  Petersen,  Prof.  Extraordinary  of  Latin:  from  11  to  12  everyday, 
on  Tibullus  and  Livius\  Wed.  and  Sat.,  from  4 to  7,  exercises. 

Docents. 

J.  L.  F.  Krohn,  Finish;  A.  0.  Freudenthal,  Old- Scandinavian  language; 
E.  Book,  Pedagogy;  0.  Donner,  Sanscrit  and  Comparative  Linguistics;  K.  A. 
R.  Tdtterman,  Semitic  languages ; J.  J.  F.  Perander,  Philosophy. 

(b.)  Physico- Mathematical  Section. 

A.  Moberg,  Prof,  of  Physics . Rector  of  the  University. 

L.  L.  Lindelof,  Prof,  of  Mathematics:  from  1 to  2,  Higher  Algebra  and 
Analytic  Geometry. 

K.  N.  A,  Krueger,  Prof,  of  Astronomy  from  10  to  11  on  Wed.  and  Sat, 
Spheric  Astronomy ; exercises  in  observations. 

S.  0.  Lindberg,  Prof,  of  Botany : from  9 to  11  on  Mon.  and  Tues.,  Morphol- 
ogy, and  the  Masses  in  the  North. 

F.  W.  Maklin,  Prof,  of  Zoology : from  11  to  12  every  day. 

J.  J.  Chydenius,  Prof,  of  Chemistry:  from  5 to  6^  Mon.  and  Thurs.,  prac- 
tical work  in  laboratory. 

, Prof,  of  Geology  and  Mineralogy : vacant 

A.  J.  Malmgren,  Prof.  Extraordinary  of  Zoology : from  11  to  12  on  Wed. 
and  Sat.,  Vertebrates  of  the  North. 

Docents. 

F.  J.  Wiik,  Geology  and  Mineralogy ; H.  A.  Wahlforss,  Chemistry ; K.  S. 
Lemstrom,  Physics ; A.  F.  Sundell,  Physics ; J.  P.  Norrlin,  Botany ; J.  R. 
Sahlberg,  Zoology. 

V.  university  lecturers. 

K.  A.  Gottlund,  Finish  Language  and  Literature;  B.  F.  Godenhjelm,  Ger- 
man; F.  L.  Martinson,  Russian;  Earl  G.  J.  P.  Armfelt,  French;  K.  G.  Borg, 
Finish;  H.  Paul,  German;  S.  V.'DAxVoeck,  Mercantile  Science;  E.  W.  Palander, 
Russian;  P.  T.  Stolpe,  English. 

VI.  special  instructors. 

F.  W.  Bergholm,  Gymnastics  and  Fencing ; A.  von  Becker,  Drawing ; F.  R. 
Faltin,  Music. 


JVote. — All  of  the  Professors  have  at  least  the  degree  of  Doctor  in  their  respective  faculties,  and 
most  of  them  have  received  evidence  of  distinction  in  other  departments  of  science,  none  of 
which  are  appended  to  their  names,  as  republished  in  the  above  list. 


856 


UNIVERSITY  AT  HELSINGFORS. 


The  catalogue  for  the  spring  term  of  1813  contains  the  names  of  100 
matriculated  students  (including  one  female,  Maria  Tshetschulin,  entered  as 
born  in  1852)  present,  and  excluding  over  100  students  matriculated  but  not  in 
residence.  To  be  matriculated  in  any  faculty,  the  aspirant  must  pass  an  ex- 
amination on  all  subjects  required  for  graduation  in  the  classical  Ijmeums,  and 
if  in  the  faculty  of  medicine,  he  must  have  graduated  in  the  philosophical 
faculty. 

The  lectures  in  any  faculty  can  be  attended  by  persons  not  matriculated,  and 
many  of  them  are  largely  attended  by  ladies. 

There  is  no  enforced  curriculum,  or  residence  required  for  an  examination  for 
a degree,  after  matriculation.  The  examination  for  degrees  varies  according  to 
the  faculty  and  the  degree. 

In  the  philosophical  faculty  there  are  two  degrees — that  of  Master,  and  that 
of  Doctor.  To  obtain  the  first,  the  candidates  must  pass  satisfactorily  in  five 
subjects,  in  one  of  which  he  must  rank  in  the  highest  out  of  three  grades  of 
merit.  The  time  usually  required  to  master  these  subjects  is  from  4 to  6 years, 
but  these  need  not  have  been  spent  in  continuous  residence.  To  obtain  the 
degree  of  Doctor,  the  aspirants  must  be  Master,  and  pass  in  three  subjects,  and 
then  write  and  print  a thesis,  and  publicly  defend  the  same  in  one  of  the 
halls  of  the  university,  before  the  professors  of  the  faculty. 

In  the  other  faculties  there  are  two  degrees,  that  of  Candidate  and  that  of 
Doctor.  To  obtain  the  latter,  the  aspirant  must  have  the  diploma  of  Master  of 
Philosophy  and  of  Candidate,  and  write  and  defend  a thesis ; and  to  become 
Doctor  of  Medicine,  he  must,  in  addition,  have  practiced  two  years  in  the 
hospitals. 

Every  three  years  there  is  a Commencement  or  Promotion  Day,  of  all  candi- 
dates for  any  degree  in  the  philosophical  faculty.  Each  young  master  is  then 
crowned  with  laurel  and  awarded  his  diploma  in  the  presence  of  all  the  juhel- 
magisirar  (graduates  of  fifty  years  ago),  and  the  young  doctors  receive  each  a 
doctor’s  hat.  . These  festivities  are  quite  popular,  and  attended  by  the  older 
graduates,  and  the  relations  and  friends  of  all  the  young,  enlivened  with 
spirited  addresses,  and  closed  with  a grand  ball  in  the  evening  to  the  special 
gratification  of  the  ladies. 

Besides  these  learned  degrees,  there  are  examinations  for  special  professions, 
for  ministers,  lawyers,  teachers,  etc.,  which  are  required  for  obtaining  any  offi- 
cial appointment.  The  aspirants  for  these  are  not  obliged  to  take  any  philo- 
sophical degree  before  entering  their  respective  faculties. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  GREECE. 


AREA — POPULATION — GOVERNMENT. 

The  Kingdom  of  Greece,  as  recognized  by  France,  England,  and  Rus- 
sia in  1830,  and  by  the  annexation  of  the  Ionian  Islands  in  1866,  em- 
braces an  area  of  19,941  square  miles,  and  a population  in  1861,  of 
1,322,508.  The  boundaries  are  not  identical  with  those  of  ancient  Hel- 
las, although  most  of  the  spots  embalmed  in  the  undying  memories  of 
the  bravery,  art,  and  literature  of  the  Hellenic  race  are  included  in  modern 
Greece.  The  present  constitution  of  Greece,  elaborated  by  a Constitu- 
tional Assembly  elected  in  December,  1863,  was  adopted  by  almost  uni- 
versal suffrage,  October  29,  1864.  It  vests  the  whole  legislative  power 
in  a single  chamber  of  representatives,  called  the  Boule,  elected  by  uni- 
versal suffrage.  The  election  must  take  place  by  ballot,  and  each  candi- 
date must  be  put  in  nomination  by  the  requisition  of  at  least  one-thirtieth 
of  the  voters  of  an  electoral  district.  The  voting  takes  place  in  a peculiar 
manner,  by  means  of  ballot-boxes,  into  which  balls  are  dropped ; there 
being  one  box  for  each  candidate,  and  every  voter  being  at  liberty  to  give 
his  vote  either  for  or  against  each. 

The  Boule,  or  Legislative  Assembly,  must  meet  annually,  for  not  less 
than  three,  or  more  than  six  months ; and  no  sitting  is  valid  unless  at 
least  one-half  of  the  members  declared  to  be  duly  elected  are  present ; 
and  no  bill  can  pass  into  law  without  an  absolute  majority  of  members. 
Every  measure,  before  being  adopted,  must  be  discussed  with  open 
doors,  and  voted  on,  article  by  article,  thrice,  and  on  three  separate 
days. 

The  Executive  is  vested  in  the  King,  the  present  incumbent  being 
George  I.,  second  son  of  Prince  Christian  of  Denmark,  elected  by  the 
National  Assembly  at  Athens,  March  18  (30th),  1863,  under  the  sanction 
of  the  three  European  powers  which  in  1830  guaranteed  the  independ- 
ence of  the  country. 

The  King  is  assisted  by  six  responsible  Ministers  and  a Council  of 
State.  The  Ministers  (Foreign  Affairs,  Interior,  Finance,  Public  Worship 
and  Education,  Marine,  and  War),  are  appointed  by  the  King.  The 
members  of  the  Council  of  State  (not  less  than  fifteen  nor  more  than 
twenty-five)  are  named  by  the  King,  at  the  recommendation  of  the  Min- 
isters, hold  office  for  ten  years,  and  receive  a 7,000  drachmas  salary. 

* The  main  facts  in  this  summary  are  drawn  from  the  Statesman's  Manual, 

(857) 


858 


PUBLIC  IMSTRUCTION  IN  GREECE. 


There  is  a universal  toleration  for  all  religious  creeds  ; but  the  Greek 
Church,  to  which  nine-tenths  of  the  population  belong,  is  established  by 
law.  The  ecclesiastical  government  of  this  church  is  under  eleven  arch- 
bishops and  thirteen  bishops,  who  meet  in  annual  synod,  presided  over 
by  the  metropolitan  of  Athens.  The  Greek  clergy  owe  allegiance  to  the 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  who  is  elected  by  the  votes  of  the  bishops 
and  optimates,  subject  to  the  Sultan.  The  Orthodox  Greek  Church  dif- 
fers from  the  Church  of  Rome  as  to  the  honor  given  to  the  later  General 
Councils,  the  number  of  sacraments,  the  use  of  both  kinds  by  the  laity 
in  the  eucharist,  the  time  of  observing  Easter,  the  doctrine  of  purgatory, 
the  mode  of  making  the  sign  of  the  cross,  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy,  and 
the  use  of  scriptures  by  the  laity ; and  at  the  same  time  agrees  with  it 
in  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  the  invocation  of  the  Virgin  and 
the  saints,  in  priestly  absolution,  and  the  efficacy  of  the  sacraments. 

The  whole  of  Greece  is  divided  into  ten  nomarchies,  or  prefectures ; 
these  ten  nomarchies  represent  thirty-five  eparchies,  or  sub-prefectures  ; 
and  these  eparchies  are  each,  again,  made  up  of  demarchies,  or  com- 
munes, to  one  of  which  every  member  of  the  State  must  belong  for  him- 
self and  family.  These  communes  are  distributed  into  three  classes: — 
Class  1,  containing  a population  of  10,000  and  upwards;  class  2,  from 
2,000  to  10,000;  class  3,  less  than  2,000. 

Every  town  or  village  numbering  300  inhabitants  and  upwards  can 
claim  to  be  constituted  into  a distinct  commune,  or  Towns  or 

villages  in  which  the  population  falls  under  this  figure  belong  to  the 
nearest  commune  in  their  vicinity.  The  number  of  demoi  is,  of  the  1st 
class,  7 ; of  the  2d  class,  217;  of  the  third  class,  56;  total,  280. 

Each  demos  has  a communal  council  composed  of  eighteen  members, 
if  in  the  first  class;  twelve  members,  if  in  the  second  class;  and  six  mem- 
bers, if  in  the  third.  Every  demos  fs  presided  over  by  a demarch,  or 
mayor,  whose  office  is  nominally  honorary,  but  who,  nevertheless,  re- 
ceives from  the  commune  certain  funds  for  the  payment  of  persons 
whom  he  employs,  as  well  as  extraordinary  personal  remuneration  under 
various  heads.  Every  commune  is  provided,  if  of  the  first  class,  with 
six  assessors  or  aldermen  (rdptJpot)  ; if  of  the  second  class,  with  4 ; and 
if  of  the  third  class,  with  four. 

The  privileges  of  the  commune,  or  demos,  consist  in  the  right  to  con- 
tract loans,  levy  local  taxes,  and  elect  by  universal  suflTrage  the  com- 
munal magistrates.  Their  obligations  are  to  meet  the  Government  taxes 
on  the  municipal  tax-list,  to  support  the  elementary  schools  beyond  the 
State  appropriation,  build  and  maintain  local  roads  and  bridges. 

The  industry  of  Greece  is  mainly  agricultural,  but  grain  corn  is  not 
raised  in  sufficient  quantities  to’  meet  the  home  demand.  The  best  crop 
is  that  of  the  currant  {papolina\  of  which  large  quantities  are  exported. 
Not  one-seventh  of  the  territory  is  under  cultivation,  although  the  soil 
is  varied  and  the  climate  is  genial,  and  the  water-power  abundant,  and 
all  outward  circumstances  are  favorable  to  diversified  labor. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  MODERN  GREECE. 


859 


SUMMARIES  AND  STATISTICS  FOR  1868-9. 

From  official  documents  addressed  to  the  king,  printed  in  Athens  in 
1869,  for  which  we  are  indebted  to  Mr.  Rangabe,  the  Minister  Resident 
at  Washington,  we  gather  the  following  summaries  and  statistics: 

The  kingdom  of  Greece,  including  the  Ionian  Islands  annexed  in  1864,* 
had  an  area  of  19,941  square  miles,  with  a population  of  1,325,479. 

The  establishment,  extension  and  improvement  of  schools  has  been 
a cardinal  principle  with  the  government  and  the  people  since  the  organ- 
ization of  the  kingdom,  and  considering  the  fact  that  at  the  close  of  the 
war  of  independance  only  nine  towns  had  escaped  even  partial  destruc- 
tion, and  the  work  of  building  houses  and  developing  homesteads  has 
had  to  go  on  with  constructing  roads  and  public  buildings,  the  progress 
of  education  has  been  rapid,  and  the  following  results  in  institutions, 
teachers  and  pupils  are  highly  creditable  : 

In  the  following  summary  the  statistics  are  partly  for  1866  and  partly 
for  1868-9. 

I.  The  University  at  Athens  has  an  aggregate  of  1,205  students  and  53 
professors,  distributed  as  follows : — 


Professors  and  Teachers. 

Students. 

Theology, 

5 

29 

Law  and  Public  Economy, 

9 

673 

Medicine  and  Pharmacy, . . 

16 

340 

Philosophy, 

21 

151 

Each  faculty  elects  its  own  rector  and  a representative,  who  with  the 
president  appointed  by  the  king,  constitute  the  academic  council.  The 
University  is  represented  in  the  national  legislature  b}'’  a member  elected 
by  the  whole  body  of  professors.  Connected  with  the  Universit}'  is  a 
Philological  and  Pedagogical  Seminary  for  the  training  of  professors  and 
teachers  of  gymnasia  and  special  schools.  The  library,  botanical  garden, 
museum  of  natural  history,  the  observatory,  collection  of  coins  and 
antiquities,  chemical  laboratory,  hospital  for  practice  and  demonstration 
in  medicine  and  pharmacy,  are  all  on  a respectable  scale.  The  salaries 
of  the  professors  are  paid  by  the  government,  and  incidental  expenses 
are  met  by  income  of  endowments.  Instruction  is  free.  From  1837  to 
September  1869,  5,245  students  have  frequented  the  university,  of  whom 
1,377  have  gone  through  the  regular  course  required  for  the  graduating 
diploma.  The  students  represent  every  section  of  Greece. 

♦ By  the  trenty  of  Paris  in  1815,  the  seven  Ionian  Islands — Corfu  w ith  a population  in  1861  of 
70,124,  Cephalonia  with  73.571,  Zante  with  39,693,  Santo  Maura  with  20,797,  Ithaca,  with  11,- 
940,  Cerigo  with  14,564,  and  Paxo  with  5.009,  a total  population  of  2.35,678,  were  declared  a sin- 
gle, free  and  independent  state  under  the  protectorate  of  Great  Britain,  represented  hy  a Lord 
High  Commissioner.  In  1864  these  islands,  after  a popular  vote  approving  the  same,  were  trans- 
ferred and  made  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Greece.  Under  British  protection  a system  of  public 
schools  was  established,  which  at  the  date  of  the  transfer  embraced  100  District  Schools  with  6,005 
pupils  ; two  Classical  High  Schools  with  112  pupils  ; one  Lyceum  or  College  with  80  students  at 
Zante ; one  of  a higher  order  at  Corfu  with  73  pupils  and  a library  of  30,000  volumes  , and  an 
Agricultural  College  with  140  pupils. 


860 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  MODERN  GREECE. 


II.  The  second  grade  of  instruction  is  represented  by  1 6 gymnasiums, 
or  classical  schools,  with  105  professors  and  2,094  students,  and  129 
Hellenic  high  schools  with  6,643  pupils,  under  256  teachers — an  aggre- 
gate of  8,737  pupils  and  361  teachers.  To  this  grade  of  schools  should 
be  added  93  private  schools,  some  of  which  are  of  a superior  order,  and 
most  of  them  compare  favorably  with  the  public  high  schools  and  impart 
instruction  to  5,252  pupils,  more  than  half  of  whom  are  girls. 

III.  The  elementary  schools,  viz.,  877  for  boys,  and  134  for  girls,  un- 
der 1,074  teachers,  educate  54,406  pupils.  These  1,011  common  schools 
are  distributed  through  all  the  nomarchics  (counties)  and  islands. 


Table. — Elementary  and  Secondary  Public  Schools  in  1868. 


Nomarchics. 

j Gymnasia.  j 

Head  Masters  and 
Professors. 

Students. 

Hellenic  (Real) 
Schools. 

Teachers. 

1 Students. 

Common  Schools  j 
for  Boys. 

Teachers. 

Pupils. 

Common  Schools 
for  Girls. 

Teachers. 

•e 

M 

Attica  and  Boeotia.. . 

3 

24 

753 

9 

31 

:1,138 

63 

' 72 

I 4,416 

17 

28 

1,726 

Phthiotis  and  Phocis, 

1 

7 

33 

10 

19 

* 373 

84 

87 

i 3,087 

9 

9 

661 

Acarnania  & ^tolia, 

1 

6 

66 

14 

1 22 

328 

63 

, 63 

: 2,973 

9 

9 

656 

Euboea, 

1 

6 

111 

8 

18 

505 

41 

j 45 

1 2,507 

9 

10 

736 

Cyclades, 

1 

6 

176 

18 

36 

875 

66 

69 

5,029 

22 

25 

1,383 

Achaia  and  Elis,.. . . 

1 

6 

192 

8 

18 

633 

93 

; 94 

4,641 

9 

10 

651 

Argolis  and  Corinth, 

] 

6 

180 

10 

26 

792 

79 

’ 88 

5,427 

13 

15 

1,435 

Arcadia, 

1 

6 

139 

16 

30 

688 

85 

1 88 

5,325 

12 

13 

545 

Laconia, 

1 

6 

82 

8| 

16 

358 

1 84 

85 

3,377 

9 

9 

320 

Messenia, 

1 

6 

121 

10 

20 

457 

64 

66 

4,226 

14 

15 

657 

Zante, 

1 

6 

73 

1 

3 

167 

' 31 

35 

563 

1 

1 

57 

Cephalonia, 

1 

7 

35 

2 

6 

169 

51 

52 

1,675 

4 

6 

189 

Corfu, 

2 

15 

113 

5 

11 

197 

73 

71 

1,848 

6 

7 

296 

16 

105  2,094 

119'256 

6,643  877 

917 

45,094] 

134 

157 

9,312 

Besides  the  regular  elementary  schools  there  are  three  orphan  asylums 
with  158  pupils  (80  girls  and  70  boys). 

IV.  Under  the  head  of  Special  Instruction  may  be  mentioned — 

Five  Theological  Seminaries,  viz,,  one  at  Athens,  recently  endowed  by 

the  brothers  Rizaris ; one  at  Tripolis,  one  at  Chalcis,  one  in  Syra,  and  one 
at  Corfu ; the  one  at  Athens  is  of  a higher  order. 

Five  Nautical  Schools  established  in  1867,  viz.,  one  in  Syra,  one  in 
Hydra,  one  in  Spetses,  one  in  Galaxidi,  and  one  in  Cephalonia.  The 
pupils  who  pass  a successful  examination  receive  a diploma  to  serve  in 
the  merchant  service. 

One  School  of  Art,  and  fourteen  Drawing  Schools. 

One  School  of  Agriculture. 

One  Military  and  Civil  Polytechnic  Academy. 

One  Teachers’  Seminary  with  a model  school  attached. 

V.  The  government  appropriates  liberally  to  the  department  of  edu- 
cation, the  expenditures  for  1868  amounting  to  1,653,446  drachmas 
($300,000). 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  TURKEY. 

Provisions  in  the  Law  on  Public  Instruction — 1869. 


II.  IMPERIAL  UNIVERSITY. 

§ 79.  There  is,  established  at  Constantinople,  an  Imperial  University. 

(1.)  Faculties  and  Subjects  of  Instruction. 

§80.  The  Imperial  University  has  three  faculties,  viz. ; 1.  Literature;  2. 
Law ; 3.  Natural  science  and  mathematics. 

a. — Literature. 

§ 81  The  following  subjects  are  taught  in  the  faculty  of  literature  : anthro- 
pology, psychology,  logic,  rhetoric,  morals,  natural  law,  philosophy  of  history, 
Arabic,  Persian,  Turkish,  French,  Greek,  and  Latin,  comparative  philology, 
metrics,  universal  history,  archeology,  numismatics. 

b. — Law. 

§ 82.  The  following  subjects  are  taught  in  the  faculty  of  law : Mohammedan 
religious  and  civil  laws,  Roman  law,  French  Law,  commercial  and  maritime  law 
penal  code,  laws  of  administration,  national  law,  and  ijolitical  economy. 

c. — Natural  Science  and  Mathematics. 

§ 83.  In  the  faculty  of  natural  sciences  and  mathematics  the  following  sub- 
jects are  taught : astronomy,  physics,  chemistry,  geology,  mineralogy,  botany, 
zoology,  geometry,  trigonometry,  geometry  applied  to  algebra,  analytical  and 
descriptive  geometry,  differential  and  integral  calculus,  rational  and  applied  me- 
chanics, cosmography,  history  of  physical  and  natural  sciences,  and  of  mathe- 
matics. 

§84.  The  language  employed  at  the  university  is  Turkish.  It  is,  however, 
permitted  to  teach  in  French  till  there  is  a sufficient  number  of  professors  capable 
of  teaching  in  Turkish. 

§ 85.  The  course  of  studies  in  every  faculty  covers  three  years  for  the  degree 
of  licentiate,  and  four  years  for  the  doctor-degree. 

§ 86  A detailed  programme  for  the  classes  of  every  foculty  is  prepared  by 
the  j)rofessors  of  each  faculty  at  the  commencement  of  the  scholastic  year  and  by 
the  director  of  the  university,  submitted  to  the  minister  of  public  instruction  for 
his  approval. 

§ 87.  The  lectures  are  all  oral  and  public,  and  anybody  may  attend. 

(2.)  The  Students. 

§ 88.  Every  young  man  who  has  reached  the  age  of  16  may  be  inscribed  as 
student  at  the  University,  by  conforming  himself  to  the  existing  regulations. 

§ 89.  He  must  first  name  his  place  of  residence  at  Constantinople,  and  pre- 
sent a correspondent,  to  whom  the  dean  of  the  faculty  can  address  himself  if 
necessary. 

§ 90.  The  candidate  must  there,  before  a committee  consisting  of  one  professor 
of  each  faculty,  undergo  an  examination  in  Turkish,  general  history,  geography, 
. arithmetic,  geometry,  algebra,  physics,  and  logic. 

§ 91.  If  after  this  examination  the  committee  consider  the  candidate  admissi- 
ble, they  furnish  him  with  a certificate,  in  virtue  of  which  the  candidate  may  in- 
scribe his  name  in  the  register  of  the  University  by  paying  one-half  lira  (100 
piasters  — 18s.). 

§ 92.  A candidate  who  presents  a certificate  from  some  recognized  government- 
school,  attesting  that  he  has  satisfactorily  studied  the  subjects  mentioned  in  §90, 
is  exempt  from  this  examination. 


862 


LAW  ON  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION,  1869. 


§ 93.  During  the  first  fortnight  of  every  three-months’  term,  the  student  must 
in  person  renew  his  inseription  and  pay  one-quarter  lira  every  term. 

§ 94.  In  order  to  be  able  to  do  this,  the  student  must  present  certificates  from 
all  the  professors  of  his  faculty  testifying  that  he  diligently  employed  his  time. 

§ 95.  Every  student  who  infringes  the  regulations  of  the  University,  is  repri- 
manded by  the  professors  ; after  a third  reprimand  he  loses  one  or  two  inscrip- 
tions, and  if  no  improvement  is  visible  after  this,  he  can  be  excluded  for  the  space 
of  from  one  month  to  one  year  from  the  University. 

§ 96.  Loss  of  inscription,  and  exclusion,  can  only  be  pronounced  by  the  uni- 
versity-council. 

§ 97.  All  the  students  live  and  board  in  town. 

(3.)  The  Professors. 

§ 98.  The  professors  and  teachers  of  the  university  are  chosen  in  conformity 
with  the  chapter  of  this  law  relating  to  the  professorate. 

§ 99.  The  salaries  are  fixed  at  the  following  rate ; professors,  2,500  to  5,000 
piasters,  and  teachers  1,500  to  2,500  piasters  per  month. 

§ 100.  Every  student  must  daily  put  his  name  on  the  student’s  register,  and 
the  professors  must,  once  a week,  examine  these  registers,  to  note  who  is  absent. 

§ 101.  Every  term  (of  three  months  each)  the  professors  give  certificates  of 
assiduity  to  those  students  who  have  studied  diligently  and  regularly. 

(4.)  Examinations. 

§ 102.  At  the  end  of  every  year  each  student,  who  has  obtained  four  inscrip- 
tions, must  undergo  an  examination  on  all  the  subjects  taught  during  the  year ; 
he  can  not  claim  his  fifth  inscription  if  he  has  not  passed  his  first  examination, 
nor  his  9th  if  he  has  not  passed  his  second  examination,  &c. 

§ 103.  At  the  end  of  the  third  year  each  student  has  to  pass  two  examinations, 
one  on  the  course  of  the  last  year  and  one  on  the  w hole  three  years’  course. 

§ 104.  The  student  who  comes  out  victoriously  from  this  two-fold  trial  sub- 
mits to  the  dean  of  his  faculty  the  thesis  which  he  has  written,  on  some  subject 
given  by  the  faculty.  If  the  dean  considers  it  presentable,  he  authorizes  the  stu- 
dent to  defend  his  thesis  before  the  examining-jury  composed  of  the  professors 
of  the  faculty. 

§ 105.  Every  student,  w'ho  defends  his  thesis  successfully,  receives  a certificate  as 
“ licentiate,”  with  the  seal  of  the  University  and  signed  by  the  dean  and  secretary 
of  the  faculty  as  well  as  by  the  rector  of  the  university.  This  certificate  is  ac- 
cording to  the  terms  of  the  examination-regulations  converted  into  a diploma  as 
“ licentiate.” 

§ 106.  Students  who  aspire  to  the  doctor-degree,  must,  after  having  obtained 
their  diploma  as  licentiate,  take  out  inscriptions  for  one  year  longer,  pass  another 
examination,  and  defend  another  thesis.  If  they  are  successful  and  obtain  a 
certificate,  the  Imperial  counsel  of  public  instruction  furnishes  them  with  the 
doctor-diploma. 

§ 107.  The  examination-fee  is,  for  every  examination,  two  Turkish  liras, 
which  go  to  the  treasury  of  the  University. 

( 5 . ) Administration. 

§ 108.  The  university  is  placed  under  the  supervision  of  a " rector,”  appointed 
by  the  Imperial  “ Irade  ” on  the  recommendation  of  the  minister  of  pul)lic  in- 
struction. 

§ 109.  The  rector  must  see  that  all  the  regulations  are  properly  carried  out ; 
he  must  superintend  the  conduct  of  the  students,  must  warn  them,  and  report 
them  to  their  tutors,  and,  if  necessary,  to  the  minister  of  public  instruction. 

§ 1 10.  Every  year  the  rector  publicly  gives  an  account  of  all  he  has  done 
during  the  year,  of  the  state  of  the  university  and  of  projected  improvements. 

§111,  Every  faculty  elects  a dean  from  its  own  number  for  the  term  of 
one  year. 

§ 112,  The  dean  of  each  faculty  convokes  the  professors  of  his  faculty  when- 
ever he  deems  it  necessary,  and  holds  council  with  them. 

§ 1 13.  The  deans  of  the  faculty  under  the  presidency  of  the  rector  of  the  uni- 
versity, form  the  university-council  which  decides  on  the  programme  of  studies,  the 


LAW  ON  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION,  1869.  863 

discipline  of  the  uulvcrsity,  current  business,  improvements  to  be  introduced,  or 
to  l)e  recommended  to  the  minister  of  public  instruction. 

§ 114.  Every  faculty  has  a secretary,  chosen  by  the  faculty  from  among  its 
own  members  for  the  term  of  one  year. 

§115.  The  secretary  must  take  the  minutes  of  the  livculty-meetings,  has 
charire  of  the  correspondence  and  the  preservation  of  the  archives. 

§ 116.  The  salary  of  the  rector  is  7,500  piasters  per  month  ; the  deans  receive 
besides  their  salaries' as  professors,  a monthly  sum  of  1,000  piasters. 

§ 117.  There  is  one  superintendent  (surveillant)  for  each  class,  the  university 
maintains  besides  a number  of  servants.  The  superintendents  rLceivc  300  pias- 
ters per  month,  and  the  servants  from  150  to  250  piasters. 

(6.)  Vacations. 

§ 118.  There  are,  at  the  Imperial  University,  the  following  vacations  : 1.  Fri- 
day and  Sunday  in  every  week;  2.  Festival  days  of  the  community  ; 3.  The 
festival  days  of  Ramazan  ; 4.  The  month  following  the  examinations ; 5.  The 
anniversary  of  the  Sultan’s  accession  to  the  throne. 

(7.)  Library. 

§ 119.  A library  is  formed  in  the  university-building. 

§ 1 20.  The  librarian  is  appointed  by  the  Imperial  “ Irade  ” on  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  rector  and  minister  of  public  instruction.  The  librarian’s  salary 
is  2,500  piasters  per  month. 

§ 121.  An  annual  sum  of  25,000  piasters  is  appropriated  for  the  library. 

§ 122.  The  library  is  permitted  to  receive  donations  and  legacies  from  private 
individuals,  and  make  exchanges  with  other  libraries. 

§ 123.  The  library  is  open  every  day  for  the  students  and  the  professors  of  the 
university,  and,  at  certain  stated  times,  for  the  public. 

(8.)  Budget. 

§ 124.  The  university  has  a special  treasury  confided  to  a treasurer,  who  is 
appointed  by  Imperial  “ Irade  ” on  recommendation  by  the  rector  and  the  min- 
ister of  public  instruction. 

§ 125.  The  sources  of  income  are  the  following  : 1.  The  inscription  fees  and 
certificates  ; 2.  Donations  and  legacies  from  private  individuals;  3 An  annual 
subsidy  from  the  imperial  government,  intended  to  cover  any  annual  deficit. 

§ 126.  The  expenses  of  the  University  are  : 1.  The  salaries  of  the  reetor,  the 
professors  and  employees ; 2.  The  heating  of  the  establishment ; 3.  Repairs  and 
the  annual  subsidy  to  the  library. 

§ 127.  The  annual  account  of  income  and  expenditure  must  be  handed  in  to 
the  imperial  council  of  public  instruction. 

§ 128.  There  will  be  established  in  connection  with  the  university  a museum 
of  natural  history,  a collection  of  coins,  and  a chemical  laboratory.  These  insti- 
tutions will  have  their  separate  staff*  of  officials. 

II.  PRIVATE  OR  NON-GOVERNMENT  SCHOOLS.  {ScoleS  UhreS.) 

§129.  The  “ecoles  ” are  those  schools  which  have  been  founded  by 
communes,  associations,  or  by  private  individuals,  both  Turkish  subjects  and 
foreigners.  Instruction  in  these  schools  is  gratuitous,  the  expenses  being  borne 
by  their  founders.  The  foundation  of  “ ecoles  libres  ” in  the  provinces  must  be 
sanctioned  by  the  governor-general  and  the  academical  council,  and  at  Constan- 
tinople by  the  ministry  of  public  instruction.  This  sanction  will  only  be  given 
on  the  following  conditions  : 1 . The  teachers  and  professors  must  have  a certifi- 
cate of  capacity  or  diploma  from  the  ministry  of  public  instruction,  or  from  the 
local  academical  council ; 2.  The  programmes  of  instruction  and  the  text-books 
used  in  these  schools  must  be  approved  by  the  ministry  of  public  instruction,  or 
the  local  academical  council.  Every  “ ecole  libre  ” which  has  been  opened  with- 
out fulfilling  these  conditions  will  be  closed  by  the  authorities. 

§ 130.  It  is  expressly  forbidden  for  the  teachers  to  maltreat  stubborn  or  idle 
scholars,  or  use  any  abusive  language.  The  different  degrees  of  punishments 
will  be  indicated  in  a special  code  of  instructions.  Any  violation  of  these  rules 
will  be  punished  according  to  law.  The  regulation  mentioned  in  this  section,  has 
reference  to  the  public  schools  as  well  as  to  the  ‘^ecoles  libres.*^ 


864 


LAW  ON  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION,  1869. 


n.  ADMINISTRATION  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION 

I — IMPERIAL  COUNCIL  OF  PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION. 

§ 131.  There  will  be  established  at  Constantinople  a great  or  imperial  council 
of  public  instruction,  which  will  be  presided  over  by  the  minister,  and  will  be 
divided  into  a scientific  and  administrative  section. 

§ 132.  The  general  assembly  of  the  imperial  council  will  consist  of  its  two 
united  sections,  two  state-counselors,  two  counselors  of  the  supi'cme  court  of 
justice,  two  “ ulemas,"  two  general  officers  of  the  army,  and  the  spiritual  head 
of  the  ditferent  denominations.  It  assembles  twice  a year,  under  the  presidency 
of  tlie  Minister,  and  will  continue  in  session  as  long  as  is  required  by  its  busi- 
ness. 

Scientific  Section. 

§ 133.  The  scientific  section  will  assemble  twice  a week.  It  will  have  a presi- 
dent, permanent,  honorary  and  correspondent  members.  The  permanent  mem- 
bers must  be  Turkish  subjects;  their  number  will  be  eight.  The  number  of 
honorary  members  is  not  restricted.  Two  secretaries  will  be  attached  to  this 
section,  and  the  coiTesponding  secretary  must  know  the  French  language.  Deans 
of  faculties,  and  directors  of  superior  schools,  are,  by  right,  members  of  the  scien- 
tific section,  and  must  be  present  whenever  specially  wanted. 

§ 134.  The  special  object  of  the  scientific  section  is,  to  provide  by  original 
composition  on  translation,  and  by  offer  of  rewards,  diplomas,  and  in  other  ways, 
all  text-books  and  other  works  required  for  the  study  of  the  classical,  and  the 
Turkish  languages,  and  of  science  and  art.  The  State  grants  an  annual  subsidy 
of  one  million  of  piasters  for  the  pay"  of  authors  and  translators  employed  in  this 
service, 

§ 135.  The  members  of  the  scientific  section  are  responsible  officials,  and  must 
at  the  end  of  the  year,  render  an  account  of  the  work  done, 

§ 136.  The  permanent  members  of  the  scientific  section  are  chosen  from 
Turkish  subjects  who  are  acquainted  with  one  of  the  following  languages  : Ara- 
bic, Grc  k,  Latin,  or  one  of  the  principal  languages  of  Europe ; who  are  thor- 
oughly versed  with  one  science,  as  well  as  with  the  Turkish  language  and  litera- 
ture, and  are  able  to  compose  and  translate  in  this  language. 

§ 137.  Honorary  members  are  privileged  to  correspond  with  the  scientific 
section,  to  bring  to  its  knowledge  all  researches,  experiences  discoveries,  and 
works  in  literature  and  science,  and  to  be  present  at  the  extraordinary  sessions 
which  are  held  once  every  three  months. 

Administrative  Section. 

§ 138.  The  administrative  section  is  composed  of  one  president,  two  vice-pres- 
idents, and  four  general-inspectors,  half  Mohammedan  and  half  non-Mohamme- 
dan, as  well  as  of  six  extra  members,  of  whom  one-third  are  non-Mohammedans. 
A general  secretary  is  attached  to  the  section,  who  will  attend  every  day,  and  is 
charged  with  the  superintendence  of  all  the  schools  of  the  capital  and  the  provin- 
ces, the  academic  councils,  libraries,  museums,  and  imperial  printing  establish- 
ments. This  section  is  charged  with  the  nomination  of  professors,  the  examina- 
tion of  all  differences  among  professors,  and  the  supervision  of  everything  relating 
to  public  instruction,  and  the  preparation  of  the  annual  budget. 

§ 139.  The  two  sections  will  unite  as  often  as  is  deemed  necessary"  under  the 
president  of  that  section,  to  whose  domain  the  affair  belongs,  which  has  caused 
the  united  assembly. 

§ 140.  The  salaries  of  members  of  these  two  sections  will  be  as  follows : Each 
president,  7,500  piasters ; each  member,  4000  piasters  per  month ; general  secre- 
taries, 3,000  piasters.  All  of  whom  are  appointed  by  the  minister  of  public  in- 
struction. 

§ 141.  There  will  be  attached  to  both  sections  a bureau  of  correspondence  and 
a bureau  of  accounts. 

§ 142.  The  treasury  of  public  instruction,  in  the  city  of  Constantinople,  will 
be  managed  by  a special  functionary. 


SUPERIOE  INSTRUCTION  IN  SPAIN. 


INTRODUCTION. 

Prior  to  1300,  in  the  disturbed  condition  of  the  Iberian  peninsula,  the 
schools  and  universities  of  Italy  and  France  were  much  resorted  to  by 
Spanish  youth,  not  a few  of  whom  became  distinguished  both  as  students  and 
professors,  at  Bologna,  Naples,  Horae,  and  Paris.  In  1260  a Spaniard  was 
made  rector  at  Padua ; and  at  Bologna  the  College  of  St.  Clement  was  instituted 
and  endowed  for  the  education  of  his  countrymen  who  resorted  there,  by 
Cardinal  Carillo  de  Albornoz,  Archbishop  of  Toledo. 

Averroes  (more  properly  Ahul-  Walid),  whose  commentaries  on  Aristotle, 
and  philosopliical  and  physiological  views,  based  on  the  works  of  the  Grecian 
philosopher  with  which  he  appears  to  have  been  acquainted  only  through  a 
Syriac  translation,  were  much  studied,  not  only  in  the  Arabian  but  in  the 
Christian  schools  of  the  13th  and  14th  centuries,  was  born  at  Cordova,  Spain, 
about  1149.  His  father,  who  was  chief  judge  and  master,  instructed  him  in 
Mohammedan  jurisprudence;  in  theology  and  philosophy  he  was  taught  by 
Tophail,  and  in  medicine  by  Ibr  Zohr,  the  elder.  He  succeeded  his  father  in 
his  civil  offices,  and  was  afterwards  appointed  chief  judge  in  the  province  of 
Mauritania,  of  which  he  was  deprived  by  the  decision  of  an  ecclesiastical 
tribunal  on  account  of  his  Mohammedan  heterodoxy,  but  was  restored  by 
Calif  Almansor.  He  died  in  Moroccoabout  1217  [to  1220].  His  commentaries 
on  Aristotle  contained  a system  of  philosophy  which  was  not  in  harmony  with 
either  the  Christian  or  Mohammedan  teaching,  and  the  sect  known  in  Italy  as 
Averroests  were  condemned  by  the  last  council  of  the  Lateran  under  Leo  X. 

It  was  through  Averroes’  translations  and  commentaries  that  Aristotle  was 
chiefly  studied,  and  a pantheistic  philosophy,  and  natural  science  prevailed  in 
the  schools.  To  combat  the  skeptical,  and  it  was  regarded  anti-church 
tendency  of  this  teaching,  the  study  of  Aristotle’s  physics  and  metaphysics  was 
interdicted  in  the  University  of  Paris,  by  the  statutes  of  Robert  de  Cour9on,  in 
1210,  and  a little  later  a systematic  effort  was  began  on  the  part  of  the 
Dominican  Friars  to  establish  a course  of  theological  study  both  at  Cologne 
and  Paris,  which  culminated  in  the  triumphant  labors  of  Abertus  Magnus,  and 
his  greater  disciple  Thomas  of  Aquin,  both  of  whom  were  admitted  to 
university  honors  and  chairs  in  1257.  The  heaviest  blow  which  the  doctrines 
of  Averroes  received  was  from  St.  Thomas,  in  his  treatise  on  the  ‘Unity  of  the 
Intellect,’  and  in  his  commentaries  on  Aristotle,  in  which  he  used  the  Aristotelian 
system  of  reasoning  to  annihilate  all  opposition  to  the  truths  of  Christianity, 
and  to  combine  reason  and  faith  into  a system  of  Christian  philosophy.  This 
philosophy,  as  presented  in  his  great  work  the  ‘ Summa  Theological'  was 
formally  recognized  in  the  universities  of  Paris,  Oxford,  Cambridge,  Bologne, 
Padua,  Rome,  Naples,  Toulouse,  Salamanca,  Alcala,  Cologne,  and  T^ouvain. 

55 


866 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SPAIN. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  SALAMANCA. 

Salamanca,  a large  city  and  military  station  under  Roman  domination,  and 
an  early  seat  of  a bishop  and  a cathedral  church  under  the  Christian  Church, 
became  a university  town  in  1239,  under  Alonzo  IX.  of  the  kingdom  of  Leon. 
When  the  two  kingdoms  of  Leon  and  Castile  were  united  under  St.  Ferdinand, 
the  University  of  Palencia  (founded  by  Alonzo  VIII.  of  Castile,  in  1209),  was 
merged  in  that  of  Salamanca,  and  in  1243  received  from  the  King  and  the  Pope 
new  statutes  and  privileges,  which  were  enlarged  by  his  successor  in  1254; 
and  again  in  1300.  The  whole  discipline  was  administered  by  a rector,  with  an 
academic  council  of  eight  members,  originaUy  appointed  from  the  students, 
with  power  to  fill  vacancies  in  their  number  according  to  the  code  of  Alphonzo 
X.  in  1254.  The  chapter  in  this  code  relating  to  the  estalfiishment  and  care  of 
great  puVjlic  schools  {Studios  Generales\  is  in  advance  of  the  public  legislation 
of  most  European  States.  This  sovereign  established  Arabic  as  well  as  Latin 
schools  at  Seville  and  Burgos,  preparatory  to  the  University  at  Salamanca. 

The  different  orders  or  faculties  in  the  university  were  designated  by  the 
color  of  the  tassel  on  the  hoods — those  of  divinity  being  white ; canon  law, 
green;  civil  law,  crimson;  arts  and  philosophy,  blue ; medicine,  yellow.  A 
bachelor  of  law  must  have  studied  six  years,  to  which  he  must  add  five  years 
to  become  a licentiate.  A vacancy  in  the  chair  of  a teaching  doctor  was  filled 
by  sonority  from  those  holding  that  degree.  The  students  were  grouped  in 
colleges,  according  to  their  social  position. 

The  colleges  were  divided  into  Mayores  and  Menores ; in  the  former  (4)  were 
taught  divinity,  law,  medicine,  and  the  classics;  in  the  latter  (21),  grammar 
and  rhetoric.  The  colleges  were  again  classified  into  schools,  viz.,  the  Mayores 
had  schools  of  theology,  canon  law,  medicine,  mathematics,  natural  philosopliy, 
languages  and  rhetoric;  the  Menores  had  schools  of  grammar,  and  music,  and 
even  schools  for  beginners  in  reading  and  writing.  Of  the  Collegies  Mayeres 
there  were  only  six  in  all  Castile,  four  of  which  were  at  Salamanca,  and  were 
clothed  with  special  privileges,  such  as  being  open  only  to  sons  of  the  great 
families,  and  insuring  to  their  graduates  immediate  promotion  in  Church  and 
State.  These  privileges  continued  till  1770,  when  they  were  abolished  through 
the  influence  of  a minister  (de  Roda)  who  when  young  had  been  rejected  from 
membership  on  account  of  his  humble  birth.  The  students  of  poorer  families 
formerly  were  authorized  by  law  to  solicit  charity  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
their  education.  Such  students  figure  largely  in  the  novels  and  dramas  of 
Spanish  literature,  and  often  young  noblemen  are  represented  as  assuming 
the  garb  (a  quaint  oil-skin,  cap,  in  which  a wooden  spoon  was  stuck),  language, 
and  vocation  of  this  class,  to  play  off  their  pranks.  The  real  pauper  student 
fraternized  with  beggars,  and  the  proverb  ‘ born  with  a silver  spoon  in  his 
mouth,’  was  not  applied  to  any  of  this  class. 

Salamanca  at  one  period  numbered  its  students  by  the  thousands,  but 
anchored  in  endowments,  and  administered  in  the  interests  of  the  church,  it 
failed  to  meet  the  demands  for  new  studies  until  its  endowments  have  been 
confiscated  and  wasted,  and  its  buildings  and  equipments  have  been  destroyed 
by  hostile  armies.  It  has  now  lost  its  place  and  prestige  as  an  independent 
institution. 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION'  IN  SPAIN. 


867 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ALCALA. 

Up  to  the  foundation  of  Alcala  the  education  which  prevailed  in  the  penin- 
sula appears  to  have  been  thoroughly  of  the  old  school.  The  Spanish  uni- 
versities had  indeed  some  peculiarities  arising  from  their  proximity  to  the 
Moorish  schools,  and  appear  to  have  cultivated  the  geometrical  sciences  and 
the  Eastern  tongues  more  generally  than  was  elsewhere  the  practice.  But  the 
prevailing  tone  was  scholastic  and  ecclesiastical.  The  monasteries  still  main- 
tained those  public  schools,  which  served  as  feeders  to  the  universities,  and  in 
these  a discipline  was  kept  up  differing  very  little  from  that  of  Fulda  and  St. 
Gall.  At  Montserrat,  peasants  and  nobles  were  received  togetlier,  and  each 
wore  a little  black  habit,  and  in  church  a surplice.  They  sang  every  day  at 
the  Mass,  and  recited  the  Office  of  Our  Lady,  eating  always  in  the  refectory  of 
the  brethren,  and  sleeping  in  a common  dormitory.  Every  month  they  went 
to  confession,  as  well  as  on  all  festivals,  and  their  studies  were  of  the  monastic 
stamp,  with  plenty  of  Latin  and  plain  chant,  and  also  instrumental  music.  A 
number  of  the  bravest  Spanish  knights  had  their  education  in  these  monasteric 
schools,  and  one  of  them,  John  of  Cardonna,  who  commanded  the  galleys  of 
Sicily,  and  relieved  Malta  when  besieged  by  the  Turks,  chose  as  his  patroness, 
in  memory  of  his  school  days.  Our  Lady  of  Montserrat,  and  bore  her  banner 
into  battle.  He  used  to  call  himself  Our  Lady’s  page,  and  said  he  valued  the 
privilege  of  having  been  brought  up  in  her  house  more  than  his  rank  as  admiral 

But  these  are  old-fashioned  memories,  and  must  give  place  to  something 
more  in  accordance  with  the  requirements  of  the  age.  The  Renaissance  was 
making  its  way  even  into  the  Spanish  schools,  and  the  literary  movement  had 
been  fortunate  enough  to  find  a nursing  mother  in  the  person  of  Isabella  the 
Catholic.  German  printers  and  Italian  professors  were  invited  into  her  king- 
dom, and  Spanish  students  sent  to  gather  up  the  treasures  of  learning  in 
foreign  academies.  Among  these  w'as  Antonia  de  Lebrija,  whom  Hallam  calls 
the  restorer  of  classical  literature  in  Spain.  Italian  masters  directed  the  edu- 
cation of  the  roj’-al  children,  and  from  thence  the*  Pi  incess  Catherine,  doomed 
to  be  the  hapless  Queen  of  Henry  VIII.,  received  those  learned  tastes  which 
won  the  admiration  of  Erasmus.  A Palatine  school  was  attached  to  the  Court, 
in  imitation  of  that  of  Charlemagne,  and  was  placed  under  the  direction  of 
Peter  Martyr,*  whose  letters  are  filled  with  accounts  of  the  noble  pupils  who 
thronged  his  school,  won  from  frivolous  pastimes  by  the  charm  of  letters.  In 
1488  he  appeared  at  Salamanca  to  deliver  lectures  on  Juvenal,  and  writes  word 
that  the  audience  who  came  to  hear  him  so  blocked  up  the  entrance  to  the  hall, 
that  he  had  to  be  carried  to  his  place  over  the  heads  of  the  students,  ‘ like  a 
victor  in  the  Olympic  games.’  The  rage  for  learning  went  on  at  such  a pace 
that  the  proudest  grandees  of  Castile  thought  it  not  beneath  them  to  ascend 
the  professor’s  chair,  and  even  noble  ladies  delivered  lectures  on  classical  learn- 
ing in  the  balls  of  universities.  The  queen’s  noble  encouragement  of  learning 
had  been  fostered  by  her  confessor,  F.  Francis  Ximenes;  and  when,  in  1495, 
the  Franciscan  friar  became  Archbishop  of  Toledo  and  primate  of  Spain,  one 

* Not  Peter  Vertnigli,  the  celebrated  heretic  who  afterwards  figured  us  Professor  at  Oxford,  but 
Peter  Martyr  of  Anghieria,  a relation  of  the  Borromeo  family,  who  had  come  into  Spain  at  the 
invitation  of  the  Spanish  Ambassador  at  Rome,  and  at  the  solicitation  of  Isabella  chose  it  for  his 
adopted  country. 


868 


SUPEHIOH  INSTRUCTION  IN  SPAIN. 


of  his  first  thoughts  was  the  erection  of  a model  university,  to  which  he  re- 
solved to  devote  the  immense  revenues  of  his  see. 

It  has  been  said  that  seats  of  learning  require  tlie  accessories  of  a fine  air, 
and  even  the  charms  of  natural  scenery;  and  we  miglit  quote  one  of  the  most 
exquisite  pieces  of  word-painting  to  be  found  in  any  language  wliieh  is  written 
to  show  the  special  gift  enjoyed  by  Athens,  rendering  her  worthy  to  be  the 
capital  of  mind.  It  was  the  clear  elastic  air  of  Attica  which  communicated 
something  of  its  own  sunniness  and  elasticity  to  the  intellect  of  her  citizens, 
just  as  it  imparted  a golden  coloring  even  to  the  marble  dug  out  of  that 
favored  soil.  So  it  had  been  with  Paris,  the  Athens  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
where  students  from  the  foggy  shores  of  Britain  conceived  themselves  endowed 
wdth  some  new  faculty  when  relieved  from  the  oppression  of  their  native 
atmosphere.  And  even  Louvain,  though  less  favored  than  these  by  nature,  had 
been  chosen  in  preference  to  other  Flemish  cities,  chiefly  on  account  of  her 
purer  air  and  her  pleasant  entourage  of  copses  and  meadows,  with  their 
abundant  store  of  ‘ corn,  apples,  sheep,  oxen,  and  chirping  birds.’ 

It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  Ximenes,  when  seeking  the  fittest  spot  in 
which  to  plant  his  academy,  took  very  gravely  into  consideration  the  question 
of  scenery  and  climate.  The  clear  atmosphere  of  Alcala,  and  the  tranquil 
landscapes  on  the  banks  of  the  Ilenares,  so  soothing  to  the  meditative  eye,  had 
their  share  in  determining  him  to  fix  his  foundation  at  the  ancient  Complutum. 
In  its  grammar  schools  he  had  made  his  early  studies,  and  old  boyish  recollec- 
tions attached  him  to  the  spot,  whose  ancient  traditions  rendered  it  dear  to 
Christian  scholars.  There,  then,  in  the  year  1500,  he  laid  the  foundation  of 
his  first  college,  which  he  dedicated  to  his  saintly  predecessor,  St.  Ildefonsus. 
This  was  intended  to  be  the  head  college  of  the  University,  to  which  all  the 
others  were  in  a manner  to  be  subordinate.  It  consisted  of  thirty-three  pro- 
fessors, in  honor  of  the  years  of  our  Lord’s  earthly  life,  and  twelve  priests  or 
chaplains,  in  honor  of  the  twelve  Apostles.  These  latter  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  education  of  the  students,  but  were  to  recite  the  divine  office  in  com- 
mon, and  carry  out  the  rites  of  the  Church  with  becoming  solemnity.  The 
professors,  who  were  all  to  be  theologians,  were  distinguished  by  their  dress,  a 
long  red  robe,  which,  being  flung  over  their  left  shoulder,  hung  to  the  ground 
in  large  and  graceful  folds.  The  colleges  of  St.  Balbina  and  St.  Catherine  were 
intended  for  students  in  philosphy,  each  containing  forty-eight  students.  There 
was  a small  college,  dedicated  to  Our  Lady,  for  poor  students  in  theology  and 
medicine;  and  a larger  one,  used  for  the  reception  of  the  sick.  The  college  of 
SS.  Peter  and  Paul  was  exclusively  for  Franciscan  scholars,  corresponding  in 
character  to  the  monastic  colleges  or  houses  of  study  at  Oxford.  There  were 
also  two  classical  schools  for  young  students,  forty-two  of  whom  received  a 
free  education  for  three  years ; these  were  severally  dedicated  to  St.  Eugenius 
and  St.  Isidore.  And  lastly,  there  was  the  college  of  St.  Jerome  for  the  three 
languages,  in  which  ten  scholars  studied  Latin,  ten  Greek,  and  ten  Hebrew;  a 
foundation  which  formed  the  model  on  which  the  Collegium  Trilingue  at 
Louvain  was  afterwards  established.  I will  say  nothing  of  the  libraries,  re- 
fectories, and  chapels,  all  of  which  were  finished  with  great  splendor,  and  the 
whole  city  was  restored  and  beautified,  so  as  to  make  it  more  worthy  of  being 
the  site  of  so  magnificent  a seat  of  learning.  Other  houses  of  study  soon 
sprang  up  in  connection  with  the  different  religious  orders,  all  of  which  were 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SPAIN. 


869 


anxious  to  secure  for  their  members  advantages  which  were  nowhere  else  to  be 
found  in  such  abundance. 

Eight  3’^ears  after  he  had  solemnly  laid  the  foundation  stone  of  his  first  col- 
lege, tl)e  university  was  opened,  and  a brilliant  staff  of  professors — in  all 
forty-two  in  number — were  gathered  round  the  cardinal  primate  to  receive 
their  respective  offices  from  his  hands.  The  government  of  the  university  was 
vested  in  the  liands  of  a chancellor,  rector,  and  senate.  The  system  of  gradu- 
ation was  copied  from  that  of  Paris,  except  that  the  theological  degrees  were 
given  a pre-eminence  over  the  others,  and  made  both  more  honorable  and  dif- 
ficult to  attain. 

The  professorships  were  distributed  as  follows : — Six  for  theology ; six  for 
canon  law;  four  for  medicine;  one,  anatomy ; one,  surgery;  nine,  philosophy; 
one,  mathematics;  four,  Greek  and  Hebrew;  four,  rhetoric;  and  six,  grammar. 
There  was  no  chair  of  civil  law,  as  this  faculty  was  excellently  taught  at  the 
other  Spanish  universities,  and  Ximenes  had  no  liking  for  it,  and  did  not  wish 
to  introduce  it  at  Alcala,  probably  fearing  lest  it  might  prevent  that  predom- 
inance of  the  theological  faculty  which  he  desired  should  be  the  characteristic 
of  his  university.  Provision  was  made  for  the  support  of  the  aged  and  infirm 
professors ; and  on  this  point  the  Cardinal  consulted  his  former  colleague  in  the 
regency  of  Castile,  Adrian  of  Utrecht,  and  established  similar  regulations  to 
those  which  existed  at  Louvain.  The  system  of  studies  and  rule  of  college 
discipline  were  drawn  up  by  himself,  the  former  being  in  a great  degree 
borrowed  from  that  establishment  at  Paris.  Frequent  disputations  and  exam- 
inations quickened  the  application  of  the  students,  and  at  these  Ximenes  loved 
to  preside,  and  encourage  the  emulation  of  his  scholars  with  his  presence.  In 
the  choice  of  his  professors  he  considered  nothing  but  the  merit  of  the  candi- 
dates, and  set  at  nought  all  the  narrowness  of  mere  nationalit}’-.  Spain  was 
by  this  time,  however,  able  to  furnish  humanists  and  philologists  equal  to  those 
of  Italy  or  Germany.  And  most  of  the  first  professors  were  of  native  birth. 
Among  them  was  Antonio  de  Lebrija,  and  though  he  afterwards  accepted  a 
chair  at  Salamanca,  yet  he  finally  returned  to  Alcala,  and  rendered  invaluable 
aid  to  Ximenes  in  the  philological  labors  in  which  he  was  about  to  engage, 
and  which  shed  an  additional  lustre  over  the  new  academy. 

The  Complutensian  JPolyglot  Bible  of  Ximenes. 

Ximenes  had  always  manifested  a peculiar  predilection  for  the  cultivation  of 
Biblical  literature.  In  his  earlier  jmars  his  love  of  the  Holy  Scripture  had  in- 
duced him  to  devote  himself  to  the  study  of  Hebrew  and  Chaldaic,  and  he 
had  often  been  heard  to  say  that  he  would  willingly  give  up  all  his  knowledge 
of  jurisprudence  to  be  able  to  explain  a single  verse  of  the  Bible.  He  consid- 
ered a thorough  revival  of  Biblical  studies  the  surest  means  of  defeating  the 
new  heretics,  and  in  the  midst  of  Court  engagements  and  political  toils,  he  at 
length  conceived  the  plan  of  his  great  Polyglot  Bible,  in  whieh  the  sacred  text 
was  to  appear  in  the  four  learned  languages,  after  the  most  correct  versions 
that  could  be  obtained.  This  great  work,  which  was  to  serve  as  the  model  foi 
all  subsequent  attempts  of  a similar  kind,  was  no  sooner  designed  than  he  set 
about  its  execution,  and  secured  the  co-operation  of  a number  of  skillful 
scholars,  fixing  on  Alcala  as  the  scene  of  their  labors  Immense  sums  were 
expended  in  obtaining  Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew,  and  Chaldaic  manuscripts;  and 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  SPAIN. 


810 

in  his  dedication,  Ximenes  acknowledges  the  invaluable  assistance  which  he 
received  from  Pope  Leo  X.  The  plan  was  exactly  one  sure  to  engage  the 
sympathies  of  that  generous  Pontiff’  who  accordingly  placed  at  his  command 
all  the  treasures  of  the  Vatican  Library.  The  costly  work  when  complete  pre- 
sented the  Hebrew  text  of  the  Old  Testament,  the  Greek  version  of  the 
Septuagint,  the  Latin  version  of  St.  Jerome,  and  the  Chaldaic  Paraphrase  of 
the  Pentateuch,  together  with  certain  letters,  prefaces,  and  dissertations  to 
assist  the  study  of  the  sacred  books.  The  work  was  commenced  in  1502,  and 
the  last  volume  was  published  in  1517.  The  same  energy  which  had  succeeded, 
in  the  brief  space  of  eight  years,  in  raising  a university  which  received  the 
title  of  ‘ the  eighth  wonder  of  the  world,’  was  able,  in  fifteen  years,  to  bring  to 
a happy  conclusion  a literary  undertaking  which  might  well  have  occupied 
thrice  that  space  of  time.  Ximenes,  who  felt  his  end  approaching,  desired  to 
leave  all  his  great  works  complete,  and  urged  on  his  scholars  with  frequent  ad- 
monitions on  the  shortness  of  human  life.  If  they  lost  ?iim  as  their  patron,  or 
if  he  were  to  lose  their  labors,  the  whole  design  might  fall  to  the  ground.  On 
the  10th  of  July,  1517,  the  last  sheet  of  the  great  Complutensian  Polyglot  was 
printed,  and  the  young  son  of  the  printer,  Bocario,  putting  on  his  holiday  gar- 
ments, ran  at  once  to  present  it  to  the  Cardinal.  Ximenes  received  it  with  a 
solemn  emotion  of  gratitude  and  joy.  ‘ I thank  Thee,  0 Lord  Christ,’  he  said, 
‘ that  Thou  hast  brought  this  work  to  a desired  end.’  It  was  as  though  he  had 
been  permitted  this  as  his  last  earthly  consolation,  for  four  mouths  later  he 
closed  his  great  and  useful  career,  being  in  the  eighty-second  year  of  his  age. 

Cardinal  Ximenes  {Francis  Ximenes  de  Cisneros)^  statesman  and  primate  of 
Spain,  and  founder  of  the  University  of  Alcala,  was  born  in  1437,  at 
Torrelaguna,  in  Old  Castile.  Having  studied  in  a school  at  Alcala,  and  at  the 
University  of  Salamanca,  he  completed  his  theological  course  at  Rome,  and 
returned  to  Toledo  with  the  promise  of  the  first  vacant  prebend.  Not  obtain- 
ing this,  he  entered  the  Franciscan  Order  in  1482,  and  in  a retired  convent 
at  Casta nel  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  divinity  and  the  oriental  languages. 
On  his  return  to  Toledo,  Queen  Isabella  made  him  her  confessor,  and  in  1495 
nominated  him  Archbishop  of  the  most  important  see  of  Spain.  In  this  high 
office  he  practiced  the  severest  bodily  austerities,  and  in  his  travels  always 
lodged  at  some  convent  of  the  Order,  and  conformed  to  all  the  rules  of  the 
place — settling  one-half  of  his  enormous  revenue  for  the  relief  of  the  poor,  and 
reserving  the  latter  for  great  public  services,  like  his  military  expedition  into 
Africa  carried  on  at  his  own  expense,  his  seminary  for  young  ladies,  granaries 
for  periods  of  scarcity,  the  College  of  St.  Ildephonso,  the  University  of  Alcala, 
and  the  edition  of  the  Biblia  Sacra  Polyglotta — any  one  of  which  would  have 
signalized  his  career  as  a public  benefactor.  In  1507,  Pope  Julius  11.  gave 
him  a cardinal’s  hat,  and  King  Ferdinand,  on  his  death  in  1516,  intrusted  him 
with  the  administration  of  affairs,  from  which  however  he  had  leave  from  the 
Archduke,  afterwards  Emperor  Charles  Y.,  to  retire  under  circumstances 
intended  to  be  insulting — only  to  die,  in  December,  1517. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  SPAIN. 


871 


III.  SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION. 

There  are  ten  universities,  with  an  attendance  (1860-1)  as  follows: 


In  the  10  Faculties  of 

philosophy  and  literature, 

1,065 

“ 10 

exact  sciences, 

1,132 

“ 4 

it 

pharmacy. 

514 

« 7 

it 

medicine. 

1,626 

« 10 

it 

civil  and  canon  law. 

3,463 

it 

administrative  law. 

506 

tt 

theology  (now  abolished), 

305 

Total,  8,611 


There  are  seven  special  schools  for  the  military  service,  viz : One  Col- 
lege for  Infantry  Cadets,  with  510  students;  one  College  for  Cavalry, 
with  108  students. 

The  School  for  Artillery  had,  during  the  years  from  1852  to  1861,  459 
pupils.  The  regimental  schools  of  the  same  corps  numbered  1,639  pupils. 

The  ]\Iarine  Schools  numbered  157 ; the  Academy  of  the  Staff  of  the 
Fleet,  18;  the  School  of  Condestables,  202;  the  Special  School  of  Marine 
Engineering,  16  ; and  100  pupils  on  board  the  school  steamer. 

The  military  schools  are  less  attended  by  pupils  of  the  middle,  class 
than  formerly,  and  it  is  difficult  to  fill  the  quota  in  the  marine  schools. 

The  59  Church  Seminaries  numbered  1859-60,  21,170  pupils,  of  whom 
670  enjoyed  a whole  free  place,  235  a half. 

IV.  ACADEMIES,.  GALLERIES,  SOCIETIES. 

There  were,  in  1861,  71  literary  associations,  with  12,830  members,  and 
36  libraries,  with  30,520  books  (of  which  1,506  are  MSS ).  Four  of  these 
societies  were  private;  109  courses  were  given  on  different  subjects. 

There  were  32  of  the  associations  called  amigos  del  pais,  with  4,478 
members.  In  Granada  and  Madrid  ladies  are  admitted  to  these  societies. 

Among  the  institutions  to  advance  science  and  the  arts,  and  literary 
culture  generally,  may  be  specified : 

1.  Royal  Academy  of  Spain,  founded  in  1714,  after  the  model  of  the 
Academia  della  Crusca  in  Florence  (1582),  to  improve  and  purify  the 
Spanish  language  ; Royal  Academy  of  Spanish  History,  founded  in  1739  ; 
Academy  of  History  and  Geography,  at  Valladolid,  and  the  Literary 
Academy  at  Seville,  both  founded  in  1753. 

2.  Royal  Gallery  of  Paintings,  at  Madrid,  founded  in  1512;  among  its 
2,000  paintings,  are  62  by  Velasquez;  46  by  Murillo;  53  by  Reubens;  22 
by  Van  Dyke  ; 43  by  Titian;  10  by  Raffaelle,  and  excellent  specimens  of 
other  schools  and  artists. 

3.  National  Library,  with  over  200,000  volumes  ; Scientific  Collections 
of  the  Academy  de  san  Fernando;  Conservatory  of  the  Arts,  etc. 

AVe  give  on  the  next  page  a summary  of  the  Educational  Statistics  of 
Spain,  .gathered  fi'om  other  sources. 


PUBLIC  INSTRUCTION  IN  SPAIN. 


872 

School  Statistics — 1865. 

I.  Elementary  Schools. — These  are  classified  into  Primary  for  very  young 
children,  and  Superior  for  the  older,  with  otlier  schools  having  both  older  and 
younger  pupils.  Of  those  of  a public  character  there  were  18,250,  of  which 
109  were  for  infants,  and  272  for  adults — having  an  aggregate  attendance  of 
912,195  pupils.  There  were  besides  3,SOO  private  schools  of  an  elementary 
character  with  134,383  pupils,  making  tin  aggregate  of  22,060  schools,  and 
1,251,653  pupils,  or  one  to  every  13  of  the  population.  The  census  shows  a 
large  number  of  adults  not  reached  by  any  school,  public  or  private. 

II.  Secondary  Schools. — These  embrace  the  following  institutions: — Fifty- 
eight  public  colleges^  with  10,525  pupils;  42  private  colleges  with  3,241  pupils, 
and  a large  number  of  boarding  institutions  under  the  charge  of  ecclesiastics, 
with  22,000  pupils.  There  are  also  belonging  to  this  class  numerous  colleges, 
which  are  supported  by  the  municipalities,  every  large  town  and  village  being 
hound,  in  proportion  to  its  population,  to  maintain  one  or  more  of  these  schools 
for  public  instruction. 

III.  Superior  Instruction. — Tliere  are  10  Universities,  each  with  a Faculty 
of  Science,  Philosophy  and  Law;  6,  Theology;  7,  Medicine,  and  4,  Pharmacy — 
as  follows: — 

Ten  of  Sciences. — Barcelona,  Granada,  Madrid,  Oviedo,  Salamanca,  Santiago 
Seville,  Yalencia,  Valladolid,  21aragossa — 46  professors,  127  students.  Ten  of 
Philosophy  and  Literature. — 51  professors,  191  students.  Ten  of  Laio. — 8D 
professors,  3,742  students.  Six  of  Theology. — Madrid,  Oviedo,  Salamanca,  San- 
tiago, Seville,  Zaragossa — 14  professors,  326  students.  Seven  of  Medicine. — 
Barcelona,  Granada,  Madrid,  Santiago,  Seville,  Valencia,  Valladolid — T3  profes- 
sors, 1,155  students.  Four  Pharmacy. — Barcelona,  Granada,  Madrid,  Santia- 
go— 11  professors,  563  students.  Total,  275  professors,  6,104  students. 

IV.  Schools  op  Special  Instruction. — 

Commerce,  9,  with  27  professors  and  553  scholars; 

Navigation,  14,  with  40  professors  and  586  scholars ; 

Farm  SuptTintendenee  and  Hand-Surveying,  5,  with  20  professors  and 
402  scholars ; 

Veterinary,  4,  with  15  professors  and  1,078  scholars; 

Civil  Engineers,  1,  with  10  professors  and  115  scholars; 

Mine.s,  1,  with  8 professors  and  34  scholars; 

Forestry,  1,  with  4 professors  and  12  scholars; 

Architecture,  1,  with  7 professors  and  23  scholars; 

Industrial  Schools,  6,  with  54  professors  and  1,806  scholars; 

Diplomacy,  1,  with  6 professors  and  43  scholars; 

Notarial  Schools,  10,  with  471  scholars; 

Painting,  7,  with  20  professors  and  2,271  scholars  ; , 

Sculpture,  3,  with  7 professors  and  114  scholars; 

Engraving,  3,  with  3 professors  and  14  scholars; 

Music  and  Declamation,  1,  with  37  professors  and  531  scholars. 

According  to  the  statement  of  an  article  by  Prof.  Le  Roy  in  the  Encyclope- 
diae  Pedagogic,  on  the  school  system  of  Spain,  there  were  in  1860  8,611  stu- 
dents in  the  different  universities;  24,353  Elementary  schools,  of  which  20,198 
were  public. 


PUBLIC  INSTRU  .TION  IN  PORTUGAL. 


873 


III.  SUPKRIOR  AND  PROFESSIONAL  SCHOOLS. 

The  highest  seientihe  instruction  is  obtained  at  the  University  of  Coim- 
bra, which  has  five  faculties,  viz:  Theology,  Jurisprudence,  Medicine, 
Pure  and  Practical  ]\Iatheniatics,  and  Philosophy. 

Since  the  University'  has  lost  its  clerical  supervision,  the  students 
stand  in  closer  relation  to  the  professors  ; and  it  is  charged  that  in  order  to 
promote  their  own  poiiularity,  they  show  to  the  young  students  too  much 
lenity  and  condescension  to  secure  the  best  results  of  study.  Coimbra  has 
never  had  a complete  and  harmoniously  arranged  course  of  lectures  on  the 
humanities,  philosojihy,  and  ancient  and  modern  literature.  Until  1859, 
the  elements  of  logic,  moral  science  and  metaphysics,  were  the  principal 
branches  upon  the  programmes  of  the  Lyceums.  There  were  some  excej)- 
tions  to  this,  among  those  that  were  brought  under  the  influence  of  jiersons 
who  had  traveled  abroad.  The  Department  of  Belles-letters  is  following 
in  the  track  of  progress,  especially  in  respect  to  the  study  of  languages, 
ancient  as  well  as  modern. 

The  late  king,  in  1859,  in  order  to  excite  a greater  interest  in  educa- 
tion, opened  in  Lisbon,  at  his  own  expense,  a sort  of  faculle  ties  lelli'es, 
which  is  destined  to  react  upon  the  Lyceums,  being  a sort  of  higher 
College,  having  five  professorships,  which  hold  the  same  rank  as  those  of 
the  University. 

Among  ihe  Special  Schools,  which  are  of  some  importance,  is  the  Poly- 
technic School  of  Lisbon,  which,  like  the  school  of  the  same  name,  in  Paris, 
jirepares  its  students  for  a similar  career  in  civil  or  military  life.  This  was 
founded  in  17  79,  under  the  name  of  Royal  Naval  Academy,  and  was 
reorganized  in  1851,  and  in  18G0  attached  to  the  INfinistry  of  the  Interior, 
because  it  educated  civil  engineers  as  well  as  officers  for  the  army.  Stu- 
dents are  admitted  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  after  a rigid  examination  in 
French,  logic,  drawing,  arithmetic,  the  elements  of  algebra,  geometry, 
trigonometry  and  mathematical  geograj)hy,  and  natural  history,  besides 
the  branches  of  an  elementary  education.  The  Course  in  the  institution 
requires  three  or  four  years.  The  school  is  under  the  superintendence  of 
a na'5*al  officer,  and  is  well  provided  with  professors  in  the  various 
branches  pursued.  There  is  a library  and  museum  of  natural  history 
connected  with  the  school. 

There  is  also  a Polytechnic  Academy  at  Porto,  which  serves  as  a naval 
school  and  for  a commercial  and  higher  art  and  trade  school. 

These  two  special  institutions,  by  the  law  of  1844,  have  equal  rights 
with  the  University  and  the  Schools  of  iNIedicine,  etc. 

Engineers  for  mining  are  not  educated  in  Portugal,  but  are  obliged  to 
go  abroad  for  instruction,  and  the  government  sujiports  at  least  three  such 
students.  Tlie  diploma  of  engineer  of  roacls  and  bridges,  from  the  Poly- 
technic School  at  Paris,  is  deemed  sufficient  for  entering  the  public 
service. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ZURICH. 


PROGRAMME  FOR  1866-67. 


I.  FACULTY  OF  THEOLOGY. 

42  COURSES  OK  LECTURES  A YEAR,  BY  11  PROFESSORS. 

Introduction  to  the  study  of  theology;  do.  to  the  study  of  the  Old  Testament; 
Interpretation  of  the  Psalms ; Theology  of  the  Old  Testament ; Introduction  to 
the  New  Testament ; Practical  exercises  on  the  Old  Testament ; Theology  of 
the  New  Testament;  Interpretation  of  the  Book  of  Job;  do.  Prophet  Isaiah; 
do.  Minor  Prophets ; do.  Prophet  Zachariah ; Elucidation  of  some  of  the  most 
difficult  texts  of  the  Old  Testament;  Hebrew  archmology;  Geography  and 
history  of  the  Bible;  History  of  the  Canon  of  the  New  Testament;  Interpreta- 
tion of  Jesus’ discourses  according  to  Matthew;  Interpretation  of  the  Gospel 
according  to  St.  John  ; Synopsis  of  tlie  four  Gospels;  Interpretation  of  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles ; do.  Epistle  to  the  Romans ; do.  Epistle  to  the  Galatians ; do. 
to  the  Pliilippians  and  Philemon,  with  practical  exercises ; do.  Timothy  and 
Titus’  Epistles;  Interpretation  of  the  seven  Catholic  Epistles  on  Jesus’  doctrine; 
Conversation  on  several  points  of  the  New  Testament ; Exegesis  on  the  Fathers 
of  the  Christian  Church;  Elements  of  dogmatics;  History  of  dogmatics  (2 
courses;)  Christian  dogmatics;  Practical  exercises  in  dogmatics;  Christian 
morals:  Symbolics;  Theory  of  church  government;  Catechetics;  Practical  ex- 
ercises in  catechetics ; Practical  exercises  in  homiletics ; Liturgies;  History  of 
the  Church  (3  courses);  Practical  exercises  on  the  same  subject,  embracing 
various  periods,  (3  courses ;)  History  of  Protestant  theolog}'-  (2  courses.) 

II.  FACULTY  OF  JURISPRUDENCE. 

JURIDICAL,  SOCIAL,  AND  ECONOMICAL  SCIENCES. 

49  COURSES  OF  LECTURES  A YEAR,  BY  II  PROFESSORS. 

Philosophy  of  jurisprudence,  or  law  of  nature;  History  of  the  Roman  civil 
procedure;  Introduction  to  the  study  of  law  (2  courses;)  History  and  institutes 
of  the  Roman  law  (2  courses ;)  Institutes  of  Gajus;  Pandects;  Contracts  of  the 
Roman  law ; Law  of  inheritance  after  the  Roman  law  ; Law  of  property  : Law 
of  buildings;  Practical  exercises  in  civil  law  (2  courses);  Introduction  to  the 
study  of  law  ; International  law ; Common  law  among  nations  of  German  origin, 
embracing  the  law  of  Germany  proper,  the -neighboring  states  of  Switzerland, 
.the  Netherlands,  and  England;  Explanation  of  the  Mirror  of  Suabia;  Procedure 
in  common. law  (3  courses;)  Practical  exercises  on  the  same;  Laws  of  the  Swiss 
cantons  compared  with  each  other:  Private  law  of  the  canton  of  Zurich  ; Com- 
mercial law;  Law  of  exchange  (2  courses ;)  Law  of  imsurance ; Oommercial 
jurisprudence  in  the  common  Germanic  law  (2  courses;)  The  same  compared  to 
the  English  and  American  law;  Practical  exercises  on  criminal  law;  Theory 
and  history  of  commerce  and  manufactures;  Theory  of  money,  banks  and  sci- 
ence of  finances  (2  courses;)  Elements  of  national  economy;  Science  of  police; 
National  economy  (3  courses ;)  Practical  exercises  on  political  economy;  Na- 
tional economy  applied  to  agriculture;  Agriculture  and  manufactures  in  Swit- 
zerland; Constitutional  law  in  general ; do.  of  Switzerland  ; Laws  of  cities  and 
township.s. 


UMVEKSn  Y OF  ZURICH. 


875 


III.  FACULTY  OF  MEDICINE. 

63  COURSES  OF  LECTURES  A YEAR,  BY  15  PROFESSORS. 

Osteology  and  syndesrnology  (2  courses;)  Human  anatomy  (2  courses;)  Gen- 
eral anatomy  (histology,)  (2  courses ;)  Dissecting  (2  courses ;)  Repetitorium  of 
anatomy  ; Zoology ; Comparative  anatomy  ; Medical  physics,  introductory  to 
physiology;  Inorganic  chemistry;  Organic  chemistry;  Pharmaceutical  chem- 
istry; Ph}’^iological  chemistry;  Materia  medica  (2  courses ;)  Physiolog}"  of  the 
blood  circulation,  with  a view  to  pathology;  Special  (medicinal)  botany  ; Theo- 
retical obstetrics  (2  courses;)  Sexual  diseases  of  women  ; Obstetrical  clinics  (2 
courses ;)  General  pathological  anatomy ; Pathology  and  therapeutics  of  syph- 
ilis, with  demonstrations ; History  of  development  of  man ; Practical  nucro- 
scopy  (2  courses;)  Human  physiology;  Physiological  experiments  on  animals  ; 
Special  pathology  and  therapeutics ; Exercises  in  prescribing  medicines;  Med- 
ical jurisprudence  (2  courses;)  Same  for  lawyers;  (2  courses;)  History  of 
medicine;  Microscopical  course  of  pathological  anatomy  ; Pathological  demon- 
strations and  dissections ; General  therapeutics  and  special  pharmacology ; 
Pathological  histology,  with  microscopical  demonstrations ; Pathology  of  the 
mouth;  Special  ophthalmia,  (eye-lids,  cornea,  iris,  lens,  etc.;)  Oplithalmological 
clinic  (2  courses ;)  Diseases  of  the  ear ; Practical  operation  for  diseased  eyes ; 
Medical  clinic  at  the  hospitals  (2  courses;)  Polj^clinic;  Practical  exercises  in 
laryngoscopy  and  otoscopy;  Eye-diseases  of  accommodation  and  refraction; 
Medicinal  mineral  springs ; Theoretical  and  practical  dentistry ; Operative 
course  in  dentistry. 


IV.  FACULTY  OF  PHILOSOPHY.. 

157  COURSES  OF  LECTURES  A YEAR,  BY  38  PROFESSORS. 

A.  Mtiaphysical^  philological,  hMorical  section. 

а.  Metaphysics,  Pedagogics. — Logic  and  introduction  to  the  study  of  meta- 
physical sciences;  Logic  and  metaphysics:  Psychology  in  general;  Psychology 
viewed  from  natural  sciences:  Psychology  in  connection  with  pedagogics;  Psy- 
chological exercises  on  the  third  book  ol’  Aristotle's  work  “On  the  soul;”  Phil- 
osophical exercises  on  the  first  book  of  Aristotle’s  metaphysics;  Philosophical 
ethics;  Philosophy  of  religion  ; General  history  of  religion ; History' of  ancient 
philosophy;  History  of  philpsophy  from  Cartesius  up  to  Hegel;  Sense  of 
hearing;  Mental  diseases  (2  courses;)  History  of  education,  and  the  present 
state  of  the  higher  schools  of  Germany  and  Switzerland. 

б.  Philology,  Archceology — History  of  Literature. — Methodology  and  history 
of  archaeology;  Sanscrit  and  explanation  of  the  Nala  (2  courses;)  History  of 
Greek  literature  and  drama  ; Pindarus;  MUschylus’  Perser,  or  the  Seven  against 
Thebes;  ^schylus’  Agamemnon;  Sophocles’  Aias;  Sophocles’  Philoetetes; 
Herodotus,  Book  1. ; Thucydides;  Plato's  Gorgias  ; Plato’s  Symposion ; Greek 
epigraphies,  with  practical  exercises;  Greek  metrics;  Explanation  of  selected 
fragments  from  tlie  Greek;  Ancient  metrics;  Explanation  of  Lucretius’  De 
rtrum  natura,\\h.  Explanation  of  Plautus’  Pseudulus;  Philological  exer- 
cises (2  courses;)  Terence’s  Andria  and  selected  extracts  from  other  comedies; 
Sallust’s  Catilina ; Cicero  pro  Quintio : Cicero  de  linibus  bonorum  et  malorum, 
with  grammatical  exercises:  Selected  poems  of  Tibullus;  Exercises  in  grammar 
and  writing  Latin  and  Greek;  Critical  exercises  in  paleograph}' ; Comparative 
grammar  of  the  principal  languages  of  the  Indo-Gerinanic  nations;  Sanscrit 
grammar  (3  courses;)  Elements  of  Sanscrit;  Sanscrit  Kalid.'sas  Meghaduta; 
Arabic  (2  courses;)  Mythology  of  tlie  Germanic  nations;  Interpretation  of  the 
ancient  authors ; Interpretation  of  Hartmann’s  Iwein  ; TheEdda;  History  of 
German  poetry  in  the  middle  ages;  Explanation  of  the  poems  of  Walter  von 
der  Vogelweide  ; History  of  German  literature  from  Klopstock’s  period  ; Prac- 
tical exercises  in  speaking  German  ; English  grammar  and  exercises;  Shak- 
speare’s  Plamlet  explained  and  translated;  History  of  Phiglish  poetry  from 
Chaucer  to  the  present  time;  Byron’s  Cliilde  Harold,  translated  and  ex- 
plained; Exercises  (oral  and  written)  in  the  English  language;  Yillehardouin, 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ZURICH. 


876 

Conquete  de  Moree ; Explanation  of  the  Chanson  de  Roland ; Provengal  gram- 
mar, with  translations ; Practical  exercises  in  the  French  language. 

c.  History^  Hidory  of  Art^  Geography — Synopsis  of  ancient  history ; Synopsis 
of  the  middle  ages  and  modern  liistory;  General  history  of  the  19th  century; 
History  of  tlie  French  revolution  up  to  the  empire  (2  courses;)  History  of  :5u- 
rope;  Modern  history,  1814-184:8;  History  of  Switzerland  from  the  Reforma- 
tion up  to  1830 ; Survey  of  tlie  works  written  on  Swiss  liistory;  Helvetia  under 
the  Romans;  History  of  Switzerland  in  the  17  th  and  18  th  centuries;  Glance  at 
the  Swiss  history  in  the  15th  century ; History  of  the  Helvetic  republic;  Conver- 
sations on  universal  history  (2  courses ;)  Historical  exercises  (2  courses ;)  His- 
tory of  geography  (3  courses;)  Russian  possessions  in  the  Northern  regions 
The  British  empire  and  its  development  in  the  five  divisions  of  the  globe;  The 
Osmanic  empire  in  the  three  divisions  of  the  globe;  The  eastern  region  of  China 
and  Japan ; Explanation  of  the  sculptures  in  the  museum  of  archaeology  of 
Zurich;  Political  history  of  Switzerland. 

B.  Section  of  Mathematics  and  Natural  Sciences. 

Elementary  mathematics  and  elements  of  geodesy;  Higher  algebra;  Descrip- 
tive geometry,  axonometry  and  free  perspective;  Analytical  geometr}^  of  space; 
Analysis  of  algebra  ; Introduction  to  higher  mathematics;  Analysis  of  complex 
numbers;  Differential  and  integral  calculus  (2  courses;)  Differential  and  integral 
calculus  applied  to  geometry  and  natural  sciences;  Select  portions  of  integral 
calculus;  Introduction  to  celestial  mechanics;  Fllements  of  astronomy  and  of 
mathematical  geography,  with  practical  demonstrations  (2  courses;)  Experi- 
mental physics;  Experimental  physics,  heat,  light,  magnetism,  electricity; 
Electro-dynamics  and  electro-magnetism;  Elasticity  and  elastical  vibrations, 
treated  mathematically ; Mechanical  Iheorj^  of  heat ; Exercises  in  physical  ex- 
perimentation for  teachers  ; Repetitorium  of  physics  in  the  German  language ; 
Same  in  the  French  ; Mensm  ation  of  bodies  for  pupils  advanced  in  mathematics; 
Experimental  chemistry,  inorganic;  Same,  organic;  Selected  portions  of  chem- 
istry ; Zod-chemistry ; Practical  pharmaceutical  chemistry,  for  druggists  and 
medical  students  ; Qualitative  and  volumetric  analysis ; Analytical,  theoretical 
chemistry:  Quantitative  anal3^sis;  Theoretical  chemistry  (stoecheometry ;) 
Practical  chemical  investigations  in  the  laborator}'^ ; Same,  for  advanced  pupils; 
Exercises  in  chemical  experimentation  for  teachers;  Compounds  of  cyanogene; 
Essential  oils  and  aromatic  compounds;  Chemistry  of  daily  life;  Historj"  of 
chemistry;  Practical  instruction  in  chemico-ph3'siological  exercises;  Mineralogy; 
Determination  of  mineral  species;  Crystallography;  General  geolog}" ; Practical 
geology  and  lithology;  Cliemical  geology;  General  botany;  Special  botany, 
including  officinal  plants,  with  botanical  excursions ; Pharmaceutical  botany  ; 
Vegetable  physiology,  with  microscopical  exercises ; Fossil  plants;  Important 
plants  in  economy  and  manufactures;  Diseases  of  cultivated  plants;  Fosaii 
insects ; Physical  geography  (2  courses.) 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  IRELAND. 


INTRODUCTION. 

From  the  earliest  period  of  Christian  civilization  in  Ireland  mention  is  made 
by  her  historians  of  great  seats  of  learning  in  different  parts  of  the  country, 
conducted  on  the  basis  of  the  old  Roman  education.  The  school  of  Armagh 
is  said  at  one  time  to  have  numbered  as  many  as  seven  thousand  students ; 
and  tradition  assigns  a university  town  to  the  locality  where  the  Seven 
Churches  still  preserve  the  memory  of  St.  Kevin.  Foreigners,  at  least  Anglo- 
Saxons,  frequented  such  schools,  and,  so  far,  they  certainly  had  a university 
character:  but  that  they  offered  to  their  pupils  more  than  the  glosses  on  the 
sacred  text  and  the  collections  of  canons,  and  the  Trivium  and  the  Quad- 
rivium,  which  were  the  teaching  of  the  schools  of  the  Continent,  it  is  difficult 
to  suppose;  or  that  the  national  genius  for  philosophizing,  which  afterwards 
anticipated  or  originated  the  scholastic  period,  should  at  this  era  have  com*e 
into  exercise.  When  that  period  came,  the  Irish,  so  far  having  its  character- 
istic studies  already  domiciled  among  them,  were  forced  to  go  abroad  for  their 
prosecution.  They  went  to  Paris  or  to  Oxford  for  the  living  traditions,  which 
are  the  ordinary  means  by  which  religion  and  morals,  science  and  art,  are 
diffused  over  communities,  and  propagated  from  land  to  land.  In  Oxford, 
indeed,  there  was  from  tlie  earliest  time  even  a street  called  ‘Irishman’s  Street,’ 
and  the  Irish  were  included  there  under  the  ‘Nation  ’ of  the  Southern  English; 
but  they  gained  what  they  sought  in  that  seat  of  learning,  at  the  expense  of 
discomforts  which  were  the  serious  drawback  of  the  first  age  of  universities. 
Lasting  feuds  and  incessant  broils  marked  the  presence  of  Irish,  Welsh,  Scotch, 
English,  and  French  in  one  place,  at  a time  when  the  Collegiate  System  was 
not  formed.  To  this  great  evil  was  added  the  very  circumstance  that  home 
was  far  away,  and  the  danger  of  the  passage  across  the  channel ; which  would 
diminish  the  number,  while  it  illustrated  the  literary  zeal,  of  the  foreign 
students.  And  an  additional  source  of  discontent  was  found  in  the  feeling  of 
incongruity,  that  Ireland,  with  her  literary  antecedents,  should  be  without  a 
university  of  her  own ; and,  moreover,  as  time  went  on,  in  the  feeling  which 
existed  at  Rome,  in  favor  of  the  multiplication  of  such  centres  of  science  and 
learning. 

Another  perfectly  distinct  cause  was  in  operation,  to  which  I was  just  now 
referring.  The  Dominicians,  and  other  orders  of  the  age,  had  had  a preeminent 
place  in  the  history  of  the  universities  of  Paris  and  Oxford,  and  had  done  more 
than  any  other  teachers  to  give  the  knowledge  taught  in  them  their  distinctive 
form.  When  then  these  orders  came  into  Ireland,  it  was  only  to  be  expected 


Newman’s  Rise  of  Universitias. 


878 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  IRELAND 


that  they  should  set  about  the  same  work  there,  which  had  marked  their 
presence  in  England  and  France.  Accordingly,  at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  the  question  of  a university  in  Ireland  had  been  mooted,  and  the 
establishment  was  commenced  in  the  first  years  of  the  fourteenth. 

University  of  Dublin  projected  in  1311-12. 

This  was  the  date  of  the  foundation  of  the  universities  of  Avignon  and 
Perugia,  which  was  followed  by  that  of  Cidiors,  Grenoble,  Pisa,  and  Prague. 
It  was  the  date  at  which  Oxford  hi  consequence  lost  its  especial  preeminence  in 
science;  and  it  was  the  date,  I say,  at  which  the  University  of  Dublin  was 
projected  and  begun.  In  1311  or  1312,  John  Lech  or  Leach,  Archbishop  of 
Dublin,  obtained  of  Clement  the  Fifth  a brief  for  the  undertaking ; in  which, 
as  is  usual  in  such  documents,  the  Pope  gives  the  reasons  which  have  induced 
him  to  decide  upon  it.  He  begins  by  setting  forth  the  manifold,  or  rather 
complex,  benefits  of  which  a university  is  the  instrument ; as  father  of  the 
faithful,  he  recognizes  it  as  his  office  to  nurture  learned  sons,  who,  by  the 
illumination  of  their  knowledge,  may  investigate  the  divine  law,  protect  justice 
and  truth,  illustrate  the  faith,  promote  good  government,  teach  the  ignorant, 
confirm  the  weak,  and  restore  the  fallen.  This  office  he  is  only  fulfilling,  in 
receiving  favorably  the  supplication  of  his  venerable  brother,  John  de  Lecke, 
who  has  brought  before  him  the  necessities  of  his  country,  in  which,  as  well  as 
in  Scotland,  Man,  and  Norway,  the  country  nearest  to  Ireland,  a ‘ Universitas 
Scholarum,’  or  ‘ Generale  Studium,’  is  not  to  be  found ; — the  consequence  being, 
that  though  there  are  in  Ireland  some  doctors  and  bachelors  in  theology,  and 
other  graduates  in  grammar,  these  are,  after  all,  few  in  comparison  of  the 
number  which  the  country  might  fairly  produce.  The  Pope  proceeds  to  express 
his  desire  that  from  the  land  itself  should  grow  up  men  skilled  and  fruitful  in 
the  sciences,  who  would  make  it  to  be  a well-watered  garden,  to  the  exaltation 
of  the  Catholic  faith,  the  honor  of  Mother  Church,  and  the  advantage  of  the 
faithful  population.  And  with  this  view  he  erects  in  Dublin  a Studium 
Generale  in  every  science  and  faculty,  to  continue  for  ‘perpetual  times.’ 

And,  I suppose  no  greater  benefit  could  have  been  projected  for  Ireland  at 
that  date,  than  such  a bond  of  union  and  means  of  national  strength,  as  an 
Irish  University.  But  the  parties,  who  had  originated  the  undertaking,  had 
also  to  carry  it  out ; and  at  the  moment  of  which  I am  speaking,  by  the  fault 
neither  of  Prelate  nor  Laity,  nor  by  division,  nor  by  intemperance  or  jealousy, 
nor  by  wrong-headedness  within  the  fold,  nor  by  malignant  interference  from 
without,  but  by  the  will  of  heaven  and  the  course  of  nature,  the  work  was 
suspended ; — for  John  de  Lecke  fell  ill  and  died  the  next  year,  and  his  suc- 
cessor, Alexander  Bicknor,  was  not  in  circumstances  to  take  up  his  plans  at  the 
moment,  where  de  Lecke  had  left  them. 

Seven  years  passed ; and  then  Bicknor  turned  his  mind  to  their  prosecution. 
Acting  under  the  authority  of  the  brief  of  Clement,  and  with  the  sanction  and 
confirmation  of  the  reigning  Pontiff,  John  the  Twenty-second,  he  published  an 
instrument,  in  which  he  lays  down  on  his  own  authority  the  provisions  and 
dispositions  which  he  had  determined  for  the  nascent  university.  He  addresses 
himself  to  ‘the  Masters  and  Scholars  of  our  University,’  and  that  ‘with  the 
consent  and  assent  of  our  chapters  of  Holy  Trinity  and  St.  Patrick.’  I think  I 
am  correct  in  saying,  though  I write  without  book,  that  he  makes  no  mention 
of  a Rector.  If  not,  the  Chancellor  probably,  whom  he  does  mention,  took  his 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  IRELAND. 


879 


place,  or  was  bis  sjnonj-m,  as  in  some  other  universities.  This  Chancellor  the 
Regent  Masters  were  to  have  the  privilege  of  choosing,  with  a proviso  that  he 
was  a ‘Doctor  in  sacra  pagna,’  or  in  ‘jure  canonico,’  with  a preference  of  mem- 
bers of  the  two  chapters.  He  was  to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Arch- 
bishop. The  Regent  Masters  elected  the  Proctors  also,  who  were  two  in 
number,  and  who  supplied  the  place  of  the  Chancellor  in  his  absence.  The 
Chancellor  was  invested  with  jurisdiction  over  the  members  of  the  university, 
and  had  a court,  to  which  causes  belonged  in  which  they  were  concerned. 
Tliere  was,  moreover,  a university  chest,  supplied  by  means  of  the  fines  which 
were  the  result  of  his  decisions.  Degrees  were  to  be  conferred  upon  certificate 
of  the  Masters  of  the  Faculty,  in  which  the  candidate  was  proceeding. 
Statutes  were  to  be  passed  by  the  Chancellor,  in  council  of  Masters  Regent  and 
Non-regent,  subject  to  the  confirmation  of  the  Archbishop.  The  schools  of  the 
Friars  Preachers  (or  Dominicans)  and  of  the  Minorities  (or  Franciscans)  were 
recognized  in  their  connection  with  the  university,  the  Archbishop  reserving  to 
himself  the  right  of  appointing  a lecturer  in  Holy  Scripture. 

Such  was  the  encouraging  and  hopeful  start  of  the  university ; the  Dean  of 
St.  Patrick  was  advanced  to  the  Doctorate  in  Canon  Law,  and  was  created  its 
first  Chancellor;  its  first  Doctors  in  Theology  were  two  Dominicans  and  one 
Franciscan.  The  Canons  of  the  Cathedral  seem  to  have  been  its  acting  mem- 
bers, and  filled  the  offices  of  a place  of  education  without  prejudicing  their 
capitular  duties.  However,  it  soon  appeared  that  there  was  somewhere  a 
hitch,  and  the  work  did  not  make  progress.  It  has  been  supposed,  with  reason, 
that  under  the  unhappy  circumstances  of  the  time,  the  university  could  not 
make  head  against  the  necessary  difficulties  of  a commencement.  Another  and 
more  definite  cause  which  is  assigned  for  the  failure,  is  the  want  of  funds.  The 
Irish  people  were  poor,  and  unable  to  meet  the  expenses  involved  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  a great  seat  of  learning,  at  a time  when  other  similar  institutions 
already  existed.  The  time  had  passed  when  universities  grew  up  out  of  the 
enthusiasm  of  teachers  and  the  curiosity  and  eagerness  of  students ; or,  if 
these  causes  still  were  in  operation,  they  had  been  directed  and  flowed  in  upon 
seats  of  learning  already  existing  in  other  countries.  It  was  the  age  of 
national  schools,  of  colleges  and  endowments;  and,  though  the  civil  power 
appeared  willing  to  take  its  part  in  endowments  in  . furtherance  of  the  new 
undertaking,  it  did  not  go  much  further  than  to  enrich  it  now  and  then  with  a 
stray  lectureship,  and  wealthy  prelates  or  nobles  were  not  forthcoming  in  that 
age,  capable  of  conceiving  and  executing  works  in  the  spirit  of  Ximenes  two 
centuries  afterwards  in  Spain. 

In  1358  the  clergy  and  scholars  of  Ireland  represented  to  Edward  the  Third 
the  necessity  under  which  they  lay  of  cultivating  theology,  canon  law,  and  the 
other  clerical  sciences,  and  the  serious  impediments  in  the  way  of  these  studies 
which  lay  in  the  expense  of  travel  and  the  dangers  of  the  sea  to  those  who 
had  no  university  of  their  own.  In  answer  to  this  request,  the  king  seems  to 
have  founded  a lectureship  in  theology ; and  he  indirectly  encouraged  the 
university  schools  by  issuing  his  letters-patent,  giving  special  protection  and 
safe-conduct  to  English  as  well  as  Irish,  of  whatever  degree,  with  their 
servants  and  attendants,  their  goods  and  habiliments,  in  going,  residing,  and 
returning.  A few  years  later,  in  1364,  Lionel,  Duke  of  Clarence,  founded  a 
preachership  and  lectureship  in  the  Cathedral,  to  be  held  by  an  Augustinian. 


880 


SUPERIOR  INSTRUCTION  IN  IRELAND. 


Efforts  in  1465  and  1496. 

A further  attempt  in  behalf  of  a university  was  made  a century  later.  In 
1465,  the  Irish  Parliament,  under  the  presidency  of  Thomas  Geraldine,  Earl  of 
Desmond,  Vicegerent  of  George,  Duke  of  Clarence,  Lieutenant  of  the  English 
King,  had  erected  a university  at  Drogheda,  and  endowed  it  with  the  privileges 
of  the  University  of  Oxford.  This  attempt,  however,  in  like  manner  was 
rendered  abortive  by  the  want  of  funds ; but  it  seems  to  have  suggested  a new 
effort  in  favor  of  the  elder  institution  at  Dublin,  which  at  this  time  could 
scarcely  be  said  to  exist.  Ten  years  after  the  Parliament  in  question,  the 
Dominican  and  other  friars  preferred  a supplication  to  Pope  Sixtus  the  Fourth, 
in  which  they  represent  that  in  Ireland  there  is  no  university  to  which  Masters, 
Doctors  of  Law,  and  Scholars  may  resort ; that  it  is  necessary  to  go  to  England 
at  a great  expense  and  peril ; and  consequently  they  ask  for  leave  to  erect  a 
university  in  the  metropolitan  city.  The  Pope  granted  their  request,  and, 
though  nothing  followed,  the  attempt  is  so  far  satisfactory,  as  evidencing  the 
perseverance  of  the  Irish  clergy  in  aiming  at  what  they  felt  to  be  a benefit  of 
supreme  importance  to  their  country. 

Nor  was  this  the  last  of  such  attempts,  nor  were  the  secular  behind  the 
regular  clergy  in  zeal  for  a university.  As  late  as  the  reign  of  Henry  the 
vSeventh,  in  the  year  1496,  Walter  Fitzsimon,  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  in 
provincial  Synod,  settled  an  annual  contribution  to  be  levied  for  seven  years 
in  order  to  provide  salaries  for  the  lecturers.  And,  though  we  have  no 
record,  I believe,  of  the  effect  of  this  measure,  yet,  when  the  chapter  was 
reestablished  in  the  reign  of  Philip  and  Mary,  the  allusion  made  in  the  legal 
instrument  to  the  loss  which  the  youthful  members  of  society  had  sustained  in 
its  suppression,  may  be  taken  to  show  that  certain  scholastic  benefits  had 
resulted  from  its  stalls,  though  the  education  which  they  provided  was  not'of 
that  character  which  the  name  of  a university  demanded. 

Establishment  of  Trinity  College  in  1591. 

In  1568,  Sir  Henry  Sidney  attempted  to  restore  and  continue  the  work 
begun  by  Bicknor,  but  in  vain;  and  it  was  reserved  to  Sir  John  Perrot,  in 
1589,  to  propose  to  convert  the  Cathedral  of  St  Patrick  into  an  Inn  of  Court 
for  the  judges  and  lawyers,  and  to  appropriate  the  revenues  of  the  church  into 
a foundation  of  two  universities,  with  two  colleges  for  residence  in  each.’  His 
proposition  was  not  immediately  acted  upon,  but  after  his  recall  by  Queen 
Elizabetli,  Archbishop  Loftus,  to  save  his  interests  in  the  long  leases  and  estates 
of  the  Cathedral,  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the  corporation  of  Dublin  a piece 
of  ground  which  had  belonged  to  the  Augustinian  monastery  of  All-Saints,  a 
Priory  of  the  Aroasian  Canons,  founded  in  the  year  1166,  by  Dermot 
M’Murrough,  King  of  Leinster,  for  the  projected  university. 

^ In  December,  1590,  a grant  of  the  Abbey  lands  was  made  for  the  foundation 
of  a college,  and  in  March,  1591,  letters  patent  were  issued  for  the  erection  of 
a college,  under  the  name  of  the  Provost,  Fellows,  and  Scholars  of  the  College 
of  the  Holy  Trinity  founded  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  near  Dublin,  for  the  educa- 
tion, institution,  and  instruction  of  youth  in  the  arts  and  faculties,  with 
authority  to  make  laws  for  the  government  thereof,  and  confer  the  degrees  of 
bachelor,  master,  and  doctor. 


( To  be  continued.) 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  OXFORD. 


INTRODUCTION. 

We  begin  our  account  of  the  University  of  Oxford  with  a few 
paragraphs  in  which  Sir  William  Hamilton,,  in  an  article  in  the  Ed- 
inburgh Review  (1830)  republished  with  additions,  in  a separate 
form,  and  now  issued  in  his  collected  Essays  and  Discussions,  has 
sharply  defined  the  distinction  between  the  University  proper  and 
the  Colleges,  and  opened  a controversy  which  is  not  yet  ended,  and 
which  has  already  modified,  by  parliamentary  statute,  and  the  action 
of  the  University  Commissioners,  and  the  Heads  of  Houses,  the  rela- 
tions of  the  University  and  the  Colleges.  To  the  historical  discus- 
sion of  the  relation  of  the  Colleges  to  the  University  by  Sir  William 
Hamilton,  we  shall  add  portions  of  a chapter  from  Dr.  Newman’s 
Rise  of  Universities,  which  exhibits  the  advantages  of  the  College 
system  in  respect  to  the  domestic  life  of  the  student. 

THE  UNIVERSITY  AND  THE  COLLEGES. 

Oxford  and  Cambridj^e,  as  establishments  for  education,  consist  of  two 
parts — of  the  University  proper,  and  of  the  Colleges.  The  former,  original  and. 
essential,  is  founded,  controlled,  and  privileged  by  public  authority,  for  the  ad-’ 
vantage  of  the  nation.  The  latter,  accessory  and  contingent,  are  created,  regu- 
lated, and  endowed  by  private  munificence,  for  the  interest  of  certain  favored 
individuals.  Time  was,  when  the  Colleges  did  not  exist,  and  the  University  was 
there;  and  were  the  Colleges  again  abolished,  the  University  would  remain  en-' 
tire.  The  former,  founded  solely  for  education,  exists  only  as  it  accomplishes 
the  end  of  its  institution  ; the  latter,  founded  principally  for  aliment  and  habi-. 
tation,  would  still  exist,  were  all  education  abandoned  within  their  walls.  The 
University,  as  a national  establishment,  is  necessarily  open  to  the  lieges  in  gen- 
eral ; the  Colleges,  as  private  institutions,  might  universally  do,  as  some  have 
actually  done — close  their  gates  upon  all,  except  their  foundation  members. 

The  Universities  and  Colleges  are  thus  neither  identical,  nor  vicarious  of  each 
other.  If  the  University  ceases  to  perform  its  functions,  it  ceases  to  exist ; and 
the  privileges  accorded  by  the  nation  to  the  system  of  public  education  legally 
organized  in  the  University,  can  not,  without  the  consent  of  the  nation — far  less 
without  the  consent  of  the  academical  legislature — be  lawfully  transferred  to  the. 
system  of  private  education  precariously  organized  in  the  Colleges,  and  over, 
which  neither  the  State  nor  the  University  have  any  control.  They  have,  how-i 
ever,  been  unlawfully  usurped. 

Through  the  suspension  of  the  University,  and  the  usurpation  of  its  functions  ■ 
and  privileges  by  the  Collegial  bodies,  there  has  arisen  the  second  of  two  sys- 
tem', diametrically  opposite  to  each  other. — The  one,  in  which  the  University 
was  paramount,  is  ancient  and  statutory  ; the  other,  in  which  the  Colleges  have’ 
the  ascendant,  is  recent  and  illegal. — In  the  former,  all  was  subservient  to  public 
utility,  and  the  interests  of  science  ; in  the  latter,  all  is  sacrificed  to  private  mo- 
nopoly, and  to  the  convenience  of  the  teacher. — The  former  amplified  the  means, 
of  education  in  accommodation  to  the  mighty  end  which  a University  proposes  ; ; 
the  latter  limits  the  end  which  the  University  attempts  to  the  capacity  of  the 
56  (881) 


882 


UNIVERSITY  AND  COLLEGES. 


petty  instruments  which  the  intrusive  system  employs. — The  one  afforded  educa- 
tion in  all  the  Faculties  ; the  other  professes  to  furnish  only  elementary  tuition 
in  the  lowest. — In  the  authorized  system,  the  cycle  of  instruction  was  distributed 
among  a body  of  teachers,  all  professedly  chosen  from  merit,  and  each  concen- 
trating his  ability  on  a single  object ; in  the  unauthorized,  every  branch,  neces- 
sary to  be  learned,  is  monopolized  by  an  individual,  privileged  to  teach  all, 
though  probably  ill  qualified  to  teach  any. — The  old  system  daily  collected  into 
large  classes,  under  the  same  professor,  the  whole  youth  of  the  University  of 
equal  standing,  and  thus  rendered  possible  a keen  and  constant  and  un  remitted 
competition  ; the  new,  which  elevates,  the  colleges  and  halls  into  so  many  little 
universities,  and  in  these  houses  distributes  the  students,  without  regard  to  abil- 
ity or  standing,  among  some  fifty  tutors,  frustrates  all  emulation  among  the 
members  of  its  small  and  ill-assorted  classes. — In  the  superseded  system,  the  De- 
grees in  all  the  Faculties  were  solemn  testimonials  that  the  graduate  had  accom- 
plished a regular  course  of  study  in  the  public  schools  of  the  University,  and 
approved  his  competence  by  exercise  and  examination ; and  on  these  degrees, 
only  as  such  testimonials,  and  solely  for  the  public  good,  were  there  bestowed  by 
the  civil  legislature,  great  and  exclusive  privileges  in  the  church,  in  the  courts  of 
law,  and  in  the  practice  of  medicine.  In  the  superseding  system.  Degrees  in  all 
the  Faculties,  except  the  lowest  department  of  the  lowest,  certify  neither  a course 
of  academical  study,  nor  any  ascertained  proficiency  in  the  graduate;  and  these 
now  nominal  distinctions  retain  their  privileges  to  the  public  detriment,  and  for 
the  benefit  only  of  those  by  whom  they  have  been  deprived  of  their  significance. 
Such  is  the  general  contrast  of  the  two  systems,  which  we  now  exhibit  in  detail. 

Though  Colleges  be  unessential  accessories  to  a University,  yet  common  cir- 
cumstances occasioned,  throughout  all  the  older  Universities,  the  foundation  of 
conventual  establishments  for  the  habitation,  support,  and  subsidiary  discipline 
of  the  student ; and  the  date  of  the  earliest  Colleges  is  not  long  posterior  to  the 
date  of  the  most  ancient  Universities.  Establishments  of  this  nature  are  thus 
not  peculiar  to  England  ; and  like  the  greater  number  of  her  institutions,  they 
were  borrowed  by  Oxford  from  the  mother  University  of  Paris — but  with  pecu- 
liar and  importiant  modifications.  A sketch  of  the  Collegial  system  as  variously 
organized,  and  as  variously  affecting  the  academical  constitution  in  foreign  Uni- 
versities, will  afford  a clearer  conception  of  the  distinctive  character  of  that  sys- 
tem in  those  of  England,  and  of  the  paramount  and  unexampled  influence  it  has 
exerted  in  determining  their  corruption. 

OUIGIN  OF  COLLEGES  WITHIN  THE  UNIVERSITIES. 

The  causes  which  originally  promoted  the  establishment  of  Colleges,  were  very 
different  from  those  which  subsequently  occasioned  their  increase,  and  are  to  be 
found  in  the  circumstances  under  which  the  earliest  Universities  sprang  up.  The 
great  concourse  of  the  studious,  counted  by  tens  of  thousands,  and  from  every 
country  of  Europe,  to  the  illustrious  teachers  of  Law,  Medicine,  and  Philosophy, 
who  in  the  twelfth  anrl  thirteenth  centuries  delivered  their  prelections  in  Bologna, 
Salerno,  and  Paris,  necessarily  occasioned,  in  these  cities,  a scarcity  of  lodgings, 
and  an  exorbitant  demand  for  rent.  Various  means  were  adopted  to  alleviate 
this  inconvenience,  but  with  inadequate  effect ; and  the  hardships  to  which  the 
poorer  students  were  frequently  exposed,  moved  compassionate  individuals  to 
provide  houses,  in  which  a certain  number  of  indigent  scholars  might  be  accom- 
modated with  free  lodging  during  the  progress  of  their  studies.  The  manners, 
also,  of  the  cities  in  which  the  early  Universities  arose,  were,  for  obvious  reasons 
more  than  usually  corrupt ; and  even  attendance  on  the  public  teachers  forced 
the  student  into  dangerous  and  degrading  associations.  Piety  thus  concurred 
with  benevolence,  in  supplying  houses  in  which  poor  scholars  might  be  har- 
bored without  cost,  and  youth,  removed  from  perilous  temptation,  be  placed 
under  the  control  of  an  overseer ; and  an  example  was  afforded  for  imitation  in 
the  Hospitia  which  the  religious  orders  established  in  the  University  towns  for 
those  of  their  members  who  were  now  attracted,  as  teachers  and  learners,  to 
these  places  of  literary  resort.*  Free  board  was  soon  added  to  free  lodging ; and 

Tunc  autem,”  says  the  Cardinal  de  Vitry,  who  wrote  in  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  in  speaking  of  the  state  of  Paris — “ tunc  autem  amplius  in  Cleroquam  in  alio  populo 
dissoluta  (Lutetia  sc.),  tamquam  capra  scabio.sa  et  ovis  morbida,  pernicioso  exemplo  multos 
hospites  suos  undique  ad  earn  afliuentes  corrumpebat,  habitatores  suos  devorans  et  in  profmir 


UNIVERSITY  AND  COLLEGES. 


883 


a small  bursary  or  stipend  generally  completed  the  endowment.  With  moral 
superintendence  was  conjoined  literary  discipline,  but  still  in  subservience  to  the 
public  exercises  and  lectures;  opportunity  was  thus  obtained  of  constant 
tation  to  which  the  greatest  imjwrtance  was  wisely  attributed,  through  all  the  scholastic 
ages ; while  books,  which  only  affluent  individuals  could  then  afford  to  purchase, 
were  supplied  for  the  general  use  of  the  indigent  community. 

THE  COLLEGE  IN  PARIS. 

But  as  Paris  was  the  University  in  which  collegial  establishments  were  first 
founded,  so  Paris  was  the  University  in  which  they  soonest  obtained  the  last  and 
most  important  extension  of  their  purposes.  Regents  were  occasionally  taken 
from  the  public  schools,  and  placed  as  regular  lecturers  withiti  the  Colleges. 
Sometimes  nominated,  always  controlled,  and  only  degraded  by  their  Faculty, 
these  lecturers  were  recognized  as  among  its  regular  teachers ; and  the  same 
privileges  accorded  to  the  attendance  on  their  College  courses,  as  to  those  deliv- 
ered by  other  graduates  in  the  common  schools  of  the  Uiiivei'sity.  Different 
Colleges  thus  afforded  the  means  of  academical  education  in  certain  departments 
of  a faculty — in  a whole  faculty — or  in  several  faculties ; and  so  far  they  con- 
stituted particular  incorporations  of  teachers  and  learners,  apart  from,  and,  in 
some  degree,  independent  of,  the  general  body  of  the  University.  They  formed, 
in  fact,  so  many  petty  Universities,  or  so  many  fragments  of  a University.  Into 
the  Colleges,  thus  furnished  with  professors,  there  were  soon  admitted  to  board 
and  education  pensioners,  or  scholars,  not  on  the  foundation  ; and  nothing  more 
was  wanting  to  supersede  the  lecturer  in  the  public  schools,  than  to  throw  open 
these  domestic  classes  to  the  members  of  the  other  Colleges,  and  to  the  martinets  or 
scholars  of  the  University  not  belonging  to  Colleges  at  all.  In  the  course  of  the 
fifteenth  century  this  was  done  ; and  the  University  and  Colleges  were  thus  inti- 
mately united.  The  College  Regents,  selected  for  talent,  and  recommended  to 
favor  by  their  nomination,  soon  diverted  the  students  from  the  unguaranteed 
courses  of  the  lecturers  in  the  University  schools.  The  prime  faculties  of  The- 
ology and  Arts  became  at  last  exclusively  collegial.  With  the  exception  of  two 
courses  in  the  great  College  of  Navarre,  the  lectures,  disputations,  and  acts  of 
the  Theological  Faculty  were  confined  to  the  college  of  the  hiorbonne ; and  the  Sor- 
bonne  thus  became  convertible  with  the  Theological  Faculty  of  Paris.  During 
the  latter  half  of  the  fifteenth  century,  the  ^‘famous  Colleges,”  or  those  of  com- 
plete exercise  ” (cc.  magna,  celebila,  famosa,  famata,  de  plein  cxercise\  in  the 
Faculty  of  Ai-ts,  amounted  to  eighteen — a number  which,  before  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth,  had  been  reduced  to  ten.  About  eighty  others  (cc.  parva,  non 
celebria),  of  which  above  a half  still  subsisted  in  the  eighteenth  century,  taught 
either  only  the  subordinate  branches  of  the  facultv  (grammar  and  rhetoric),  and 
this  only  to  those  on  the  foundation,  or  merel}>^  afforded  habitation  and  stipend 
to  their  bursars,  now  admitted  to  education  in  all  the  larger  colleges,  with  the 
illustrious  exception  of  Navarre.  The  Rue  de  la  Fouarre  {vicus  stramineus), 
which  contained  the  schools  belonging  to  the  different  Nations  of  the  Faculty,  and  to 
which  the  lectures  in  philosophy  had  been  once  exclusively  confined,  became  less 
and  less  frequented ; until  at  last  the  public  chair  of  Ethics,  long  perpetuated  by 
an  endowment,  alone  remained;  and  The  Street”  would  have  been  wholly 
abandoned  by  the  university,  had  not  the  acts  of  Determination,  the  forms  of  In- 
ceptorship,  and  the  Examinations  of  some  of  the  Nations,  still  connected  the 
Faculty  of  Arts  with  this  venerable  site.  The  colleges  of  full  exercise  in  this 
faculty,  continued  to  combine  the  objects  of  a classical  school  and  university  ; 
for,  besides  the  art  of  grammar  taught  in  six  or  seven  consecutive  classes  of  hu- 
manity or  ancient  literature,  they  supplied  courses  of  rhetoric,  logic,  metaphysics 
physics,  mathematics,  and  morals : the  several  subjects,  taught  by  different  profes’ 
sors.  A free  competition  was  thus  maintained  between  the  Colleges  ; the  princi- 

dum  demergens,  simplicem  fornicationem  nullum  peccatum  reputabat.  Meretriccs  publicac, 
ubique  per  vicos  et  plateas  civitatis,  passim  ad  lupanaria  sua  clericos  transeuntes  quasi  per  vio- 
lentiam  pertrahebant.  Quod  si  forte  ingredi  recusarent,  confestim  eos  ‘ Sodomitas,'  post  ipsos 
conclAmentes,  dicebant.  In  una  autem  ut  eadem  ddmo,  scholce  erant  superius,  prostibula  in- 
ferius.  In  parte  superiori  magistri  legebant,  in  in/eriori  meretriees  offieia  turpitudinis  exerce- 
bant.  Ex  una  parte,  meretriees  inter  se  et  cum  Cenonibvs  {lenonibus'\  litigabant ; ex  alia  parte, 
disputantes  et  contentiose  agentes  clerici  proclamabant.‘‘'> — (Jacobi  de  Vitriaco  Hist.  Occident, 
cap.  vii.) — It  thus  appears,  that  the  Schools  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts  were  not  as  yet  established  in 
the  Rue  de  la  Fouarre.  At  this  date  in  Paris,  as  originally  also  in  Oxford,  the  lectures  and  dis- 
putations were  conducted  by  the  masters  in  their  private  habitations. 


864 


UNIVERSITY  AND  COLLEGES. 


pals  had  every  inducement  to  appoint  only  the  most  able  teachers  ; and  the 
emoluments  of  the  rival  professors  (who  were  not  astricted  to  celibacy)  de- 
pended mainly  on  their  fees.  A blind  munificence  quenched  this  useful  emula- 
tion. In  the  year  1719,  fixed  salaries  and  retiring  pensions  were  assigned  by  the 
crown  to  the  College  Regents  ; the  lieges  at  large  now  obtained  the  gratuitous 
instruction  which  the  poor  had  always  enjoyed,  but  the  University  declined. 

THE  COLLEGE  IN  LOUVAIN. 

After  Paris,  no  continental  University  was  more  affected  in  its  fundamental 
faculty  by  the  collegial  system  than  Louvain.  Originally,  as  in  Paris,  and  the 
other  Universities  of  the  Parisian  model,  the  lectures  in  the  Faculty  of  Arts 
were  exclusively  delivered  by  the  regents  in  vico,  or  in  the  general  schools,  to  each 
of  whom  a certain  subject  of  philosophy,  and  a certain  hour  of  teaching,  was 
assigned.  Colleges  were  founded ; and  in  some  of  these,  during  the  fifteenth 
century,  particular  scho(  ls  were  established.  The  regents  in  these  colleges  w'ere 
not  disowned  by  the  faculty,  to  whose  control  they  were  subjected.  Here,  as  in 
Paris,  the  lectures  by  the  regents  in  vico  gradually  decline  !,  till  at  last  the  three 
public  professorships  of  Ethics,  Rhetoric,  and  Mathematics,  perpetuated  by  endow- 
ment, were  in  the  seventeenth  century  the  only  classes  that  remained  open  in  the 
halls  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts,  in  which,  besides  other  exercises,  the  Quodlibetic 
Disputations  were  still  annually  performed.  The  general  tuition  of  that  faculty 
was  conducted  in  four  rival  colleges  of  full  exercise,  or  Pcedagogia,  as  they  were 
denominated,  in  contradistinction  to  the  other  colleges,  which  were  intended  less 
for  the  education,  than  for  the  habitation  and  aliment  of  youth,  during  their 
studies.  These  last,  wdiich  amounted  to  above  thirty,  sent  their  bursars  for  edu- 
cation to  the  four  privileged  Colleges  of  the  Faculty  ; to  one  or  other  of  which 
these  minor  establishments  were  in  general  astricted.  In  the  Pajdagogia  (with 
the  single  exception  of  the  Collegium  Poi'ci),  Philosophy  alone  was  taught,  and 
this  under  the  fourfold  division  of  Logic,  Physics,  Metaphysics,  and  Morak,  by 
four  ordinary  professors  and  a principal.  Instruction  in  the  Litterce  Hirnmniores, 
was,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  discontinued  in  the  other  three  (cc.  Castri,  Lilii, 
Falconis) ; — the  earlier  institution  in  this  department  being  afforded  by  the  oppi- 
dan schools  then  everywhere  established  ; the  higher  by  the  Collegium  Gandense; 
and  the  highest  by  the  three  professors  of  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew  literature, 
in  the  Collegium  Trilingue,  founded  in  1517,  by  Hieronymus  Buslidius — a mem- 
orable institution,  imitated  by  Francis  I.  in  Paris,  by  Fox  and  Wolsey  in  Oxford, 
and  by  Ximenes  in  Alcala  de  Henares.  In  the  Pnedagogia  the  discipline  was 
rigorous ; the  diligence  of  the  teachers  admirably  sustained  by  the  rivalry  of  the 
different  Houses ; and  the  emulation  of  the  students,  roused  by  daily  competi- 
tion in  their  several  classes  and  colleges,  was  powerfully  directed  toward  the 
great  general  contest,  in  which  all  the  candidates  for  a degree  in  arts  frc  m the 
different  Paedagogia  were  brought  into  concourse — publicly  and  minutely  tried 
by  sworn  examinators — and  finally  arranged  in  the  strict  order  of  merit. 

THE  COLLEGE  IN  CEUMANY. 

In  Germany  collegial  establishments  did  not  obtain  the  same  preponderance  as 
in  the  Netherlands  and  France.  In  tbe  older  universities  of  the  empire,  the 
academical  system  Avas  not  essentially  modified  by  these  institutions ; and  in  the 
universities  founded  after  the  commencement  of  the  sixteenth  century,  they  were 
rarely  called  into  existence.  In  Prague,  Vienna,  Heidelberg,  Cologne,  Erfurth, 
Lcipsic,  Rostoch,  Ingolstadt,  Tubingen,  &c.,  we  find  conventual  establishments 
for  the  habitation,  aliment,  and  superintendence  of  youth ; but  these,  always 
subsidiary  to  the  public  system,  were  rarely  able,  after  the  revival  of  letters,  to 
maintain  their  importance  even  in  this  subordinate  capacity. 

In  Germany,  the. name  of  College  was  usually  applied  to  foundations  destined* 
principally  for  the  residence  and  support  of  the  academical  teachers;  the  name 
of  Bursa  was  given  to  houses  inhabited  by  students,  under  the  superintendence 
of  a graduate  in  arts.  In  the  colleges,  which  were  comparatively  rare,  if  schol- 
ars were  admitted  at  all,  they  received  free  lodging  or  free  board,  but  not  free 
domestic  tuition  ; they  were  bound  to  be  diligent  in  attendance  on  the  lectures 
of  the  public  readers  in  the  University  ; and  the  governors  of  the  house  were  en- 
joined to  see  that  this  obligation  was  faithfully  performed.  The  Bursse,  which 


UNIVERSITY  AND  COLLEGES. 


885 


corresponded  to  the  ancient  Halls  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  prevailed  in  all  the 
older  Universities  of  Germany.  They  were  either  benevolent  foundations  for 
the  reception  of  a certain  class  of  favored  students,  who  had  sometimes  also  a 
small  exhibition  for  their  support  (66.  privatoe) : or  houses  licensed  by  the  Faculty 
of  Arts,  to  whom  they  exclusively  belonged,  in  which  the  students  admitted 
were  bound  to  a certain  stated  contribution  (positio)  to  a common  exchequer 
{bursa — hence  the  name),  and  to  obedience  to  the  laws  by  which  the  discipline  of 
the  establishment  "was  regulated  (66.  communes).  Of  these  varieties,  the  second 
was  in  general  engrafted  on  the  first.  Every  bursa  was  governed  by  a graduate 
{rector  conventor ;)  and  in  the  larger  institutions,  under  him,  by  his  delegate 
{convector)  or  assistants  {magistri  conventores) . In  most  Universities  it  w'as  en- 
joined that  every  regular  student  in  the  Faculty  of  Arts  should  enrol  himself  of 
a burse ; but  the  burse  was  also  frequently  inhabited  by  masters  engaged  in  pub- 
lic lecturing  in  their  own,  or  in  following  the  courses  of  a higher  faculty,  d'o 
the  duty  of  rector  belonged  a general  supei-lntemdence  of  the  diligence  and  moral 
conduct  of  the  inferior  members,  and  (in  the  larger  bursas,  with  the  aid  of  a 
procurator  or  ceconomus)  the  management  of  the  funds  destined  for  the  mainten- 
ance of  the  house.  As  in  the  colleges  of  France  and  England,  he  could  enforce 
dis^line  by  the  infliction  of  corporeal  punishment.  Domestic  instruction  was 
generally  introduced  into  these  establishments,  but,  as  we  said,  only  in  subservi- 
ence to  the  public-  The  rector,  either  by  himself  or  deputies,  repeated  with  his 
bursars  their  public  lessons,  resolved  difficulties  they  might  propose,  supplied  de- 
ficiencies in  their  knowledge,  and  moderated  at  their  private  disputations. 

The  philosophical  controversies  which,  during  the  Middle  Ages,  divided  the 
universities  of  Europe  into  hostile  parties,  were  waged  with  peculiar  activity 
among  a people,  like  the  Germans,  actuated,  more  than  any  other,  by  specula- 
tive opinion,  and  the  spirit  of  sect.  The  famous  question  touching  the  nature 
of  Universals,  which  cx'eated  a schism  in  the  University  of  Prague,  and  thus 
founded  the  University  of  Leipsic ; which  formally  separated  into  two,  the  faculty 
of  arts  (called  severally  the  via  autigua  or  realist,  and  the  via  moderna  or  nomi- 
nalist), in  Ingolstadt,  Tubingen,  Heidelberg,  &c. ; and  occasioned  a ceaseless  war- 
fare in  the  other  schools  of  philosophy  throughout  the  empire: — this  question 
modified  the  German  bursa?  in  a far  more  decisive  manner  than  it  affected  the 
colleges  in  the  other  countries  of  Europe-  The  Nominalists  and  Realists  with- 
di-ew  themselves  into  different  bursa?;  whence,  as  from  opposite  castles,  they 
daily  descended  to  renew  their  clamorous,  and  not  always  bloodless  contests,  in 
the  arena  of  the  public  schools.  In  this  manner  the  bursas  of  Ingolstadt,  Tu- 
bingen, Heidelberg,  Erfurth,  and  other  universities,  were  divided  between  the 
partisans  of  the  Via  Antiquorum,  and  the  partisans  of  the  Via  Modt^rnorum ; and 
in  some  of  the  greater  schools  the  se  veral  sects  of  Realism — ^as  the  Albertists, 
Thomists,  Scotists — had  bursa?  of  their  “pec////ar  process.” 

The  effect  of  this  was  to  place  these  institutions  more  absolutely  under  that 
scholastic  influence  xvhich  swayed  the  faculties  of  arts  and  theology  ; and  how- 
ever adverse  were  the  different  sects,  Avhen  a common  enemy  was  at  a distance, 
no  sooner  was  the  reign  of  scholasticism  threatened  by  the  revival  of  polite  let- 
ters, than  their  particular  dissensions  Avere  merged  in  a general  syncretism  to 
resist  the  novelty  equally  obnoxious  to  all — a resistance  Avhich,  if  it  did  not  suc- 
ceed in  obtaining  the  absolute  proscription  of  humane  literature  in  the  Univer- 
sities, succeeded,  at  least,  in  excluding  it  from  the  course  prescribed  for  the 
degree  in  arts,  and  from  the  studies  authorized  in  the  bursa?,  of  Avhich  that 
faculty  had  universally  the  control.  Ii\  their  relations  to  the  revival  of  ancient 
learning,  the  bursa?  of  Germany,  and  the  colleges  of  France  and  England,  Avere 
directly  opposed ; and  to  this  contrast  is,  in  part,  to  be  attributed  the  difference 
of  their  fate.  The  colleges,  indeed,  mainly  OAV^ed  their  stability — in  England  to 
their  Avealth — in  France  to  their  coalition  Avith  the  Unwersity-  But  in  harboring 
the  rising  literature,  and  rendering  themseh'es  instrumental  to  its  progress,  the 
colleges  seemed  aneAv  to  vindicate  their  utility,  and  remained,  during  the.revolu- 
tionary  crisis  at  least,  in  unison  Avith  the  spirit  of  the  age-  The  hursce,  on  the 
contrary,  fell  at  once  into  contempt  with  the  antiquated  learning  Avhich  they  so 
fondly  defended ; and  before  they  Avere  disposed  to  transfer  their,  allegiance  to 
the  dominant  literature,  other  instruments  had  been  organized,  and  circumstan- 
ces had  superseded  their  necessity.  The  philosophical  faculty  to  Avhich  they 
belonged,  had  lo.st,  by  its  opposition  to  the  admission  of  humane  letters  into  its 
course,  the  consideration  it  formerly  obtained ; and  in  the  Protestant  Universi- 


886 


UNIVERSITY  AND  COLLEGES. 


ties  of  the  Empire  a de^ee  in  Arts  was  no  longer  required  as  a necessary  pass- 
port to  the  other  faculties.  The  Gymnasia,  established  or  multiplied  on  the 
Reformation  throughout  Protestant  Germany,  sent  the  youth  to  the  nniversities 
with  sounder  studies,  and  at  a maturer  age;  and  the  public  prelections,  no  longer 
intrusted  to  the  fortuitous  competence  of  the  graduates,  were  discharged,  in 
chief,  by  Professors  carefully  selected  for  their  merit — rewarded  in  exact  propor- 
tion to  their  individual  value  in  the  literary  market — and  stimulated  to  exertion 
by  a competition  unexampled  in  the  academical  arrangements  of  any  other 
country.  The  discipline  of  the  bursae  was  now  found  less  useful  in  aid  of  the 
University;  and  the  student  less  disposed  to  submit  to  their  restraint.  No 
wealthy  foundations  perpetuated  their  existence  independently  of  use ; and  their 
services  being  found  too  small  to  warrant  their  maintenance  by  compulsory  regu- 
lations, they  were  soon  generally  abandoned, — The  name  Bursch  alone  survives. 

• THE  COLLEGE  IN  ENGLAND. 

In  the  English  Universities,  the  history  of  the  collegial  element  has  been  very 
different.  Nowhere  did  it  deserve  to  exercise  so  small  an  influence;  nowhere  has 
it  exercised  so  great.  The  colleges  of  the  continental  Universities  were  no  hos- 
pitals for  drones ; their  foundations  were  exclusively  in  favor  of  teach&'s  and 
learners  ; the  former,  whose  number  was  detennined  by  their  necessity,  enjoyed 
their  stipend  under  the  condition  of  instruction  ; and  the  latter,  only  during  the 
period  of  their  academical  studies.  In  the  English  colleges,,  on  the  contrary, 
the  fellowships,  with  hardly  an  exception,  are  perpetual,  not  burdened  with 
tuition,  and  indefinite  in  number.  In  the  foreign  colleges,  the  instmctors  were 
chosen  from  competence.  In  those  of  England,  but  especially  in  Oxford,  the 
fellows  in  general  owe  their  election  to  chance.  Abroad,  as  the  colleges  were 
visited,  superintended,,  regulated,  and  reformed  by  their  faculty,  their  lectures 
were  acknowledged  by  the  University  as  public  coui'ses,  and  the  lecturers  them- 
selves at  last  recognized  as  its  privileged  professors.  In  England,  as  the  Univer- 
sity did  not  exercise  the  right  of  visitation  over  the  colleges,  their  discipline  was 
viewed  as  private  and  subsidiary ; while  the  fellow  was  never  recognized  as  a 
public  character  at  all,  far  less  as  a privileged  instructor.  In  Paris  and  Louvain, 
the  college  discipline  superseded  only  the  precarious  lectxires  of  the  graduates  at 
large.  In  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  it  was  an  improved  and  improvable  system 
of  professional  education  that  the  tutorial  extinguished.  In  the  foreign  Univer- 
sities, the  right  of  academical  instruction  was  deputed  to  a limited  number  of 
“famous  colleges,”  and  in  these  only  to  a full  body  of  eo-operative  teachers.  In 
Oxford,  all  academical  education  is  usurped,  not  only  by  every  house,  but  by 
every  fellow-tutor  it  contains.  'J'he  alliance  between  the  Colleges  and  University 
in  Paris  and  Louvain  was,  in  the  circumstances,  perhaps  a rational  improve- 
ment; the  dethronement  of  the  University  by  the  Colleges  in  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge, was  wdthout  doubt,  a preposterous,  as  an  illegal,  revolution. 

In  the  motle  of  teaching — in  the  subjects  taught — in  the  forms  of  graduation 
— and  in  the  general  mechanism  of  the  faculties,  no  Universities,  for  a long 
time,  resembled  each  other  more  closely  than  the  “ first  and  second  schools  of 
the  church,”  Paris  and  Oxford;  but  in  the  constitution  and  civil  polity  of  the 
bodies,  there  were  from  the  first  considerable  differences. — In  Oxford,  the  Uni- 
versity w'as  not  originally  established  on  the  distinction  of  Nations;  though,  in 
the  sequel,  the  great  national  schiMn  of  the  Northern  and  Southern  men  had 
almost  determined  a division  similar  to  that  which  prevailed  from  the  first  in  the 
other  ancient  Universities. — In  Oxford,  the  Chancellor  and  his  deputy  combined 
the  powers  of  the  hector  and  the  txvo  Chancellors  in  Paris;  and  the  inspection 
and  control,  chiefly  exercised  in  the  latter  through  the  distribution  of  the  schol- 
ars of  tl»e  University  into  Nations  and  Tribes,  under  the  government  of  Rector, 
Proc'urators,  and  Deans,  was  in  the  former  more  especially  accomplished  by 
collecting  the  students  into  certain  privileged  Houses,  under  the  control  of  a 
Princijxal,  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  members.  This  subordination 
was  not,  indeed,  established  at  once;  and  the  scholars  at  first  lodged,  without 
domestic  superintendence,  in  the  houses  of  the  citizens.  In  the  year  1231,  we 
find  it  only  ordained,  by  royal  mandate,  “that  every  clerk  or  scholar  rcsidexit 
in  Oxford  or  Cambridge,  must  subject  himself  to  the  discipline  and  tuition  of 
some  Master  of  the  Schools,*’  i.  e.,  we  presume,  enter  himself  as  the  peculiar 
disciple  of  one  or  other  of  the  actual  Regents.  In  the  same  year^  Taxators 


UNIVERSITY  AND  COLLEGES. 


887 


are  established  in  both  universities.  (See  Fuller,  who  gives  that  document  at 
length.) — By  the  commencement  of  the  fifteenth  century,  it  appears,  however,  to 
have  become  established  law,  that  all  scholars  should  be  members  of  some  Col- 
lege, Hall,  or  Kntry,  under  a responsible  head  (Wood,  a.  1408);  and  in  the 
subsequent  history  of  the  university,  we  find  more  frequent  and  decisive  meas- 
ures taken  in  Oxford  against  the  Charnberdekyns,  or  scholars  haunting  the 
schools,  but  of  no  authorized  house,  than  in  Paris  were  ever  employed  against 
the  Martinets. — In  the  foreign  Universities,  it  was  never  incumbent  on  any, 
beside  tlie  students  of  the  Faculty  of  Arts,  to  be  under  collegial  or  bursal 
superintendence;  in  the  English  Universities,  the  graduates  or  undergraduates 
of  every  faculty  were  equally  required  to  be  members  of  a privileged  house. 

By  this  regulation,  the  students  were  compelled  to  collect  themselves  into  houses 
of  community,  variously  denominated  Halls,  Inns,  Hostles,  Entries,  Chambers 
(AulaCy  Ho'<pitia,  Introitus,  Camerae).  These  Halls  were  governed  by  peculiar 
statutes,  established  by  the  University,  by  whom  they  were  also  visited  and 
reformed ; and  administered  by  a Principal,  elected  by  the  scholars  themselves, 
but  admitted  to  his  office  by  the  chancellor  or  his  deputy,  on  finding  caution  for 
payment  of  the  rent.  The  halls  were,  in  general,  held  only  on  lease ; but  by  a 
privilege  common  to  most  Universities,  houses  once  occupied  by  clerks  or  stu- 
dents could  not  again  be  resumed  by  the  proprietor,  or  taken  from  the  gown,  if 
the  rent  were  punctually  discharged,  the  rate  of  which  was  quinquennially  fixed 
by  the  academical  taxators.  The  great  majority  of  the  scholars  who  inhabited 
these  halls  lived  at  their  own  expense;  but  the  benevolent  motives  which, 
in  other  countries,  determined  the  establishment  of  colleges  and  private  bursae, 
nowhere  operated  more  powerfully  than  in  England.  In  a few  houses,  foun- 
dations were  made  for  the  support  of  a certain  number  of  indigent  scholars, 
who  were  incorporated  as  fellows  (or  joint  participators  in  the  endowment), 
under  the  government  of  a head.  But,  with  an  unenlightened  liberality,  these 
benefactions  were  not,  as  elsewhere,  exclusively  limited  to  learners,  during  their 
academical  studies,  and  to  instructors ; they  were  not  even  limited  to  merit ; 
while  the  subjection  of  the  Colleges  to  private  statutes,  and  their  emancipation, 
from  the  control  of  the  academical  authorities,  gave  them  interests  apart  from 
those  of  the  public,  and  not  only  disqualified  them  from  cooperating  toward  the 
general  ends  of  the  University,  but  renlered  them,  instead  of  powerful  aids,  the 
worst  impediments  to  its  utility. 

The  Colleges,  into  which  commoners,  or  members  not  on  the  foundations, 
were,  until  a comparatively  modern  date,  rarely  admitted  (and  this  admission, 
be  it  noted,  is  to  the  present  hour  wholly  optional),  remained  also  for  many 
centuries  few  in  comparison  with  the  Halls.  The  latter  were  counted  by  hun- 
dreds ; the  former,  in  Oxford,  even  at  the  present  day,  extend  only  to  nineteen. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  fourteenth  century,  the  number  of  the  halls  was 
about  three  hundred  (Wood,  a.  1307) — the  number  of  the  secular  colleges,  at  the 
highest,  only  three. — At  the  commencement  of  the  fifteenth  century,  when  the 
colleges  had  risen  to  seven,  a Fellow  of  Quee  ds  laments  that  the  students  had 
diminished  as  the  foundations  had  increased.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  the  number  of  halls  had  fallen  to  Jifty-five,  while  the  secu- 
lar colleges  had,  b fore  1516,  been  multiplied  to  twelve. — The  causes  which 
had  hitherto  occasioned  this  diminution  in  the  number  of  scholars,  and  in  the 
number  of  the  houses  destined  for  their  accommodation,  were,  among  others,  the 
plagues,  by  which  Oxford  was  so  frequently  desolated,  and  the  memboi’s  of  the 
Univer.-^ity  dispersed — the  civil  wars  of  York  and  Lancaster — the  rise  of  other 
rival  Universities  in  Great  Britain  and  on  the  Continent — and,  finally,  the 
sinking  consideration  of  the  scholastic  philo.sophy.  The  character  which  the 
Ileformation  assumed  in  England,  cooperated,  however,  still  more  powerfully 
to  the  same  result.  Of  itself,  the  schism  in  religion  must  necessarily  have 
diminished  the  resort  of  students  to  the  University,  by  banishing  those  who 
(lid  not  acquiesce  in  the  new  opinions  there  inculcated  by  law ; while  among 
the  reformed  themselves,  there  arose  an  influential  party,  who  viewed  the 
academical  exercises  as  so])histical,  and  many  who  even  regarded  degrees  as 
Antichristian.  But  in  England  the  Reformation  incidentally  operated  in  a more 
peculiar  manner.  Unlike  its  fate  in  other  countries,  this  religious  revolution 
was  absolutely  governed  by  the  fancies  of  the  royal  despot  for  the  time ; and 
so  uncertain  was  the  caprice  of  Henry,  so  contradictory  the  policy  of  his 


888 


UNIVERSITY  AND  COLLEGES, 


three  immediate  successors,  that  for  a lonj^  time  it  was  difficult  to  know  what 
was  the  religion  by  law  established  for  the  current  year,  far  less  possible  to 
calculate,  with  assurance,  on  what  would  be  the  statutory  orthodoxy  for  the 
ensuing.  At  the  same  time,  the  dissolution  of  the  monastic  orders  dried  up 
one  great  source  of  academical  prosperity ; while  the  confiscation  of  monastic 
])roperty,  which  was  generally  regarded  as  only  a foretaste  of  what  awaited  the 
endowments  of  the  Universities,  and  the  superfluous  revenues  of  the  clergy, 
rendered  literature  and  the  church,  during  this  crisis,  uninviting  professions, 
either  for  an  ambitious,  or  (if  disinclined  to  martyrdom)  for  a conscientious 
man.  The  effect  was  but  too  apparent;  for  many  years  the  Universities  were 
almost  literally  deserted. 

The  Halls,  whose  existence  solely  depended  on  the  confluence  of  students,  thus 
fell ; and  none,  it  is  probable,  would  have  survived  the  crisis,  had  not  several 
chanced  to  be  the  property  of  certain  colleges,  which  had  thus  an  interest  in 
their  support.  The  Halls  of  St.  Alban,  St.  Edmund,  St.  Mary,  New  Inn, 
Magdalen,  severally  belonged  to  Merton,  Queen’s,  Oriel,  New,  and  Magdalen 
Colleges;  and  Broadgates  Hall,  now  Pembroke  College,  Gloucester  Hall,  now 
Worcester  College,  and  Hert  Hall,  subsequently  Hertford  College,  owed  their 
salvation  to  their  dependence  on  the  foundations  of  Christ  Church,  St.  John’s, 
and  Exeter. 

The  circumstances  which  occasioned  the  ruin  of  the  halls,  and  the  dissolution 
of  the  cloisters  and  colleges  of  the  monastic  orders  in  Oxford,  not  only  gave  to 
the  secular  colleges,  which  all  remained,  a preponderant  weight  in  the  University 
for  the  juncture,  but  allowed  them  so  to  extend  their  circuit  and  to  increase  their 
numbers,  that  they  were  subsequently  enabled  to  comprehend  within  their 
walls  nearly  the  whole  of  the  academical  population,  though  previously  to  the 
sixteenth  century,  they  appear  to  have  rarely,  if  ever,  admitted  independent 
members  at  all.  As  the  students  fell  off,  the  rents  of  the  halls  were  taxed  at  a 
lower  rate ; and  they  became  at  last  of  so  insignificant  a value  to  the  landlords, 
who  could  not  apply  it  to  other  than  academical  purposes,  that  they  were  always 
willing  to  dispose  of  this  fallen  and  falling  property  for  the  most  trifling 
consideration.  In  Oxford,  land  and  houses  became  a drug.  The  old  colleges 
thus  extended  their  limits,  by  easy  purchase,  ti'om  the  impoverished  burghers ; 
and  the  new  colleges,  of  which  there  were  four  established  within  half  a century 
subsequent  to  the  Reformation,  and  altogether  six  during  the  sixteenth  century, 
were  built  on  sites  either  obtained  gratuitously  or  for  an  insignificant  price. 
After  this  period,  only  one  college  was  founded — in  1610 ; and  three  of  the  eight 
halls  transmuted  into  colleges,  in  1610,  1702,  and  1749  ; but  of  these,  one  is  now 
extinct. 

Before  the  era  of  their’* downfall,  the  establishment  of  a hall  was  easy.  It 
required  only,  that  a few  scholars  should  hire  a house,  find  caution  for  a year’s 
rent,  and  choose  for  Principal  a graduate  of  respectable  character.  The  Chan- 
cellor, or  his  Deputy,  could  not  refuse  to  sanction  the  establishment.  An  act  of 
usuiqjation  abolished  this  facility.  The  general  right  of  nomination  to  the 
Principality,  and  cpnsequently  to  the  institution,  of  halls,  was,  “ through  the 
absolute  potency  he  had,”  procured  by  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  Chancellor  of  the 
University,  about  1570;  and  it  is  now,  by  statute,  invested  in  his  successors. 
In  surrendering  this  privilege  to  the  Chancellor,  the  Colleges  were  not  blind  to 
their  peculiar  interest.  From  his  situation,  that  magistrate  was  sure  to  be 
guided  by  their  heads  ; no  hall  has  since  arisen  to  interfere  with  their  mono])oly ; 
and  the  collegial  interest,  thus  left  without  a counterpoise,  and  concentrated  in  a 
few  hands,  was  soon  able  to  establish  an  absolute  supremacy  in  the  University. 

As  the  colleges  only  received  as  members  those  not  on  the  foundation,  for 
their  own  convenience,  they  could  either  exclude  them  altogether,  or  adniit  them 
under  whatever  limitations  they  might  choose  to  impose.  By  University  law, 
graduates  were  not  compelled  to  lodge  in  college ; they  were  therefore  excluded 
as  unprofitable  members,  to  make  room  for  under-graduates,  who  paid  tutor’s 
fees,  and  as  dangerous  competitors,  to  prevent  them  from  becorning  tutors  them- 
selves. This  exclusion,  or  the  possibility  of  this  exclusion,  of  itself  prevented 
any  graduate  from  commencing  tutor,  in  opposition  to  the  interest  of  the 
foundation  members.  Independently  of  this,  there  were  other  circumstances 
which  would  have  frustrated  all  interference  with  monopoly  by  the  fellows ; but 
these  we  need  not  enumerate. 


UNIVERSITY  AND  COLLEGES. 


889 


Collegial  tuition  engrossed  by  the  fellows,  a more  important  step  was  to  raise 
this  collegial  tuition  from  a subsidiary  to  a principal.  Could  the  professorial 
system  on  which  the  University  rested  be  abolished,  the  tutorial  system  would 
remain  the  one  organ  of  academical  instruction  ; could  the  University  be  silently 
annihilated,  the  colleges  would  succeed  to  its  name,  its  privileges,  and  its  place. 
This  momentous — this  deplorable  subversion  w'as  consummated.  We  do  not 
affirm  that  the  end  was  ever  clearly  proposed,  or  a line  of  policy  for  its 
attainment  ever  systematically  followed  out.  But  circumstances  concurred, 
and  that  instinct  of  self-interest  which  actuates  bodies  of  men  with  the  certainty 
of  a natural  law,  determined,  in  the  course  of  generations,  a result,  such  as 
no  sagacity  would  have  anticipated  as  possible.  After  the  accomplishment, 
however,  a retrospect  of  its  causes  shows  the  event  to  have  been  natural,  if  not 
necessary. 

The  subversion  of  the  University  is  to  be  traced  to  that  very  code  of  laws 
on  which  its  constitution  was  finally  established.  The  academical  body  is 
composed  of  graduates  and  under-graduates,  in  the  four  faculties  of  Arts, 
Theology,  Law,  and  Medicine;  and  the  government  of  the  University  was  of 
old  exclusively  committed  to  the  Masters  and  Doctors  assembled  in  Congre- 
gation and  Convocation ; Heads  of  houses  and  college  Fellows  shared  in  the 
academical  government  only  as  they  were  full  graduates,  and  as  they  were 
regents.  The  statutes  ratified  under  the  chancellorship  of  Laud,  and  b7 
which  the  legal  constitution  of  the  University  is  still  determined,  changed  this 
republican  polity  into  an  oligarchical.  The  legislation  and  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment were  still  left  with  the  full  graduates,  the  Masters  and  Doctors,  and 
the  character  of  Fellow  remained  always  unprivileged  by  law.  But  the  Heads 
of  Houses,  if  not  now  first  raised  to  the  rank  of  a public  body,  were  now  first 
clothed  with  an  authority  such  rs  rendeied  them  henceferwrrd  the  principal — 
in  fact,  the  sole  administrators  of  the  University  weal.  And  whereas  in  foreign 
Uni\’^rsities,  the  University  governed  the  College.s — in  Oxford  the  Colleges  were 
enthroned  the  governors  of  the  University.  The  Vice-chancellor  (now  also 
necessarily  a College  Head),  the  Heads  of  Houses,  and  the  two  Proctors,  were 
constituted  into  a body,  and  the  members  constrained  to  regular  attendance 
on  an  ordinary  weekly  meeting.  To  this  body  was  committed,  as  their  especial 
dutg,  the  care  of  “ inquiring  into,  and  taking  counsel  for,  the  observance  of  the  statutes 
and  customs  of  the  (Iniversitg ; and  if  there  be  aught  touching  the  good  govern- 
ment, the  scholastic  improvement,  the  honor  and  usefulness  of  the  University, 
which  a majority  of  them  may  think  Avorthy  of  deliberation,  let  them  have 
power  to  deliberate  thereupon,  to  the  end  that,  after  this  their  deliberation,  the 
same  may  be  proposed  more  advisedly  in  the  Venerable  House  of  Congregation, 
and  then  with  mature  counsel  ratified  in  the  Venerable  House  of  Convocation.” 
(T.  xiii.)  Thus,  no  proposal  could  be  submitted  to  the  Houses  of  Congre- 
gation or  Convocation,  unless  it  had  been  previously  discussed  and  sanctioned  by 
the  Hebdomadal  Meeting and  through  this  preliminary  negative,  the  most 
absolute  control  was  accorded  to  the  Heads  of  Houses  over  the  proceedings  of 
the  University.  By  their  permission,  every  statute  might  be  violated,  and  every 
custom  fall  into  desuetude : wdthout  their  permission,  no  measure  of  reform, 
or  improvement,  or  discipline,  however  necessary,  could  be  initiated,  or  even 
mentioned. 

A body  constituted  and  authorized  like  the  Hebdomadal  Meeting,  could  only 
be  rationally  expected  to  discharge  its  trust : 1 ’,  if  its  members  were  subjected 
to  a direct  and  concentrated  responsibility;  and  2^,  if  their  public  duties  Avere 
indentical  Avith  their  private  interests.  The  Hebdomadal  Meeting  acted  under 
neither  of  these  conditions. 

In  regard  to  the  first,  this  body  was  placed  under  the  revieAV  of  no  superior 
authority  either  for  Avhat  it  did,  or  for  Avhat  it  did  not  perform ; and  tlie 
responsibility  to  publie  opinion  was  distributed  among  too  many  to  have  any 
influence  on  their  collective  acts. 

In  regard  to  the  second,  so  far  Avere  the  interests  and  duties  of  the  Heads  from 
being  coincident,  that  they  Avere  diametrically  opposed.  Their  public  obligations 
bound  them  to  maintain  and  improve  the  system  of  University  education,  of 
which  the  professors  were  the  organs ; but  this  system  their  private  advantage, 
both  as  individuals  and  as  representing  the  collegial  interest,  prompted  them  to 
deteriorate  and  undermine. 


890 


COLLEGES  AND  UNIVERSITIES. 


COLLEGES,  THE  CORRECTIVE  OF  UNIVERSITIES.* 

By  a College,  I suppose,  is  meant,  not  merely  a body  of  men  living  together 
in  one  dwelling,  but  belonging  to  one  establishment.  In  its  very  notion,  tlie 
word  suggests  to  us  position,  authority,  and  stability;  and  again,  these  attri- 
butes presuppose  a foundation ; and  that  foundation  consists  either  in  public 
recognition,  or  in  the  possession  of  revenues,  or  in  some  similar  advantage.  If 
two  or  three  individuals  live  together,  the  community  is  not  at  once  called  a 
College ; but  a charter,  or  an  endowment,  some  legal  stains,  or  some  ecclesi- 
astical privilege,  is  necessary'to  erect  it  into  the  Collegiate  form.  However,  it 
does,  I suppose,  imply  a community  or  convitto  too;  and,  if  so,  it  must  be  of  a 
certain  definite  size:  for,  as  soon  as  it  exceeds  in  point  of  numbers,  non-resi- 
dence may  be  expected  to  follow.  It  is  then  a household,  and  offers  an  abode 
to  its  members,  and  requires  or  involves  the  same  virtuous  and  paternal  disci- 
pline which  is  proper  to  a family  and  home.  Moreover,  as  no  family  can  sub- 
sist without  a maintenance,  and  as  children  are  dependent  on  their  homes,  so  it 
is  not  unnatural  that  an  endowment,  which  is,  as  I have  said,  suggested  by  the 
very  idea  of  a college,  should  ordinarily  be  necessary  for  its  actual  carrying 
out.  Still  more  necessary  are  buildings,  and  buildings  of  a prominent  char- 
acter; for,  whereas  every  family  must  have  its  dwelling,  a family  which  lias  a 
recognized  and  official  existence,  must  live  in  a sort  of  public  building,  which 
satisfies  the  eye,  and  is  the  enduring  habitation  of  an  enduring  body. 

This  view  of  a College,  which  I have  not  been  attempting  to  prove  but  to 
delineate,  suggests  to  us  the  objects  which  a college  is  adapted  to  fulfill  in  a 
University.  It  is  all,  and  does  all  which  is  implied  in  the  name  of  home. 
Youths,  who  have  left  the  paternal  roof,  and  traveled  some  hundred  miles  for 
the  acquisition  of  knowledge,  find  an  “ Altera  Troja  ” and  “ simulata  Per- 
gama  ” at  the  end  of  their  journey  and  in  their  place  of  temporary  sojourn. 
Home  is  for  the  young,  who  know  nothing  of  the  world,  and  who  would  be 
forlorn  and  sad,  if  thrown  upon  it.  It  is  the  refuge  of  helpless  boyhood,  which 
would  be  famished  and  pine  away,  if  it  were  not  maintained  by  others.  It  is 
the  providential  shelter  of  the  weak  and  inexperienced,  who  have  still  to  learn 
how  to  cope  with  the  temptations  which  lie  outside  of  it.  It  is  the  place  of 
training  for  those  who  are  not  only  ignorant,  but  have  not  yet  learned  how  to 
learn,  and  who  have  to  be  taught,  by  careful  individual  trial,  liow  to  set  about 
profiting  by  the  lessons  of  a teacher.  And  it  is  the  school  of  elementary  stu- 
dies, not  of  advanced ; for  such  studies  alone  can  boys  at  best  apprehend  and 
master.  Moreover,  it  is  the  shrine  of  our  best  affections,  the  bosom  of  our 
fondest  recollections,  a spell  upon  our  after  life,  a stay  for  world-weary  mind 
and  soul,  wherever  we  are  cast,  till  the  end  comes.  Such  are  the  attributes  or 
offices  of  home,  and  like  to  these,  in  one  or  other  sense  and  measure,  are  the 
attributes  and  offices  of  a College  in  a University. 

We  may  consider,  historically  speaking,  that  Colleges  were  but  continua- 
tions, mutatis  mutandis,  of  the  schools  which  preceded  the  rise  of  Universities. 
These  schools  indeed  were  monastic  or  at  least  clerical,  and  observed  a religious 
or  an  ecclesiastical  rule;  so  far  they  were  not  simple  Colleges,  still  they  were 
devoted  to  study,  and,  at  least  sometimes,  admitted  laymen.  They  had  two 


* Newman’s  Rise  and  Progress  of  Universities. 


COLLEGES  AND  UNIVERSITIES. 


891 


courses  of  instruction  going  on  at  once,  attended  by  the  inner  classes  and  the 
outer ; of  which  the  latter  were  filled  by  what  would  now  be  called  externs. 
Thus  even  in  that  early  day  the  school  of  Rheims  educated  a certain  number 
of  noble  youths  \ and  the  same  arrangement  is  reported  of  Bee  also. 

And  in  matter  of  fact  these  monastic  schools  remained  within  the  limits  of 
the  University,  when  it  was  set  up,  as  they  had  been  before,  only  of  course 
more  exclusively  religious ; for,  as  soon  as  the  reception  of  laymen  was  found 
to  be  a part  of  the  academical  idea,  the  monasteries  seemed  to  be  relieved  of 
the  necessity  of  receiving  lay  students  within  their  walls.  At  first,  those  Or- 
ders only  would  have  a place  in  the  University  which  were  already  there ; but 
in  process  of  time  nearly  every  religious  fraternity  found  it  its  interest  to  pro- 
vide a College  for  its  own  subjects,  and  to  have  representatives  in  the  Academ- 
ical body.  Thus  in  Paris,  as  soon  as  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans  had 
thrown  themselves  into  the  new  system,  and  had  determined  that  their  voca- 
tion did  not  hinder  them  from  taking  degrees,  the  Cistersians,  under  the  head- 
ship of  an  Englishman,  founded  a College  near  St.  Victors;  and  the  Premon- 
strants  followed  their  example.  The  Carmelites,  being  at  first  at  a distance 
from  St.  Genevieve,  were  planted  by  a king  of  France  close  under  her  hill. 
The  Benedictines  Avere  stationed  in  the  famous  Abbey  of  St.  German,  near  the 
University  Pratum  ; the  monks  of  Cluni  and  of  Marmoutier  had  their  respect- 
ive houses  also,  and  the  former  provided  lecturers  within  their  walls  for  the 
students.  And  in  Oxford,  in  like  manner,  the  Benedictines  founded  Durham 
Hall  for  their  monks  of  the  North  of  England,  and  Gloucester  Hall  for  their 
monks  of  the  South,  on  the  respective  sites  of  the  present  Trinity  and  Wor- 
cester Colleges.  The  Carmelites  (to  speak  without  book)  were  at  Beaumont, 
the  site  of  Henry  the  First’s  palace ; and  St.  John’s  and  Wadham  Colleges  are 
also  on  the  sites  of  monastic  establishments.  Besides  these,  tliere  were  in 
Oxford,  houses  of  Dominicans,  Franciscans,  Cistercians,  and  Augustinians. 

These  several  foundations,  indeed,  are  of  very  different  eras;  but,  looking  at 
the  course  of  the  history  as  a whole,  we  shall  find  that  such  houses  as  were 
monastic  preceded  the  rest.  And  if  the  new  changes  had  stopped  there,  lay 
education  would  have  suffered,  not  gained,  by  the  rise  of  Universities;  for  it 
had  the  effect  of  multiplying,  indeed,  monastic  halls,  but  of  slmtting  th(?ir 
doors  against  all  but  monks  more  rigidly  than  before.  The  solitary  strangers, 
who  came  up  to  Paris  or  Oxford  from  a far  countr}^,  must  have  been  stimulated 
by  a most  uncommon  thirst  for  knowledge,  to  persevere  in  spite  of  the  dis- 
couragements by  which  they  were  surrounded.  Some  attempt  indeed  was 
made  by  the  Professors  to  meet  so  obvious  and  so  oppressive  an  evil.  The 
former  scholastic  type  had  recognized  one  master,  and  one  only,  in  a school, 
who  professed  in  consequence  the  whole  course  of  instruction  without  any  as- 
sistant Tutors.  The  tradition  of  tins  system  continued;  and  led  in  many  in- 
stances to  the  formation  of  halls,  inns,  courts,  or  hostels,  as  they  were  variously 
called.  That  is,  the  Profe.ssor  oPthe  school  kept  house,  -and  boarded  his  pu- 
pils. Thus  we  read  of  Torald  schools  in  Oxford  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the 
Third,  which  had  belonged  previously  to  one  Master  Richard  Bacum.  who  had 
fitted  up  a laf'ge  tenement,  partly  for  lodging  house,  partly  for  lecture  rooms. 
In  like  manner,  early  in  the  twelfth  century,  Theobald  had  as  many  as  from 
sixty  to  a hundred  scholars  under  his  tuition,  f()r  whom  he  Avould  necessarily 
be  more  or  less  answerable.  A similar  custom  was  exerted  in  Athens,  where 


802 


COLLEGES  AND  UNIVERSITIES. 


it  was  the  occasion  of  a great  deal  of  rivalry  and  canvassing  between 
the  Professorial  housekeepers,  each  being  set  upon  obtaining  as  many  lodgers 
as  possible.  And  apparently  a similar  inconvenience  had  to  be  checked  at 
Paris  in  the  thirteenth  century,  though,  whatever  might  be  that  incidental 
inconvenience,  the  custom  itself,  under  the  circumstances  of  the  day,  was  as 
advantageous  to  the  cause  of  study,  as  it  was  natural  and  obvious. 

But  still  lodging  keepers,  though  Professors,  must  be  paid,  and  how  could 
poor  scholars  find  the  means  of  fulfilling  so  hard  a condition  ? And  the  length 
of  time  then  required  for  a University  course  hindered  an  evasion  of  its  diffi- 
culties by  such  shifts  and  expedients,  as  serve  for  passing  a mere  trying  crisis, 
or  weathering  a threatening  season.  The  whole  course,  from  the  termination 
of  the  grammatical  studies  to  the  licentiate,  extended  originally  through  twenty 
years;  though  afterwards  it  was  reduced  to  ten.  If  we  are  to  consider  the  six 
years  of  the  course  in  Arts  to  have  been  in  addition  to  this  long  si)ace,  the 
residence  at  the  University  is  no  longer  a sojourn  at  the  seat  of  learning,  but 
becomes  a sort  of  naturalization,  yet  without  offering  a home. 

The  University  itself  has  little  or  no  funds,  to  meet  the  difficulty  withal 
At  Oxford,  it  had  no  buildings  of  its  own,  but  rented  such  as  were  indispensa- 
ble for  academical  purposes,  and  these  were  of  a miserable  description.  It 
had  little  or  no  ground  belonging  to  it,  and  no  endowments.  It  had  not 
the  means  of  being  an  Alma  Mater  to  the  jmung  men  who  came  thither  for 
education. 

Accordingly^  one  of  the  earliest  movements  in  the  University,  almost  as 
early  as  the  entrance  into  it  of  the  monastic  bodies,  was  that  of  providing 
maintenance  for  poor  scholars.  The  authors  of  such  charity  hardly  aimed  at 
giving  more  than  the  bare  necessaries  of  life, — food,  lodging,  and  clothing, — so 
as  to  make  a life  of  study  possible.  Comfort  or  animal  satisfaction  can  hardly 
be  said  to  have  entered  into  the  scope  of  their  benefactions;  and  we  shall 
gain  a lively  impression  of  the  sufferings  of  the  student,  before  the  era  of  en- 
.dowments,  by'-  considering  his  rude  and  hardy'  life  even  when  a member  of  a 
College.  From  an  account  which  has  been  preserved  in  one  of  the  colleges  of 
Cambridge,  we  are  able  to  extract  the  following  horarium  of  a student’s  day'. 
He  got  up  between  four  and  five;  from  five  to  six  he  assisted  at  Mass,  and 
heard  an  exhortation.  He  then  studied  or  attended  the  schools  till  ten,  which 
was  the  dinner  hour.  The  meal,  which  seems  also  to  have  been  a breakfast, 
was  not  sumptuous;  it  consisted  of  beef,  in  small  messes  for  four  persons,  and 
a pottage  made  of  its  gravy  and  oatmeal  From  dinner  to  five  p.  m,,  he  either 
studied,  or  gave  instruction  to  others,  when  he  went  to  supper,  which  was  the 
principal  meal  of  the  day,  though  scarcely  more  plentiful  than  dinner.  After- 
wards, problems  were  discussed  and  other  studies  pursued,  till  nine  or  ten; 
and  then  half  an  hour  was  devoted  to  walking  or  running  about,  that  they 
might  not  go  to  bed  with  cold  feet; — the  expedient  of  hearth  or  stove  for  the 
purpose  was  out  of  the  question. 

However,  poor  as  was  the  fare,  the  collegiate  life  was  a blessing  in  many 
other  ways  far  more  important  than  meat  and  drink ; and  it  was  the  object  of 
pious  benefactions  for  centuries.  Hence  the  munificence  of  Robert  Capet,  as 
early  as  1050,  even  before  the  canons  of  St.  Genevieve  and  the  monks  of  St. 
Victor  had  commenced  the  University  of  Paris.  His  foundation  was  sufficient 
for  as  many  as  one  hundred  poor  clerks.  Another  was  St.  Catherine  in  the 


COLLEGES  AND  UNIVERSITIES. 


893 


Valley,  founded  by  St.  Louis,  in  consequence  of  a vow,  which  his  grandfather, 
Philip  Augustus,  had  died  before  executing.  Another  and  later  was  the  Col- 
legium Bonorura  Puerorum,  which  is  assigned  to  the  year  1245.  Such  too,  in 
its  original  intention,  was  the  Harcurianura,  or  Harcourt  College,  the  famous 
College  of  Navarre,  the  more  famous  Sorbonue,  and  the  Montague  College. 

These  Colleges,  as  was  natural,  were  often  provincial  or  diocesan,  being 
founded  by  benefactors  of  a particular  district  for  their  own  people.  Some- 
times they  too  were  connected  with  one  or  other  of  the  Nations  of  the  Univer- 
sity; I think  the  Harcurianum,  just  mentioned,  was  founded  for  the  Normans; 
such  too  was  the  Dacian,  founded  for  the  Danes;  and  the  Swedish;  to  which 
may  bo  added  the  Burses  provided  for  the  Italians,  the  Lombards,  the  Germans, 
and  the  Scotch.  In  Bologna  there  was  the  greater  College  of  St.  Clement  for 
the  Spaniards,  and  the  Collegio  Sondi  for  the  Hungarians.  As  to  Diocesan  or 
Provincial  Colleges,  such  was  Laon  College,  for  poor  scholars  of  the  diocese  of 
Laon  ; the  College  of  Bayeux  for  scholars  of  the  dioceses  of  Mons  and  Angers ; 
the  Colleges  of  Narboune,  of  Arras,  of  Lisieux,  and  various  others.  Such  too 
in  Oxford  at  present  are  Queen’s  College,  founded  in  favor  of  north  country- 
men, and  Jesus  College  for  the  Welsh.  Such  are  the  fellow.ships,  founded  in 
various  Colleges,  for  natives  of  particular  counties;  and  such  the  fellowships  or 
scholarships  for  founder’s  kin.  In  Paris,  in  like  manner.  Cardinal  de  Dormans 
founded  a College  for  more  than  twenty  students,  with  a preference  in  favor  of 
his  own  family.  A Society  of  a peculiar  kind  was  founded  in  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  thirteenth  century.  Baldwin,  Count  of  Flanders,  at  that  time  Em- 
peror of  Constantinople,  is  said  to  have  established  a Greek  College  with  a 
view  to  train  up  the  youth  of  Constantinople  in  devotion  to  the  Holy  See. 

When  I said  that  there  were  graver  reasons  than  the  need  of  maintenance, 
for  establishing  Colleges  and  Burses  for  poor  scholars,  it  may  be'easily  under- 
stood that  I alluded  to  the  moral  evils,  of  which  a University,  without  homes 
and  guardians  for  the  young,  would  infallibly  be  the  occasion  and  the  scene. 
These  are  so  intelligible,  and  so  much  a matter  of  history,  and  so  often  illus- 
trated, whether  from  the  medieval  or  the  modern  continental  Universities,  that 
they  need  not  occupy  our  attention  here.  Whatever  licentiousness  of  conduct 
there  is  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge  now,  where  the  Collegiate  system  is  in  force, 
does  but  suggest  to  us  how  fatal  must  be  the  strength  of  those  impulses  to  dis- 
order and  riot  when  unrestrained,  which  are  so  imperfectly  controlled  even 
when  submitted  to  an  anxious  discipline. 

At  first  Universities  were  almost  democracies : Colleges  tended  to  break  their 
anarchical  spirit,  introduced  ranks  and  gave  the  example  of  laws,  and  trained 
up  a set  of  students,  who,  as  being  morally  and  intellectually  superior  to  other 
members  of  the  academical  body,  became  the  depositaries  of  academical  power 
and  influence.  Moreover,  learning  was  no  longer  thought  unworthy  of  a gen- 
tleman ; and,  while  the  nobles  of  an  earlier  period  had  not  disdained  to  send 
their  sons  to  Lanfrauc  or  Vacarius,  now  it  even  became  a matter  of  custom, 
that  young  men  of  rank  should  have  a University  education.  Thus,  in  the 
charter  of  the  29th  of  Edward  the  Third,  we  even  read  that  “ to  the  Univer- 
sity a multitude  of  nobles,  gentry,  strangers,  and  others  continually  flock ;”  and 
towards  the  end  of  the  century,  we  find  Henry  of  Monmouth,  afterwards  the 
Fifth,  as  a young  man,  a sojourner  at  Queen’s  College,  Oxford.  But  it  was  in 
the  next  century,  of  which  Henry  has  made  the  first  years  glorious,  that  Col-- 


894 


COLLEGES  AND  UNIVERSITIES. 


leges  were  provided,  not  for  the  poor,  but  for  the  noble.  Many  Colleges,  too, 
which  had  been  originally  for  the  poor,  opened  their  gates  to  the  rich,  not  as 
fellows  or  foundation-students,  but  as  simple  lodgers,  or  what  are  now  called 
independent  members,  such  as  monasteries  might  have  received  in  a former 
age.  This  was  especially  the  case  with  the  College  of  Navarre  at  Paris;  and 
the  change  has  continued  remarkably  impressed  upon  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
even  down  to  this  day,  with  this  additional  peculiarity,  that,  while  the  intlu- 
ence  of  aristocracy  upon  those  Universities  is  not  less  than  it  was,  the  influ- 
ence of  other  political  classes  has  been  introduced  into  the  academic  cloisters 
also.  Never  has  learned  institution  been  more  directly  political  and  national 
than  the  University  of  Oxford.  Some  of  its  Colleges  represent  the  talent  of 
the  nation,  others  its  rank  and  fashion,  others  its  wealth;  others  have  been  the 
organs  of  the  government  of  the  day;  while  others,  and  the  majority,  repre- 
sent one  or  other  division,  chiefly  local,  of  the  country  party.  That  all  this 
has  rather  destroyed,  than  subserved,  the  University  itself,  which  Colleges 
originally  were  instituted  to  complete,  I will  not  take  upon  myself  to  deny; 
but  good  comes  out  of  many  things  which  are  in  the  way  to  evil,  and  this  an- 
tagonism of  the  Collegiate  to  the  University  principle  was  not  worked  out,  till 
Colleges  had  first  rendered  signal  service  to  the  University,  and  that,  not  only 
by  completing  it  in  those  points  where  the  University  was  weak,  but  even  cor- 
roborating it  in  those  in  which  it  was  strong.  The  whole  nation,  brought  into 
the  University  by  means  of  the  Colleges,  gave  the  University  itself  a vigor  and 
a stability  which  the  abundant  influx  of  foreigners  had  not  been  able  to  secure. 

As  in  the  twelfth  aud  thirteenth  centuries  French,  German,  and  Italian  stu- 
dents had  flocked  to  the  University  of  Oxford,  and  made  its  name  famous  in 
distant  lands,  so  in  the  fifteenth,  all  ranks  and  classes  of  the  nation  furnished 
it  with  pupils,  and  what  was  wanting  in  their  number  or  variety,  compared 
with  the  former  era,  was  compensated  by  their  splendor  or  political  importance. 
At  that  time  nobles  moved  only  in  state,  and  surrounded  themselves  with  re- 
tainers and  servants,  with  an  ostentation  which  has  now  quite  gone  out  of 
fashion.  Huber  informs  us  that,  before  the  wars  of  the  Roses,  and  when  the 
aristocracy  were  more  powerful  than  the  king,  each  noble  famity  sent  up  at 
least  one  son  to  Oxford  with  an  ample  retinue  of  followers.  Nor  were  the 
towns  in  that  age  less  closely  united  to  the  University  than  the  upper  classes, 
by  reason  of  the  numerous  members  of  it  that  belonged  to  the  clerical  order, 
the  popular  character  of  that  institution,  and  its  intimate  connection,  as  now, 
with  the  seat  of  learning.  Thus  town  and  country,  high  and  low,  north  and 
south,  had  a common  stake  in  the  academical  institutions,  and  took  a personal 
interest  in  the  academical  proceedings.  The  degree  possessed  a sort  of  indeli- 
ble character^  which  all  classes  understood ; and  the  people  at  large  were  more 
or  less  partakers  of  a cultivation  which  the  aristocracy  were  beginning  to  ap- 
preciate. And,  though  railroad  traveling  certainly  did  not  then  exist,  commu- 
nication between  the  students  and  their  homes  occurred  with  a frequency 
which  could  not  be  when  they  came  from  abroad;  and  Oxford  became  in  a pe- 
culiar way  a national  and  political  center.  Not  only  in  vacations  and  term- 
time  was  there  a stated  ebbing  and  flowing  of  the  academical  youth,  but  mes- 
sengers posted  to  and  fro  between  Oxford  and  all  parts  of  the  country  in  all 
seasons  of  the  year.  So  intimate  was  this  connection,  that  Oxford  became  a 
sort  of  selected  arena  for  the  conflicts  of  the  various  interests  of  the  nation,  and 


COLLEGES  AND  UNIVERSITIES.  895 

a serious  University  strife  was  received  far  and  wide  as  the  presage  of  civil 
war. 

Such  an  united  action  of  the  Collegiate  and  of  the  National  principle,  far 
from  being  prejudicial,  was  simply  favorable  to  the  principle  of  a University. 
It  was  a later  age  which  sacrificed  the  University  to  the  College.  We  must 
look  to  the  last  tWo  or  three  centuries,  if  we  would  witness  the  ascendancy  of 
the  College  idea  in  the  English  Universities,  to  the  extreme  prejudice,  not  in- 
deed of  its  own  peculiar  usefulness  (for  that  it  has  retained),  but  of  the  Uni- 
versity itself.  Huber,  who  gives  us  this  account  of  Oxford,  and  who  is  neither 
Catholic  on  the  one  hand,  nor  innovator  on  the  existing  state  of  things  on  the 
other,  warming  yet  saddening  at  his  own  picture,  ends  by  observing:  “Those 
days  never  can  return ; for  the  plain  reason  that  then  men  learned  and  taught 
by  the  living  word,  but  now  by  the  dead  paper.” 

What  has  been  here  drawn  out  from  the  history  of  Oxford,  admits  of  ample 
illustration  from  the  parallel  history  of  Paris.  We  find  Chancellor  Gerson  on 
one  occasion  remonstrating  in  the  name  of  his  University  with  the  French  king. 
“ Shall  the  Universit}’-,  being  what  she  is,  shut  her  eyes  and  be  silent  ? What 
would  all  France  say,  whose  population  she  is  ever  exhorting,  by  means  of  her 
members,  to  patience  and  good  obedience  to  the  king  and  rulers  ? Does  not 
she  represent  the  universal  realm,  nay,  the  whole  world  ? She  is  the  vigorous 
seminary  of  the  whole  body  politic,  whence  issue  men  of  every  kind  of  ex- 
cellence. Therefore  in  behalf  of  the  whole  of  France,  of  all  states  of  men,  of 
all  her  friends,  who  can  not  be  present  here,  slie  ought  to  expostulate  and  cry, 
‘ Long  live  the  king.’  ” 

There  is  one  other  historical  peculiarity  attached  to  Colleges,  to  which  I will 
briefly  allude  before  concluding.  If  Colleges  with  their  endowments  and  local 
interests,  provincial  or  county,  are  necessarily,  when  compared  with  Universi- 
ties, of  a national  character,  it  follows  that  the  education  which  they  will  ad- 
minister, will  also  be  national,  and  adapted  to  all  ranks  and  classes  of  the  com- 
munity. And  if  so,  then  again  it  follows,  that  they  will  be  far  more  given  to 
the  study  of  the  Arts  than  to  the  learned  professions,  or  to  any  special  class  of 
pursuits  at  all ; and  such  in  matter  of  fact  has  ever  been  the  case.  They  have 
inherited  under  changed  circumstances  the  position  of  the  monastic  teaching 
founded  by  Charlemagne,  and  have  continued  its  primitive  tradition,  through, 
and  in  spite  of,  the  noble  intellectual  developments,  to  which  Universities  have 
given  occasion.  The  Historical  link  between  the  Monasteries  and  the  Colleges 
have  been  the  Nations,  as  some  words  of  Antony  a Wood  about  the  latter  sug- 
gest, and  as  the  very  name  of  “ Nation  ” makes  probable ; and  indeed  the  Col- 
leges were  hardly  more  than  the  Nations  formally  established  and  endowed, 
with  Provosts  and  Wardens  in  the  place  of  Proctors. 

Bulieus  has  some  remarks  on  the  subject  of  Colleges,  which  illustrate  the 
points  I have  last  insisted  on,  and  several  others  which  have  previously  come 
before  us.  He  says: 

The  College  system  had  no  slight  influence  in  restoring  Latin  composition. 
Indeed  Letters  were  publicly  professed  in  Colleges,  and  that,  not  only  by  per- 
sons on  the  foundation,  but  by  others  also  who  lived  within  the  walls,  though 
external  to  the  body,  and  who  were  admitted  to  the  schools  of  the  Masters  and 
to  the  classes  in  a fixed  order  and  by  regulated  steps.  On  the  contrary,  we 
find  that  all  the  ancient  Colleges  were  established  for  the  education  and  in- 
struction of  poor  scholars,  members  of  the  foundation ; but  in  the  fifteenth 


896 


COLLEGES  AND  UNIVERSITIES. 


century  other  ranks  were  gradually  introduced  also.  By  this  means  the  lec- 
turer was  stimulated  by  the  largeness  of  the  classes,  and  the  pupil  by  emula- 
tion, while  the  opportunities  of  a truant  life  were  removed.  Accordingly  laws 
were  frequently  promulgated  and  statutes  passed,  with  a view  of  bringing  the 
martinets  and  wandering  scholars  within  the  walls  of  the  Colleges.  We  do 
not  know  exactly  when  this  practice  began ; it  is  generally  thought  that  the 
College  of  Navarre,  which  was  reformed  in  the  year  1464,  was  the  first  to  open 
its  gates  to  these  public  professors  of  letters.  It  is  certain,  that  in  former  ages 
the  teachers  of  grammar  and  rhetoric  had  schools  of  their  own,  or  hired  houses 
and  hostels,  where  they  received  pupils ; but  in  this  eentury,  teachers  of  gram- 
mar, or  of  rhetoric,  or  of  philosophy,  began  to  teach  within  the  Colleges. 

The  influence  of  the  College — of  the  constant  and  intimate  associate  of  its 
membership  on  the  social  and  political  life  of  the  country  is  immense.  When 
the  mind  is  most  impressible,  when  the  affections  are  warmest,  when  associa- 
tions are  made  for  life,  when  the  character  is  most  ingenuous  and  the  sentiment 
of  reverence  is  most  powerful,  the  future  landowner,  or  statesman,  or  lawyer, 
or  clergyman  comes  up  to  a College  in  the  Universities.  There  he  forms 
friendships,  there  he  spends  his  happiest  days;  and,  whatever  is  his  career 
there,  brilliant  or  obscure,  virtuous  or  vicious,  in  after  years,  when  he  looks 
back  on  the  past,  he  finds  himself  bound  by  ties  of  gratitude  and  regret  to  the 
memories  of  his  college  life.  He  has  received  favors  from  the  Fellows,  he  has 
dined  with  the  warden  or  provost ; he  has  unconsciously  imbibed  to  the  full 
the  beauty  and  the  music  of  the  place.  The  routine  of  duties  and  observances, 
the  preachings  and  the  examinations  and  the  lectures,  the  dresses  and  the 
ceremonies,  the  officials  whom  he  feared,  the  buildings  or  gardens  that  he  ad- 
mired, rest  upon  his  mind  and  his  heart,  and  the  shade  of  the  past  becomes  a 
sort  of  shrine  to  which  he  makes  continual  silent  offerings  of  attachment  and 
devotion.  It  is  a second  home,  not  so  tender,  but  more  noble  and  majestic  and 
authoritative.  Through  his  life  he  more  or  less  keeps  up  a connection  with  it 
and  its  successive  sojourners.  He  has  a brother  or  intimate  friend  on  the 
foundation,  or  he  is  training  up  his  son  to  be  a member  of  it.  When  then  he 
hears  that  a blow  is  leveled  afthe  colleges,  and  that  they  are  in  commotion — 
that  his  own  College,  Head,  and  Fellows,  have  met  together,  and  put  forward  a 
declaration  calling  on  its  members  to  come  up  and  rally  around  it  and  defend 
it,  a chord  is  struck  within  him,  more  thrilling  than  any  other ; he  burns  with 
esprit  de  corps  and  generous  indignation ; and  he  is  driven  up  to  the  scene  of 
his  early  education,  under  the  keenness  of  his  feelings,  to  vote,  to  sign,  to 
protest,  to  do  just  what  he  is  told  to  do,  from  confidence  in  the  truth  of  the 
representations  made  to  him,  and  from  sympathy  with  the  appeal.  He  appears 
on  the  scene  of  action  ready  for  battle  on  the  appointed  day.  and  there  he 
meets  others  like  himself,  brought  up  by  the  same  summons  ; he  gazes  on  old 
faces,  revives  old  friendships,  awakens  old  reminiscences,  and  goes  back  to  the 
country  with  the  renewed  freshness  of  youth  upon  him.  Thus,  wherever  you 
look,  to  the  north  or  south  of  England,  to  the  east  or  west,  you  find  the  interest 
of  the  colleges  dominant ; they  extend  their  roots  all  over  the  country,  and  can 
scarcely  be  overturned,  certainly  not  suddenly  overturned,  without  a revolution. 


UNivxnsiTY  Or 


V''  * ' • 


iA'-/  A'  Vi, 

'i,  ■••',  ‘ "' . * ' ' 

' -■: 


i'iijsV* 


xjr 

', 


.(  ■ ■ ■ •■  - ' _ 

V :r‘:  ‘‘V 


»•  . •► 
111'  ''•. 


ii. 


' ■',  '■'  V'O' 


IV,  T 


‘ ■' . “/i 


\ 


■J 

.5 


I 


J.\- 


:?3S! 

r:Ji 


r;-  ^ 


'“.X 

',5 


■ i- 


t' 


. > 


•\< 


<« 

;:^  V 

■.'■•'  ,vf 


ji- 


I .‘i'f;  ■ 


•v  ■ 


:! 


* 


'■,A- 


. >*■■  X 


■ 


•» 


i-''  -V 


t 


H:" 


r 


■i; 


>■ 


*t  '■ 


